Showing posts with label US Treasury Department. Show all posts
Showing posts with label US Treasury Department. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 15, 2017

Diary of John Hay: Tuesday, December 25, 1863

A lonesome sort of Christmas. I breakfasted, dined and supped alone. Went to the Theatre and saw Macbeth alone.

The President to-day got up a plan for extending to the people of the rebellious districts the practical benefits of the Proclamation. He is to send record-books to various points to receive subscriptions to the Oath, for which certificates will be given to the man taking the oath. He has also prepared a placard himself giving notice of the opening of the books and the nature of the oath required.

He sent the first of the books to Pierpoint to be used in Virginia. The second he will probably send to Arkansas.

The President was greatly amused at Greeley’s hasty Chase explosion and its elaborate explanation in the Tribune. He defended Gov. Chase from Phillips’ unjust attacks, saying that he thought Chase’s banking system rested on a sound basis of principle; that is, causing the capital of the country to become interested in the sustaining of the National credit. That this was the principal financial measure of Mr. Chase, in which he (L.) has taken an especial interest. Mr. C had frequently consulted him in regard to it. He had generally delegated to Mr. C exclusive control of those matters falling within the province of his Department. This matter he had shared in to some extent. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 144-5; for the entire diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letter of John Hay, p. 144-5.

Wednesday, January 18, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Friday, July 15, 1864

Remained in camp until 8 o'clock a. m. and then marched up Pennsylvania Avenue by the Treasury, White House and War Department, amidst a continuous ovation for fully three miles. Great respect was shown our Division, as it was known that it was its stubborn fighting at Monocacy that had saved Washington, and the sidewalks, windows, balconies, housetops, etc., were thronged with enthusiastic people. The business-like appearance of our regiment, its proud bearing, fine cadence and marching, its weather-beaten, tattered old battle flags all in strings from shot and shell, as well as the men's clothes, its splendid band, together with the evergreen sprig proudly worn by some of us, which always gains us recognition, captured the crowd, and the heartiness of our deserved ovation over all other regiments in line was very noticeable. It was a proud day for the plucky Tenth Vermont, never to be forgotten — even prouder than when showered with flowers on our return home at Burlington a year later — for we were the feature of the parade — real live heroic Green Mountain Boys, as true and valiant as was ever Ethan Allen. We had a right to be proud, for hadn't we proved to the world many times what Meade said to us at Spottsylvania and Sedgwick at the Wilderness, when some wag said to Meade at Spottsylvania when in rear of our regiment, as the lines were being hastily formed for assault on the enemy a stone's throw away, that he was in a dangerous place, and he replied, “I'm safe enough behind a Vermont regiment, anywhere?” We marched via Georgetown and Tennallytown to within a few miles of Offutt's crossroads and bivouacked. It is rumored that we are to join our corps at Poolesville. Probably we shall have to chase the enemy down the Shenandoah Valley again. As the Sixth Corps is the best marching, fighting and most reliable one in the army, I reckon Grant and Meade knew what they were about when they concluded to send it after Early. Now, if they will only send us Sheridan, we will lick the whole rebel army if they will set it on to us in detail, and finish up the war.*
_______________

*As General Sheridan was soon sent us, this prediction was as good as proven, but many a poor fellow bit the dust first.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 122-3

Saturday, July 23, 2016

William Cullen Bryant to Abraham Lincoln, January 3, 1861

New York January 3d 1861.
My dear Sir,

I have this moment received your note Nothing could be more fair or more satisfactory than the principle you lay down in regard to the formation of your council of official advisers. I shall always be convinced that whatever selection you make it will be made conscientiously.

The community here had been somewhat startled this morning by the positiveness with which a report had been circulated, reaching this city from Washington that Mr. Simon Cameron was to be placed in the Treasury Department. Forgive me if I state to you how we all should regard such an appointment – I believe I may speak for all parties, except perhaps some of the most corrupt in our own – The objection to Mr. Cameron would not be that he does not opinion hold such opinions as we approve, but that there is among all who have observed the course of our public men an utter, ancient and deep seated dullness of his integrity – whether financial or political. The announcement of his appointment, if made on any authority deserving of credit would diffuse a feeling almost like despair. I have no prejudices against Mr Cameron except such as arise from observing in what transactions he has been engaged as I have reason to suppose that whatever opinion had been formed respecting him in this part of the country has been formed on perfectly impartial and disinterested grounds. I pray you, again, to excuse this my giving you this trouble. Do not reply to this letter – Only let us have honest rigidly upright men in the departments – whatever may be their notions of public policy. I am, dear Sir,

Very truly &c &c
W C Bryant
Hon. A. Lincoln.


William Cullen Bryant to Abraham Lincoln, January 4, 1861

New York January 4th 1861.
My dear Sir,

I wrote to you yesterday concerning the rumored intention to give Mr. Simon Cameron of Pennsylvania a place in the Cabinet which you are to form. I had then scarcely spoken to any body on the subject, but since that time I have heard the matter much discussed and I assure you that the general feeling is one of consternation.

Mr. Cameron has the reputation of being concerned in some of the worst intrigues of the democratic party a few years back. His name suggests to every honest Republican in this State no other than disgusting associations, and they will expect nothing from him when in office but repetition of such transactions. At present those who favor his appointment, in this State, are the men who last winter seduced our legislature into that shamefully corrupt course by which it was disgraced. If he is to form one of the Cabinet, the Treasury Department, which rumor assigns him, is the very last of the public interests which ought to be committed to his charge.

In the late election, the Republican party, throughout the Union, struggled not only to overthrow the party that sought the extension of slavery, but also to secure a pure and virtuous administration of the government. The first of these objects we have fully attained, but if such men as Mr. Cameron are to compose the Cabinet, however pure and upright the Chief Magistrate may himself be, and it is our pride and rejoicing that in the present instance we know him to be so, – we shall not have succeeded in the second.

There is no scarcity of able and upright men who would preside over the Treasury department with honor. I believe Mr. Gideon Welles of Hartford has been spoken of. There is no more truly honest man, and he is equally wise and enlightened. We have a man here in New York whom I should rejoice to see at the head of that department, Mr Opdyke, the late Republican candidate for Mayor of this city a man who had made finance the subject of long and profound study, and whom no possible temptation could move from his integrity. If a man from Pennsylvania is wanted, that State has such whose probity has never been questioned – so that there will be no need to take up with a man hackneyed in those practices which make politics a sordid game played for the promotion of personal interests.

I must again ask you to pardon this freedom for the sake of its motive. It has cost me some effort to break through my usual reserve on such matters, but I feel a greater interest in the success and honor of your administration than in that of any which have preceded it

I am dear sir, truly yours,
W C Bryant
Hon. A. Lincoln


[An extract from this letter, though misdated as February 5, 1861, may be found in Parke Godwin’s, A Biography of William Cullen Bryant, Volume 1, p. 152-3 included below:]

New York, February 5th, 1861

I wrote to you yesterday! in regard to the rumored intention of giving Mr. Simon Cameron, of Pennsylvania, a place in the Cabinet. I had not then spoken much with others of our party, but I have since heard the matter discussed, and the general feeling is one of consternation. Mr. Cameron has the reputation of being concerned in some of the worst intrigues of the Democratic party. His name suggests to every honest Republican in the State no other associations than these. At present, those who favor his appointment in this State are the men who last winter so shamefully corrupted our Legislature. If he is to have a place in the Cabinet at all, the Treasury department is the last of our public interests that ought to be committed to his hands.

In the last election, the Republican party did not strive simply for the control, but one of the great objects was to secure a pure and virtuous administration of the Government. In the first respect we have succeeded; but, if such men as Cameron are to form the Cabinet, we shall not have succeeded in the second. There are able men who would fill the place of Secretary of the Treasury whose integrity is tried and acknowledged. I believe Mr. Gideon Welles, of Hartford, has been spoken of. There is no more truly upright man, and few men in public life are so intelligent. If we look to New York, we have Mr. Opdyke, the late Republican candidate for Mayor of this city, a man also who has made finance a long study, and whom no temptation could cause to swerve in the least respect from the path of right. [Illegible.] . . .

SOURCES: Abraham Lincoln Papers in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Parke Godwin, A Biography of William Cullen Bryant, Volume 1, p. 152-3

Saturday, July 16, 2016

William Cullen Bryant to Abraham Lincoln, January 22, 1861

New York January 22, 1861.
My dear Sir.

At the risk of being deemed somewhat troublesome, yet with the greatest respect and deference, I take the liberty of addressing you once more on the subject of your cabinet appointments.

I believe you do not differ with me in regard to the importance of giving Mr. Chase a place in the Cabinet, as one whose wisdom, rigid integrity and force of character would make him a most safe counsellor and efficient coadjutor of the Chief Magistrate, not to speak of the need of his presence as a counter poise to another member, who, to commanding talents, joins a flexible and in[d]ulgent temper, and unsafe associations. The appointment of Mr. Chase would give a feeling of security and confidence to the public mind which the rascalities of Mr. Buchanan's cabinet have made exceedingly sensitive and jealous, and would, it seems to me, settle the point in advance that the new administration will be both honored and beloved. For some time to come the federal government must depend largely upon its credit for its resources, and how potent is the effect of placing an honest and economical man at the head of the Treasury Department, is shown by an example now before our eyes. General Dix, with all his mistakes, is a man of unquestioned integrity, and his appointment as Secretary of the Treasury has already greatly raised the credit of the government brought so low by the misconduct of Cobb.

Now, according to what I learn from Mr. Opdyke, who has just returned from Ohio, it is nearly certain that Mr. Chase would not take a place in the Cabinet, unless it were offered him early. He is not inclined to do it at all, preferring a seat in the Senate, but this preference he would forego; yet there are, I am told, some personal reasons, as well as others connected with the choice of his successor in the Senate, that will, if the offer be delayed, induce him to remain where he is. I am not a judge of the force of these reasons; it is enough that they exist.

The only motive for delay is the hope of pacifying Mr. Cameron and his friends. It is thought here, by some who know him to be very tenacious of his purposes, that there is no probablility of doing this effectually, whether the offer to Mr. Chase be postponed or not. If, however, it be possible to satisfy him, it is to be considered, whether it will not be as easily done after Mr. Chase shall have been fixed upon as now, and whether the hope of obtaining better terms may not lead Mr Cameron to affect to spurn any reconciliation, as long as the appointment which he expected is kept open. One thing, however, is perfectly clear, that by failing to secure the services of Mr. Chase in the Treasury Department, both the country and the Republican party will lose infinitely more than the incoming administration can possibly suffer from the enmity of Mr. Cameron and his adherents.

I leave this subject here, that I may say a single word on another. From Mr Opdyke, I learn, that in a letter written to you some weeks since, on the subject of “protection,” I did not make myself fully understood. It seemed to me that I had clearly expressed my meaning when I said, that those who thought with me were “willing that this should be an open question.” I wished merely to express a hope that the administration would not throw its entire influence on the side of protection. The Republican party not being agreed among themselves on this point, the cabinet policy as it seemed to me, should be so moderated, not to disaffect the friends of free trade.

I am, dear Sir,
truly yours
W. C. Bryant.
Hon. A. Lincoln.
_______________

[An earlier draft of this letter can be found in Parke Godwin’s, A Biography of William Cullen Bryant, Volume 1, p. 150-2 included below:]

New York, January 21, 1861: At some risk of being deemed troublesome, yet with the greatest respect and deference, I take the liberty of addressing you once more on the subject of the Cabinet appointments. I believe you do not differ with me in regard to the importance of giving Mr. Chase a place in the Cabinet, as one whose wisdom, rigid integrity, and force of character would make him a most safe counsellor and efficient co-operator, not to speak of the need of his presence there as a counterpoise to the one who joins to commanding talents a flexible and indulgent temper of mind and unsafe associations.

The appointment of Mr. Chase would give a feeling of security and confidence to the public mind which the rascalities of Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet have made exceedingly sensitive and jealous, and would, it seems to me, settle the point in advance that the new administration will be both honored and beloved. The Government will be compelled, for the next four years, to depend somewhat for resources upon its credit, and how important it is to have an honest and economical man at the head of the Treasury Department is shown by an example now before our eyes. The appointment of General Dix as Secretary of the Treasury, who, with all his mistakes, is a man of incorruptible honesty, had already greatly raised the credit of the Government, brought so low by the misconduct of Cobb.

Setting out with this position, I proceed to remark that, from what I learn through Mr. Opdyke, who has just seen Mr. Chase, it is not certain that Mr. Chase would take a place in the Cabinet unless it were offered to him early. He is not inclined to do it at all, preferring a seat in the Senate; and there are, I am told, some personal reasons, and others, connected with the choice of his successor in the Senate, that will, if the offer were delayed, induce him to remain where he is. I am not a judge of the force of these reasons, but am only certain that they exist. The only occasion for delaying is the hope of satisfying Mr. Cameron and his friends. It is thought by some who know him to be very tenacious of his purposes, that there is no probability of doing this effectually, whether the appointment of Mr. Chase be delayed or not. If, however, it be possible to satisfy him, it is to be considered whether it will not be as easy to do it after the offer be made to Mr. Chase as now, and whether the hope of obtaining better terms for him will not induce Mr. Cameron to affect to spurn any reconciliation as long as the appointment which he expects is kept open. One thing, however, is perfectly clear — that, by losing the chance of securing the services of Mr. Chase in the Treasury department, both the country and the Republican party will lose infinitely more than the administration could possibly suffer from the enmity of Mr. Cameron and his adherents.

I leave this subject here, that I may say a single word upon another. I learn from Mr. Opdyke that, in a letter written to you some time since on the subject of “protection,” I did not make myself fully understood. I thought I had clearly expressed my meaning when I said that those who thought with me were “willing that this should be an open question.” I wished merely to express a hope that the administration would not throw its entire influence on the side of protection. The Republican party, not being agreed among themselves in regard to this matter, the [cabinet] policy, it seems to me, should be extremely moderate, and not calculated to disaffect either side.

SOURCES: Abraham Lincoln Papers in the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.; Parke Godwin, A Biography of William Cullen Bryant, Volume 1, p. 150-2

Thursday, March 17, 2016

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, October 3, 1862

Chase tells me that Stanton has called on him to say he deemed it his duty to resign, being satisfied he could no longer be useful in the War Department. There are, Chase says, unpaid requisitions on his table at this time to the amount of $45,000,000 from the War Department, and things are in every respect growing worse daily. Perhaps Chase really believes Stanton, who no more intends resigning than the President or Seward does. I remarked that the disagreement between the Secretary of War and the generals in command must inevitably work disastrously, that I had for some time foreseen this, and the declaration of Stanton did not surprise me. He could scarcely do otherwise; he could not get along if these differences continued, but sooner or later he or the generals, or the whole, must go. My remarks were, I saw, not expected or acceptable. Chase said if Stanton went, he would go. It was due to Stanton and to ourselves that we should stand by him, and if one goes out, all had better go, certainly he would.

This, I told him, was not my view. If it were best for the country that all should go, then certainly all ought to leave without hesitation or delay; but it did not follow because one must leave, for any cause, that all should. I did not admire combinations among officials, preferred individuality, and did not think it advisable that we should all make our action dependent on the movements or difficulties of the Secretary of War, who, like all of us, had embarrassments and might not himself be exempt from error. There were many things in the Administration which he and I wished were different. He desired me to think the matter over. Said, with much feeling, things were serious, that he could not stand it, that the army was crushing him, and would crush the country. Says the President takes counsel of none but army officers in army matters, though the Treasury and Navy ought to be informed of the particulars of every movement. This is Stanton's complaint infused into Chase, and has some foundation, though it is but part of the evil. This demonstration of Stanton's is for effect and will fail.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 160-1

Tuesday, September 1, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Wednesday, October 1, 1862

Seward came to Department and we talked over foreign relations, particularly as connected with cotton. Showed him my reply to his note of yesterday. He thought it would not answer, as his assurances, coupled with Butler's and Grant's Orders, committed us too far. I said I would modify it. After he left, altered my reply and sent it.

Examined Regulations concerning trade with blockaded ports, and War Orders.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 100

Sunday, August 16, 2015

Edward S. Philbrick: February 19, 1862

Boston, February 19, 1862.

Dear –––: I think you will not be greatly astonished when I tell you that I am off for Port Royal next week. I go under the auspices of the Educational Commission to make myself generally useful in whatever way I can, in reducing some amount of order and industry from the mass of eight or ten thousand contrabands now within our lines there. Boston is wide awake on the subject, and I am determined to see if something can't be done to prove that the blacks will work for other motives than the lash.

The Treasury Department offer subsistence, protection, transportation, and the War Department offer their hearty cooperation to the work undertaken here by private citizens, but can't take any more active part at present for reasons obvious. They ridicule the idea , that these blacks can ever again be claimed by their runaway masters, which is a satisfactory foundation for our exertions in overseeing their labor and general deportment.

You don't know what a satisfaction it is to feel at last that there is a chance for me to do something in this great work that is going on.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Ware Pearson, Editor, Letters from Port Royal Written at the Time of the Civil War, p. 1-2

Sunday, June 28, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Sunday, September 14, 1862

Went to Methodist Church. Mr. Brown preached good sermon. — Afterwards called to enquire for Mrs. Douglas, who, I found, had passed a bad night, but was better.

Went to War Department. Despatches from McClellan to the President — also to Genl. Halleck. First, complimentary respects to Mrs. Lincoln; ladies enthusiastic welcome of McClellan and his army “us.” The second states getting possession of Lee's Order to Hill of 10th. troops from various directions to attack Martinsburg and Harpers Ferry on the 12th. — capture both — and then reunite at Hagerstown; — White had anticipated the enemy by joining Miles at Harpers Ferry, where the enemy made vigorous attack yesterday; — courier from Miles says he can hold out two days, but enemy is in possession of Maryland Heights; —  McC. hopes before two days to relieve Miles—is already in possession of Middleton and Jefferson; — estimates rebel force in Maryland at 125,000 thinks defeat of his army would be ruinous, and therefore better to spare all troops from Washington than suffer it; — anticipates great battle tomorrow, Monday; — enemy don't mean to go back to Virginia, but thinks Lee has blundered and hopes to make him repent of it. — Watson rode with me.

Read several books, especially article in “Revue des deux Mondes” on the soul. In the evening, Mr. Case called and talked of Politics and Spiritualism — especially the last, in which he is a firm believer. Says he receives letters from the inhabitants of the Sixth and other Spheres, among whom are Calhoun, Brutus and others that there is a council of the 6th., presided over by Washington, to which the control of this war is committed; that Richmond will be taken about Dec. 1st., and Charleston early in the Spring. — Dr. Rabe called and talked over California matters. Seems to have been very unfairly and unjustly dealt with. Thinks Hoffman excellent man — also Sharp, Dist. Atty. Thinks Phelps or , a partisan of Fremont, will be elected Senator. Rand, new Marshal, is one of Palmer, Cook & Co. set. Advised him to examine papers, and, if possible, refute charges and be restored.

Mr. Varnum, of N. Y., and his cousin, from Mass., came in and talked a little. Nothing important.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 81-2

Saturday, June 6, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Tuesday, September 9, 1862

Maj. Andrews came to breakfast. Told him I had seen Secretary of War, who had assured me that Col. Crook's commission as Brigadier had been sent him.

Went to Department. Directed Commission for 10th New York district to be sent to Hyatt. Directed Mr. Rogers to proceed to New York and expedite alteration in Exchange and Custom House, and make proper contracts for the same.

Went to President's to attend Cabinet Meeting, but there was only a talk. I proposed the creation of a Department beyond the Mississippi and that Clay be placed in command, with whom Frank P. Blair should be associated; and that an Expedition should be organized to Petersburgh and afterwards to Charleston.

Genl. Van Ransellaer called to ask my interest for him as Paymaster-General; and Mr. Carroll, to ask the same for Genl. Griffin. — Went to War Department, where Watson told me that Genl. McClellan had telegraphed expressing doubt if there was any large rebel force in Maryland, and apprehension that their movement might be a feint. — Watson dined with me. Read him Denison's letter from New-Orleans about evacuation of Baton Rouge — Butler's black Regiment — etc., etc.

Just after dinner, Capt. —— came in with Mr. G—,who had been arrested near Soldiers' Home as a suspicious character — taken before Genl. Wadsworth, to whom he said he was known to me — sent by Genl. W. to me — identified and discharged. He is an Englishman of a Manchester House, who brought a letter from Mr. Sayard to acting Minister Stuart, by whom he had been commended to me. Riding around to gratify curiosity he had fallen into trouble.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 71

Saturday, May 16, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Saturday, September 6, 1862

Genl. and Mrs. Worthington breakfasted with me; — also Genl. McDowell and Mr. Haven[.]

After Breakfast, Genl. McDowell read me the draft of his letter, which I thought excellent, but suggested one or two modifications which he adopted. I then went to the Department.

Soon after, the President came in, and asked what McDowell had determined to do. I told him. “Where is the letter?” He took it, intending to have it copied I suppose. “Well, it ought to be done immediately; for the corps must march, and Genl. Halleck feels that he must be relieved, at all events, from command. Where can he be found?” — “I cannot tell. An orderly, no doubt, can find him.” The President went away, and, later in the day, I heard that Genl. McDowell had been relieved at his own request. He came in himself, afterwards, stating the fact and adding. “I did not ask to be relieved — I only asked for a court.” I explained as well as I could, and he left me.

Afterwards, I started to War Department, but meet Seward, who said Stanton was not there. Went to President's, where Stanton was. He spoke of McDowell's letter, and praised it in the strongest terms.

Mr. Barney came this morning about the labor contract in New York, about which quite a difference of opinion and interest exists — one or two of our most influential journals being concerned in its continuance. The question was, whether the Contract, by its own terms, was not limited to three years, and whether an extension of it beyond that time would be, in reality, a new Contract. Doubting on the point, I referred it to the Attorney-General, who returned an answer expressing a decided opinion that the Contract was so limited and could not be extended without a new Contract. — Before receiving this opinion, I telegraphed Mr. Field to come on, if he desired to say anything further!

In the evening, Genl. Pope came in. He expressed strong indignation against Fitz-John Porter and McClellan, who had, as he believed, prevented his success. He wanted his Report published, as an act of justice to himself and his army. I stated my objection to present publication, on the ground of injury to service at this critical time; but said that a General Order, thanking his army for what they had done ought to be promulgated. He said this would be satisfactory, (partially so, at least) but that Halleck would not publish one. I said, I would see the President and urge it.

(Mr Barney and others also called, — B. having declined invitation to breakfast, but said he would come at nine, to meet Field who telegraphed he would come and call at that hour. — ) Maj. Andrews came in and spoke so of Col. Crook, that I agreed to ask that he be make Brigadier-General. Major Andrew wrote a statement of what Crook did in Western Virginia.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 67-8

Sunday, March 29, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Sunday, August 31, 1862

Much busied at Department to-day, although it is Sunday; and spent much time with the President, endeavoring to close appointments under Tax Law.

David Dudley Field called and said we had sustained a serious defeat yesterday, and that the Secretary of War wished to see me. Went to the Department and found that Genl. Pope had, in fact, been defeated partially, and had fallen back to Centreville. Fitz John Porter was not in the battle, nor was Franklin or Sumner, with whose corps the result would have probably been very different. Little fighting to-day. Clerks went out to battle-field as nurses, Mr. Harrington went with them.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 62-3

Monday, March 9, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Tuesday, August 19, 1862

Col. Corcoran and Mr. Mellen breakfasted with me. Col. C. gave interesting particulars of rebellion, and thinks their force larger than I have supposed. He says, however, that their rolling-stock and roads are in such bad order that no more than 300 can be moved at a time.

R. G. Corwin, J. G. Gest and Rep. Steele called — all about Collectorships. Went to Department, and sent Ohio appointments to the President.

Went to Cabinet. President uneasy about Pope. He sent to War Department for telegrams. There was one from Pope, at Culpeper, retiring across Rappahannock, while the force of the enemy was beyond the Rapidan at Gordonsville; one from Burnside, at Falmouth, saying that the first division of the Army of the Potomac will reach Aquia this evening. Nothing more of immediate importance.—Troops coming in to-day — 11,000 already arrived. Money wanted for Bounties.

Returning to Department, telegraphed Cisco to negotiate three or four millions at rate not more than one per cent below market. Stock telegram states sales to-day at 53-8 to 51-2.

Closed Indiana appointments. Signed letter transmitting Pennsylvania recommendations to President. Spent much time with Weed over New-York appointments. Ely called, and I advised him to come to-morrow. Thomas Brown called, and gave interesting personal history. Dined, at 7, with Messrs. Roselius, Cottman and Bullitt — only guests, Col. Seaton, Reverdy Johnson and myself. Went to War Department. Met Stanton in the hall, and took him in my carriage to his house. He was much dissatisfied with the President's lack of decision, especially as to McClellan. Thinks Burnside too partial to McClellan to be safe.

Home. Read a little.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 61-2

Saturday, February 14, 2015

Diary of William Howard Russell: March 26, 1861

After our pleasant breakfast came that necessity for activity which makes such meals disguised as mere light morning repasts take their revenge. I had to pack up, and I am bound to say the moral aid afforded me by the waiter, who stood with a sympathizing expression of face, and looked on as I wrestled with boots, books, and great coats, was of a most comprehensive character. At last I conquered, and at six o'clock p. m. I left the Clarendon, and was conveyed over the roughest and most execrable pavements through several miles of unsympathetic, gloomy, dirty streets, and crowded thoroughfares, over jaw-wrenching street-railway tracks, to a large wooden shed covered with inscriptions respecting routes and destinations on the bank of the river, which as far as the eye could see, was bordered by similar establishments, where my baggage was deposited in the mud. There were no porters, none of the recognized and established aids to locomotion to which we are accustomed in Europe, but a number of amateurs divided the spoil, and carried it into the offices, whilst I was directed to struggle for my ticket in another little wooden box, from which I presently received the necessary document, full of the dreadful warnings and conditions, which railway companies inflict on the public in all free countries.

The whole of my luggage, except a large bag, was taken charge of by a man at the New York side of the ferry, who “checked it through” to the capital — giving me a slip of brass with a number corresponding with a brass ticket for each piece. When the boat arrived at the stage at the other side of the Hudson, in my innocence I called for a porter to take my bag. The passengers were moving out of the capacious ferry-boat in a steady stream, and the steam throat and bell of the engine were going whilst I was looking for my porter; but at last a gentleman passing, said, “I guess y'ill remain here a considerable time before y'ill get any one to come for that bag of yours;” and taking the hint, I just got off in time to stumble into a long box on wheels, with a double row of most uncomfortable seats, and a passage down the middle, where I found a place beside Mr. Sanford, the newly-appointed United States Minister to Belgium, who was kind enough to take me under his charge to Washington.

The night was closing in very fast as the train started, but such glimpses as I had of the continuous line of pretty-looking villages of wooden houses, two stories high, painted white, each with its Corinthian portico, gave a most favorable impression of the comfort and prosperity of the people. The rail passed through the main street of most of these hamlets and villages, and the bell of the engine was tolled to warn the inhabitants, who drew up on the sidewalks, and let us go by. Soon the white houses faded away into faint blurred marks on the black ground of the landscape, or twinkled with starlike lights, and there was nothing more to see. The passengers were crowded as close as they could pack, and as there was an immense iron stove in the centre of the car, the heat and stuffiness became most trying, although I had been undergoing the ordeal of the stove-heated New York houses for nearly a week. Once a minute, at least, the door at either end of the carriage was opened, and then closed with a sharp, crashing noise, that jarred the nerves, and effectually prevented sleep. It generally was done by a man whose sole object seemed to be to walk up the centre of the carriage in order to go out of the opposite door —occasionally it was the work of a newspaper boy, with a sheaf of journals and trashy illustrated papers under his arm. Now and then it was the conductor; but the periodical visitor was a young gentleman with chain and rings, who bore a tray before him, and solicited orders for “gum drops,” and “lemon drops,” which, with tobacco, apples, and cakes, were consumed in great quantities by the passengers

At ten o'clock, P.M., we crossed the river by a ferry-boat to Philadelphia, and drove through the streets, stopping for supper a few moments at the La Pierre Hotel. To judge from the vast extent of the streets, of small, low, yet snug-looking houses, through which we passed, Philadelphia must contain in comfort the largest number of small householders of any city in the world. At the other terminus of the rail, to which we drove in a carriage, we procured for a small sum, a dollar I think, berths in a sleeping-car, an American institution of considerable merit. Unfortunately a party of prize-fighters had a mind to make themselves comfortable, and the result was anything but conducive to sleep. They had plenty of whiskey, and were full of song and fight, nor was it possible to escape their urgent solicitations “to take a drink,” by feigning the soundest sleep. One of these, a big man, with a broken nose, a mellow eye, and a very large display of rings, jewels, chains, and pins, was in very high spirits, and informed us he was “Going to Washington to get a foreign mission from Bill Seward. He wouldn't take Paris, as he didn't care much about French or Frenchmen; but he'd just like to show John Bull how to do it; or he'd take Japan if they were very pressing.” Another told us he was “Going to the bosom of Uncle Abe” (meaning the President) — “that he knew him well in Kentucky years ago, and a high-toned gentleman he was.” Any attempts to persuade them to retire to rest made by the conductors were treated with sovereign contempt; but at last whiskey asserted its supremacy, and having established the point that they “would not sleep unless they pleased,” they slept and snored.

At six, A. M., we were roused up by the arrival of the train at Washington, having crossed great rivers and traversed cities without knowing it during the night. I looked out and saw a vast mass of white marble towering above us on the left, stretching out in colonnaded porticoes, and long flanks of windowed masonry, and surmounted by an unfinished cupola, from which scaffold and cranes raised their black arms. This was the Capitol. To the right was a cleared space of mud, sand, and fields, studded with wooden sheds and huts, beyond which, again, could be seen rudimentary streets of small red brick houses, and some church-spires above them.

Emerging from the station, we found a vociferous crowd of blacks, who were the hackney-coachmen of the place; but Mr. Sanford had his carriage in waiting, and drove me straight to Willard's Hotel where he consigned me to the landlord at the bar. Our route lay through Pennsylvania Avenue — a street of much breadth and length, lined with Ó•lanthus trees, each in a white-washed wooden sentry-box, and by most irregularly-built houses in all kinds of material, from deal plank to marble — of all heights, and every sort of trade. Few shop-windows were open, and the principal population consisted of blacks, who were moving about on domestic affairs. At one end of the long vista there is the Capitol; and at the other, the Treasury buildings — a fine block in marble, with the usual American classical colonnades.

Close to these rises the great pile of Willard's Hotel, now occupied by applicants for office, and by the members of the newly-assembled Congress. It is a quadrangular mass of rooms, six stories high, and some hundred yards square; and it probably contains at this moment more scheming, plotting, planning heads, more aching and joyful hearts, than any building of the same size ever held in the world. I was ushered into a bedroom which had just been vacated by some candidate — whether he succeeded or not I cannot tell, but if his testimonials spoke truth, he ought to have been selected at once for the highest office. The room was littered with printed copies of letters testifying that J. Smith, of Hartford, Conn., was about the ablest, honestest, cleverest, and best man the writers ever knew. Up and down the long passages doors were opening and shutting for men with papers bulging out of their pockets, who hurried as if for their life in and out, and the building almost shook with the tread of the candidature, which did not always in its present aspect justify the correctness of the original appellation.

It was a remarkable sight, and difficult to understand unless seen. From California, Texas, from the Indian Reserves, and the Mormon Territory, from Nebraska, as from the remotest borders of Minnesota, from every portion of the vast territories of the Union, except from the Seceded States, the triumphant Republicans had winged their way to the prey.

There were crowds in the hall through which one could scarce make his way — the writing-room was crowded, and the rustle of pens rose to a little breeze — the smoking-room, the bar, the barber's, the reception-room, the ladies' drawing-room — all were crowded. At present not less than 2,500 people dine in the public room every day. On the kitchen floor there is a vast apartment, a hall without carpets or any furniture but plain chairs and tables, which are ranged in close rows, at which flocks of people are feeding, or discoursing, or from which they are flying away. The servants never cease shoving the chairs to and fro with a harsh screeching noise over the floor, so that one can scarce hear his neighbor speak. If he did, he would probably hear as I did, at this very hotel, a man order breakfast, “Black tea and toast, scrambled eggs, fresh spring shad, wild pigeon, pigs' feet, two robins on toast, oysters,” and a quantity of breads and cakes of various denominations. The waste consequent on such orders is enormous — and the ability required to conduct these enormous establishments successfully is expressed by the common phrase in the States, “Brown is a clever man, but he can't manage an hotel.” The tumult, the miscellaneous nature of the company — my friends the prize-fighters are already in possession of the doorway — the heated, muggy rooms, not to speak of the great abominableness of the passages and halls, despite a most liberal provision of spittoons, conduce to render these institutions by no means agreeable to a European. Late in the day I succeeded in obtaining a sitting-room with a small bedroom attached, which made me somewhat more independent and comfortable — but you must pay highly for any departure from the routine life of the natives. Ladies enjoy a handsome drawing-room, with piano, sofas, and easy chairs, all to themselves.

I dined at Mr. Sanford's, where I was introduced to Mr. Seward, Secretary of State; Mr. Truman Smith, an ex-senator, much respected among the Republican party; Mr. Anthony, a senator of the United States, a journalist, a very intelligent-looking man, with an Israelitish cast of face; Colonel Foster of the Illinois railway, of reputation in the States as a geologist; and one or two more gentlemen. Mr. Seward is a slight, middle-sized man, of feeble build, with the stoop contracted from sedentary habits and application to the desk, and has a peculiar attitude when seated, which immediately attracts attention. A well-formed and large head is placed on a long slender neck, and projects over the chest in an argumentative kind of way, as if the keen eyes were seeking for an adversary; the mouth is remarkably flexible, large but well-formed, the nose prominent and aquiline, the eyes secret, but penetrating, and lively with humor of some kind twinkling about them; the brow bold and broad, but not remarkably elevated; the white hair silvery and fine — a subtle, quick man, rejoicing in power, given to perorate and to oracular utterances, fond of badinage, bursting with the importance of state mysteries, and with the dignity of directing the foreign policy of the greatest country — as all Americans think — in the world. After dinner he told some stories of the pressure on the President for place, which very much amused the guests who knew the men, and talked freely and pleasantly of many things — stating, however, few facts positively. In reference to an assertion in a New York paper, that orders had been given to evacuate Sumter, “That,” he said, “is a plain lie — no such orders have been given. We will give up nothing we have — abandon nothing that has been intrusted to us. If people would only read these statements by the light of the President's inaugural, they would not be deceived.” He wanted no extra session of Congress. “History tells us that kings who call extra parliaments lose their heads,” and he informed the company he had impressed the President with his historical parallels.

All through this conversation his tone was that of a man very sanguine, and with a supreme contempt for those who thought there was anything serious in secession. “Why,” said he, “I myself, my brothers, and sisters, have been all secessionists — we seceded from home when we were young, but we all went back to it sooner or later. These States will all come back in the same way.” I doubt if he was ever in the South; but he affirmed that the state of living and of society there was something like that in the State of New York sixty or seventy years ago. In the North all was life, enterprise, industry, mechanical skill. In the South there was dependence on black labor, and an idle extravagance which was mistaken for elegant luxury — tumble-down old hackney-coaches, such as had not been seen north of the Potomac for half a century, harness never cleaned, ungroomed horses, worked at the mill one day and sent to town the next, badly furnished houses, bad cookery, imperfect education. No parallel could be drawn between them and the Northern States at all. “You are all very angry,” he said, “about the Morrill tariff. You must, however, let us be best judges of our own affairs. If we judge rightly, you have no right to complain; if we judge wrongly, we shall soon be taught by the results, and shall correct our error. It is evident that if the Morrill tariff fulfils expectations, and raises a revenue, British manufacturers suffer nothing, and we suffer nothing, for the revenue is raised here, and trade is not injured. If the tariff fails to create a revenue, we shall be driven to modify or repeal it.”

The company addressed him as “Governor,” which led to Mr. Seward's mentioning that when he was in England he was induced to put his name down with that prefix in a hotel book, and caused a discussion among the waiters as to whether he was the “Governor” of a prison or of a public company. I hope the great people of England treated Mr. Seward with the attention due to his position, as he would assuredly feel and resent very much any slight on the part of those in high places. From what he said, however, I infer that he was satisfied with the reception he had met in London. Like most Americans who can afford it, he has been up the Nile. The weird old stream has great fascinations for the people of the Mississippi — as far at least as the first cataract.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 30-6

Monday, January 12, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Saturday, August 2, 1862


At Department all day — went neither to the President's nor the War Department.

Genl. Shields called and talked over movement up the Shenandoah. He told me that when he received peremptory orders to return, he had held communication with Fremont and Jackson's capture was certain. I told him of my urgency that McDowell should be ordered forward with his entire command from Warrenton, per Front Royal, to Charlottesville and Lynchburg; that the President was not ready to act; that McDowell himself was apparently disinclined, preferring concentration at Manassas and then advance to Richmond. Plain enough now, he said, that this was the true movement. He had himself telegraphed McDowell that Jackson would be Pattersonized by recall of troops from pursuit. The troops were, nevertheless, recalled and by peremptory orders from the President himself, those of Shields were directed to return to Manassas and those of Fremont to resume position as a corps of observation.

It was a terrible mistake. It would have been easy to take Charlottesville and Lynchburg — very easy; the capture of Jackson, though not at the time seen at Washington to be practicable was, nevertheless, within easy possibility; his defeat and the dispersion of his force certain. Our troops were called off when they were just upon him. The course of the whole movement was changed, for no reason that I could see. Charlottesville and Lynchburg were saved to the enemy, with their stores and the Rail Roads on which they are situated, forming the great East and West communication of the rebels. A wide door for Jackson to Richmond was opened — the very door through which, a little later, he passed; fell in cooperation with the rebel army at Richmond, on McClellan's right, left unsupported as if to invite disaster; defeated it; and then, with the same army, pursued the Union main body to the James. Sad! sad! yet nobody seems to heed. Genl. Shields and I talked this all over, deploring the strange fatality which seemed to preside over the whole transaction. He dined with us; and after dinner, rode out with brother Edward and Nettie.

1. I. e., weakened as Patterson was by recall of troops to defend Washington the latter part of June 1861.

In the evening, several callers came in. Beebe, from Ravenna, a faithful friend — John R. French — Smith Homans — Chas. Selden — and some others. Selden says that at Cincinnati, old Mr. Molitor and Rev'd. Edw. Purcell spoke very kindly of me.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 52-3

Saturday, January 10, 2015

William Cullen Bryant to John M. Forbes, August 27, 1861

Office Of The Evening Post,
New York, August 27, 1861.

I do not much like the idea of putting Sherman into the Treasury Department. He would make, I think, a better secretary of war. The great objection I have to him in the Treasury Department is that, so far as I understand the matter, he is committed, as the saying is, to that foolish Morrill tariff. Yet I am very certain that it would be considered by the country an immense improvement of the Cabinet to place him in the War Department. The country has a high opinion of his energy and resolution and practical character.

Of Governor Andrew I do not know as much as you do, though I have formed a favorable judgment of his character and capacity — not a very precise one, however. . . .

They talk of H. here as they do with you, but I am persuaded that the disqualification I have mentioned would breed trouble in the end. The dissatisfaction with Cameron seems to grow more and more vehement every day. His presence taints the reputation of the whole Cabinet, and I think he should be ousted at once. I am sorry to say that a good deal of censure is thrown here upon my good friend Welles, of the Navy Department. He is too deliberate for the temper of our commercial men, who cannot bear to see the pirates of the rebel government capturing our merchant ships one after another and defying the whole United States navy. The Sumter and the Jeff Davis seem to have a charmed existence. Yet it seems to me that new vigor has of late been infused into the Navy Department, and perhaps we underrated the difficulties of rescuing the navy from the wretched state in which that miserable creature Toucey left it. There is a committee of our financial men at present at Washington, who have gone on to confer with the President, and it is possible that they may bring back a better report of the Navy Department than they expected to be able to make.

Rumor is unfavorably busy with Mr. Seward, but as a counterpoise it is confidently said that a mutual aversion has sprung up between him and Cameron. This may be so. The “Times,” I see, does not spare Cameron, nor the “Herald.” There is a good deal of talk here about a reconciliation between Weed and Bennett, and a friendly dinner together, and the attacks which the “Herald” is making upon the War and Navy Department, are said to be the result of an understanding between them. Who knows, or who cares much?

I have emptied into this letter substantially all I have to say. There are doubtless men in private life who would fill the War Department as well as any I have mentioned, but the world knows not their merits, and might receive their names with a feeling of disappointment.

P. S. — With regard to visiting Naushon, I should certainly like it, and like to bring my wife. I have another visit to make, however, in another part of Massachusetts; but I shall keep your kind invitation in mind and will write you again.

W. C. B.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 242-4

Thursday, November 6, 2014

Senator James W. Grimes to William P. Fessenden, July 3, 1864

Philadelphia, July 3, 1864.

I left Washington yesterday morning, as I told you I should. I have experienced twenty-six moody and melancholy hours. You have at no time been separated from my thoughts since I left you. I have tried to picture to myself what would be the effect of your change of position upon the country, upon yourself, and upon our relations to each other.

I need not tell you that for six years I have been drawn toward you by an invisible power, magnetic it may be, that I could never resist, even had I desired to resist it. During the time I have been in the Senate you have exercised an influence over my wayward nature such as was never exercised by any human being except my wife. At times I have been irritated with you, but I can truly say that I never suffered the sun to go down upon my anger. If at any such moment of my weakness I ever gave you a pang of painful feeling, I now most sincerely crave your pardon, begging you to remember that the recollection of any and every intemperate declaration of mine gives me more sorrow than it can possibly give to you.

Now, our relations are to be changed. I had hoped that so long as I remained in the Senate we were to be associated together. It is ordered otherwise, and I trust for the good of the country. You are to have new surroundings, new associations, and doubtless our old friendship will be in a measure forgotten; I trust not destroyed. It fills me with grief to think that this must in the very nature of things be so.

You know what I thought of your going into the cabinet. If you would not deem it offensive to say so, I would say that I really pitied you when I saw you last. I saw at a glance your true situation. I knew that you had feeble health, that the Treasury is in a terrible condition, and that the result of your acceptance of office might be your death. At the same time I believed that no name would give one-half so much confidence to the country as yours, and I knew that your declination by every enemy of the country would be ascribed not to its true cause, your poor health, but to the fact that you knew too well the condition of the Treasury Department to accept the portfolio. In this condition of things, I did not feel like urging you to either accept or decline, but contented myself with recommending you to make such terms as would prevent you from being slandered and back-bitten out of the cabinet in a few weeks by your associates. What is to be the issue in that regard I do not know. You are, or were, when I left, master of the situation, and in my opinion would fix your own terms.

Now let me give you one word of parting advice, and I will never assume to do it again.

Get rid of Mr. Chase's agents as soon as possible. I believe many of them are corrupt, but whether they be so or not they are thought to be, and that is a sufficient reason for supplanting them with new men. One or two men who enjoy your confidence now, I believe to be tricksters, but you will find them out soon enough. Do not send abroad to negotiate a loan, but throw yourself upon the people of this country. Read the Evening Post of yesterday, and see what was the demand for United States securities in New York. In the present flush of confidence you can put your loan upon the American market, and do as you wish.

And now, my dear Fessenden, I start for my rustic home on the bank of the Mississippi. If there be an angel on earth, there is one there who prays as devoutly night and morning for your success and welfare as she does for mine. I dare not trust myself to read this letter for fear I would destroy it. I do not expect you to spare the time to answer it. May God give you health and happiness, and to the country peace and safety!

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 263-5

Sunday, September 7, 2014

Senator James W. Grimes to Senator William P. Fessenden, November 13, 1861

Washington, November 13, 1861.

Your letter of the 10th inst. is at hand, and your imprudence in writing to me will now impose upon you the infliction of a long letter.

First, as to personal matters; I am domiciled with our good friend, who seems to love you as though you were her own son, Mrs. Chipman, at 470 Seventh Street. She fancies that she can satisfy you in the matter of a room or rooms, and unless you are exceedingly particular you will be pleased with the company.

You ask me, who and what caused the removal of Fremont? I answer, the primary cause of the removal was his proclamation. I learn from a most authentic source, a member of the cabinet, that before the Administration would bestow the appointment of major-general upon him a promise was exacted from him that he would not be a candidate for the presidency. Under that pledge he was appointed, and everything went “merry as a marriage-bell” until the proclamation was issued. When it appeared, the embryo Presidents in the cabinet at once took the alarm, and required him to modify it. This he refused to do, but published the President's modification instead. Then the war began, and a regular conspiracy was entered into to destroy his influence in the country and with the army, and finally to depose him. Every other day the report was published that he was removed, gross charges were made against him that were wholly unfounded in fact; his subordinate generals were stimulated to disobedience, officers were sent out to act in confidential positions who were spies upon his every act, and the select committee of the House of Representatives appointed to investigate the frauds in this department, almost all of whom were original enemies of Fremont, were easily and speedily induced to let Cameron go, and begin on him. Yet with all their sifting of testimony, taking it from the mouths of disappointed rival contractors in an ex parte manner, and with no opportunity to rebut it, a member of the committee tells me that they have been unable to bring home the perpetration or the cognizance of a single one of the alleged frauds to General Fremont.

Now you well know that I was not and am not a partisan of Fremont. I told you and others in July that I doubted his capacity for so extensive a military command as was assigned to him. I would never have made him a major-general of the regular army; but, being one, I intend to insist most strenuously and persistently that he shall have complete justice done him, no matter what may be the effect upon me. General Fremont has doubtless done some very impolitic, unwise, and extravagant things; but I assert and can prove that he has himself done or caused to be done no impolitic or unwise or extravagant thing that has not been vastly exceeded in these qualities by the generals of the Army of the Potomac, under the nose and with the sanction of the Administration. The truth is, all the frauds perpetrated at St. Louis, according to the testimony before the committee, were perpetrated by and under General Justin [sic] McKinstry, an old officer of the regular army, belonging to the Quartermaster's Department, who was sent out to St. Louis by the Administration. I do not question that Fremont made some unfortunate selections of agents: so has the Secretary of War, Mr. Seward, Governor Chase, and it is shrewdly suspected that the “father of the faithful” has sinned in this way so much, and enough you will say, of the Fremont imbroglio.

The truth is, we are going to destruction as fast as imbecility, corruption, and the wheels of time, can carry us. The administration of the Treasury has thus far been a success, and Chase, though accused of having no heart, has certainly a good head. But, if he had in his person all of the elements of greatness, he would be utterly powerless before the flood of corruption that is sweeping over the land and perverting the moral sense of the people. The army is in most inextricable confusion, and is every day becoming worse and worse.

Now, my dear sir, it is no flattery to say that an awful responsibility must devolve upon you. If you determine to probe the sore spots to the bottom, and that right shall be done, we can inaugurate a new order of things, and the country can be saved. You have followers — you can control the Senate. The wicked fear you, and will flee before you. But, if you rest quietly in your seat, we shall go on from one enormity to another, the evil of to-day will be urged as an apology for greater evil to-morrow, and the devil will be sure to get us in the end, and that right speedily. As for myself and my household, I am determined to serve the Lord. I only regret that I have not the means to do the good for the country that is in your power.

I congratulate you upon the fact that we now have a preacher here with brains in his head, and a heart in his bosom, whom it is a delight to hear, Rev. William H. Channing. I shall expect you to be a constant attendant with me upon his ministrations.

We have been giving the old commodores an overhauling about the Gosport Navy-Yard. The result shows that they destroyed ten million dollars’ worth of property in a mere fright. We take up the Harper's Ferry Armory matter to-morrow, and I presume the same result will be reached.

Everybody here is jubilant over the victories at Beaufort and in Kentucky, both of the navy; for you must know that a navy lieutenant commanded in the battle at Pikeville, and that it was an impromptu army that he was at the head of; the Department only yesterday declining to furnish Nelson troops, at the instance of Maynard of Tennessee, who so told me.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 155-7

Monday, January 13, 2014

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Friday, September 12, 1862

Breakfasted alone. After breakfast went to Department, putting carelessly in my pocket a roll of papers, consisting, in part, of some sheets of an Account of McClellan's Course till the junction of the Army of the Potomac with that of Virginia, and of others containing the first draft of my journal of the 10th., and in part of the 11th. On reaching the Treasury, I was a little alarmed on missing a roll; and still more annoyed when, on sending Thomas and Mr. Plant to look along the street and at the house, nothing could be found of it. What if it should fall into the hands of somebody who will make public what is not designed for publication, but simply in memoriam?

Fortunately the roll was picked up in the street and brought to me.

Little of interest occurred at the Department to-day. Expenses are enormous, increasing instead of diminishing; and the ill succesess in the field have so affected Government Stocks that it is impossible to obtain money except on temporary deposit, and these deposits very little exceed.

We are forced, therefore, to rely on the increased issue of U. S. Notes, which hurts almost as much as it helps; for the omission of Congress to take any measures to restrict bank-note circulation, makes the issue of these notes a stimulant to its increase so that the augmentation of the currency proceeds by a double action and prices rise proportionably. It is a bad state of things, but neither the President, his counsellors nor his commanding general seem to care. They rush on from expense to expense and from defeat to defeat, heedless of the abyss of bankruptcy and ruin which yawns before us — so easily shunned yet seemingly so sure to engulf us. May God open the eyes of those who control, before it is too late!

Went over to the War Department about two. Found that no important intelligence of rebel movements had been received. The Secretary informed me that he had heard from Genl. H. that the President is going out to see Genl. McClellan; and commented with some severity, on his humiliating submissiveness to that officer. It is, indeed humiliating; but prompted, I believe, by a sincere desire to serve the country, and a fear that, should he supersede McClellan by any other commander, no advantage would be gained in leadership, but much harm in the disaffection of officers and troops. The truth is, I think, that the President with the most honest intentions in the world, and a naturally clear judgment and a true, unselfish patriotism, has yielded so much to Border State and negrophobic counsels that he now finds it difficult to arrest his own descent towards the most fatal concessions. He has already separated himself from the great body of the party which elected him; distrusts most those who most represent its spirit; and waits — For What?

Before I left the Department, the Secretary kindly promised me a Paymastership for W. D. Bickham; which will, when given, be a great satisfaction to a very worthy friend. We talked also of Port Royal and matters there. I advised the removal of Brannan, who is hostile to the plans of the Department and the measures of Seaton. He said he would be ordered to the North; but did not seem inclined to talk much about it.

Speaking of the number of rebels, he said he thought it could not exceed 100,000 men; but that his judgment was founded upon possibilities of supplies and transportation — not on reports.

Called at President's, and spoke to him of leave of absence to Cameron. He referred me to Seward, to whom I went, and was informed that leave was sent by last steamer. We talked on many things — Barney's appointments, conduct of the war, etc, etc, — Engaged to go together tomorrow, and urge expedition to Cn. — He said some one had proposed that the President should issue a Proclamation, on the invasion of Pennsylvania, freeing all of the Apprentices of that State, or with some similar object. I thought the jest ill-timed.

Judge Adams (6th. Auditor), Mr. Burnan (of Kentucky Legislature, now a refugee from his home) and Mr. Case, (formerly of Patriot, la., now of Portland, Me.) dined with me. The Kentucky Slaveholders were more against Slavery than the Northern Conservatives. Strange, yet not strange!

In the evening, Maj. D. Taylor, Mr. O'Harra, and Mr. Cooke called. — later Mr. Cummings. General talk and not very profitable. Cooke and O'Harra want introduction to Genl. Mitchell for Pitt, Cooke and O'Harra, who want to buy cotton at Port Royal. — Col. Kane called and left note about McDowell. — Mr. Cummings talked about “Bulletin” — about the removal of one of the Editors from Custom House — about support to himself for Assembly — about distribution of stamps etc. — I got tired.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, in the Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 76-8

Saturday, June 1, 2013

Mutilated Treasury Notes

TREASURY DEPARTMENT
WASHINGTON, May 18, 1862

To guard against frauds upon the Government and to secure the just rights of holders, the following rules, for the redemption of mutilated United States Notes, are hereby established.

FIRST – Mutilated notes, which have been torn no matter how much, but of which it is evident that all the fragments are returned or defaced no matter how badly, but certainly satisfactorily genuine, will be redeemed to their full face value on presentation.

SECOND – Fragments of notes will be redeemed in full only when accompanied by an affidavit stating the cause and manner of mutilation, and that the missing part of the note is totally destroyed.  The good character of the affiant must also be fully vouched by the officer before whom the affidavit is taken.

THIRD – In the absence of such affidavit, fragments of notes will not be paid in full, but the parts presented will be redeemed in their proportion to the whole note, reckoning, as a general rule, by twentieths.

FOURTH – Less than half of a note will not be redeemed, except by payment of the full value of the note under the second rule, or by payment of the proportional value of the missing part, when presented under the fifth rule.

FIFTH – Fragments of notes, for which less than the full face value has been paid, will be retained for a year, to an end that the owners who have received less than the value of the full note, may have opportunity to return the missing part and receive the amount previously withheld.

SIXTH – Until further order, mutilated notes and fragments will be redeemed only at the Treasury of the United States at Washington, whither they can be sent, addressed to the “Treasurer of the United States,” by mail, free of postage.  A draft on the Assistant Treasurer at New York, for the amount allowed will be returned in the same way, to the address of the person remitting the same.

S. P. CHASE,
Secretary of the Treasury

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, June 7, 1862, p. 1