Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 11, 1863

The raid on the fence before going into camp.

We drew two days' rations and marched till noon. My company, E, being detailed for rear guard, a very undesirable position. General Logan thinks we shall have a fight soon. I am not particularly anxious for one, but if it comes I will make my musket talk. As we contemplate a battle, those who have been spoiling for a fight cease to be heard. It does not even take the smell of powder to quiet their nerves—a rumor being quite sufficient.

We have no means of knowing the number of troops in Vicksburg, but if they were well generaled and thrown against us at some particular point, the matter might be decided without going any further. If they can not whip us on our journey around their city, why do they not stay at home and strengthen their boasted position, and not lose so many men in battle to discourage the remainder? We are steadily advancing, and propose to keep on until we get them where they can't retreat. My fear is that they may cut our supply train, and then we should be in a bad fix. Should that happen and they get us real hungry, I am afraid short work would be made of taking Vicksburg.

Having seen the four great Generals of this department, shall always feel honored that I was a member of Force's 20th Ohio, Logan's Division, McPherson's Corps of Grant's Army. The expression upon the face of Grant was stern and care-worn, but determined. McPherson's was the most pleasant and courteous—a perfect gentleman and an officer that the 17th corps fairly worships. Sherman has a quicker and more dashing movement than some others, a long neck, rather sharp features, and altogether just such a man as might lead an army through the enemy's country. Logan is brave and does not seem to know what defeat means. We feel that he will bring us out of every fight victorious. I want no better or braver officers to fight under. I have often thought of the sacrifice that a General might make of his men in order to enhance his own eclat, for they do not always seem to display the good judgment they should. But I have no fear of a needless sacrifice of life through any mismanagement of this army.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 13-5

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 9, 1863

Orders this morning to draw two days' rations, pack up and be ready to move at a moment's warning. We drew hard-tack, coffee, bacon, salt and sugar, and stored them in our haversacks. Some take great care so to pack the hard-tack that it will not dig into the side while marching, for if a corner sticks out too much anywhere, it is only too apt to leave its mark on the soldier. Bacon, too, must be so placed as not to grease the blouse or pants. I see many a bacon badge about me—generally in the region of the left hip. In filling canteens, if the covers get wet the moisture soaks through and scalds the skin. The tin cup or coffee-can is generally tied to the canteen or else to the blanket or haversack, and it rattles along the road, reminding one of the sound of the old cow coming home. All trifling troubles like these on the march may be easily forestalled by a little care, but care is something a soldier is not apt to take, and he too often packs his “grub” as hurriedly as he “bolts” it. We were soon ready to move, and filled our canteens with the best water we have had for months. We did not actually get our marching order, however, until near three o'clock P. M., so that being anxious to take fresh water with us, we had to empty and refill canteens several times. As we waited for the order, a good view was afforded us of the passing troops, and the bristling lines really looked as if there was war ahead.

O, what a grand army this is, and what a sight to fire the heart of a spectator with a speck of patriotism in his bosom. I shall never forget the scene of to-day, while looking back upon a mile of solid columns, marching with their old tattered flags streaming in the summer breeze, and hearkening to the firm tramp of their broad brogans keeping step to the pealing fife and drum, or the regimental bands discoursing “Yankee Doodle” or “The Girl I Left Behind Me.” I say it was a grand spectacle—but how different the scene when we meet the foe advancing to the strains of “Dixie” and “The Bonny Blue Flag.” True, I have no fears for the result of such a meeting, for we are marching full of the prestige of victory, while our foes have had little but defeat for the last two years. There is an inspiration in the memory of victory. Marching through this hostile country with large odds against us, we have crossed the great river and wil1 cut our way through to Vicksburg, let what dangers may confront us. To turn back we should be overwhelmed with hos[t]s exulting on their own native soil. These people can and will fight desperately, but they cannot put a barrier in our way that we cannot pass. Camped a little after dark.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 11-12

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 6, 1863

This day has been a hot one, but as our duties have not been of an arduous nature we have sought the shade and kept quiet. While in camp, the boys very freely comment upon our destination, and give every detail of progress a general overhauling. The ranks of our volunteer regiments were filled at the first call for troops. That call opened the doors of both rich and poor, and out sprang merchant, farmer, lawyer, physician and mechanics of every calling, whose true and loyal hearts all beat in unison for their country. The first shot that struck Sumpter's wall sent an electric shot to every loyal breast, and today we have in our ranks material for future captains, colonels and generals, who before this war is ended will be sought out and honored.

It can not be possible that we are to be kept at this place much longer, for it is not very desirable as a permanent location. Of course we are here for some purpose, and I suppose that to be to prevent the enemy from assailing our line of supplies. As they are familiar with the country they can annoy us exceedingly without much loss to themselves. But after we have captured Vicksburg, and the history of Grant's movements is known, we shall then understand why we guarded Hankinson's Ferry so long. One of the boys said he thought Mr. Hankinson owed us something nice for taking such good care of his ferry for him. The variety of comments and opinions expressed in camp by the men is very curious. Some say we are going to surround Vicksburg, others think Grant is feeling for the enemy's weakest point there to strike him, and one cool head remarked that it was all right wherever we went while Grant was leading, for he had never known defeat. Confidence in a good general stiffens a soldier—a rule that ought to work both ways. Surely no leader ever had more of the confidence of those he led than General Grant. He is not as social as McPherson, Sherman, Logan and some others, but seems all the while careful of the comfort of his men, with an eye single to success. Great responsibilities, perhaps, suppress his social qualities, for the present; for each day presents new obstacles to be met and overcome without delay. The enemy are doing all they can to hinder us, but let Grant say forward, and we obey.

Unable to sleep last night, I strolled about the camp awhile. Cause of my wakefulness, probably too much chicken yesterday. I appeared to be the only one in such a state, for the rest were

“Lost in heavy slumbers,

Free from toil and strife.

Dreaming of their dear ones,

Home and child and wife;

Tentless they are lying,

While the moon shines bright.

Sleeping in their blankets,

Beneath the summer's night.”

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 8-9

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 3, 1863

Called up early, and off on the march. Received a mail to-day, which was a welcome visitor to many, as it is the first one for some time. May they come oftener, and to every soldier. One poor fellow, who did not receive a letter, declared his girl had grown tired of him, and probably taken a beau at home. Another sympathized with him in the disappointment, and offered to let him read the letter he had received from his girl, who was aiding and encouraging him with her prayers. Pursued the enemy through the day, and were at their heels all the time, and at evening caught sight of them crossing Hankinson's Ferry, on Black River. We made a rapid charge upon them, firing as we ran, while DeGolier's battery shelled them. Some few were shot while crossing the bridge. I suppose they have retreated to Vicksburg, as they are on a direct road to that place. After driving the enemy across the temporary bridge, we closed up business for the night, and sought our blankets.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 6

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 5, 1863

We were annoyed some little through the night, by the rebels firing, but they didn't hit anybody. Two regiments of infantry with some cavalry crossed the river for a little scout. I do not think there are many rebels over there, but what few there are, ought to be whipped. They will have to fall back at the approach of our men, but that is easily done, and, when our forces return, they will be right back firing from behind the trees.

The army is marching on around Vicksburg, and we are very anxious to take our place in this grand column. We are quite tired of the duties assigned us here, and have had orders to move several times, which were as often countermanded.

Had chicken for dinner. Uncle Sam doesn't furnish chickens in his bill of fare, but they will get into the camp kettle. We have to be very saving of the regular rations, consequently must look outside for extras—chickens, ham, sweet potatoes, etc., all taste good. I walked down the river a short distance, viewing the scenery, when a bullet flew through the trees not far from my head. I looked across the river from whence it came, but could not see anybody. Did not stay there long, but got back to camp, where I felt safer.

Our camp is in the bottom, close to the river bank. – The enemy at Grand Gulf spiked their cannon and retreated to Vicksburg. If that place could not be taken by the gun-boats on the river in front, the infantry marching in their rear made them hustle out in a hurry. When the people in Vicksburg see their retreating troops returning to the town they went out to protect, they will think Grant's marching around them means something.

While writing a few letters to-day I was amused to notice the various attitudes taken by the boys while writing. One wrote on a drum-head, another on his cartridge-box; one used a board and several wrote on the top of a battery caisson. These letters would be more highly appreciated by the recipients if the circumstances under which they were prepared were realized.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 7-8

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 1, 1863

Logan's Division, to which we belonged, embarked on transports, that had passed the batteries at Vicksburg and Grand Gulf, last night, about two miles below the latter place, where we had marched down the Louisiana levee to meet the boats. Crossing the Mississippi river, we landed at Bruinsburg, and left that place this forenoon at 10 o'clock, marching twelve miles over dusty roads and through a hilly and broken country.

Although the boys were tired, their minds were diverted with the scenery of a new State. After crossing the great Mississippi, we bade farewell to Louisiana and its alligators, and are now inhaling the fragrance and delightful odors of Mississippi flowers. Arriving near Port Gibson about dark, found that the advance of McClernand’s corps had defeated the enemy, who had marched out from Vicksburg to check our army. The fight was quite spirited, and the rebels hotly and bravely contested every foot of ground, but they were overpowered, as they will be in every engagement they have with us. Having only two days’ rations in our haversacks, guess we will have to eat rather sparingly of them, for our wagon train is not on the road. Should rations run short, we will have to forage off the country; but even the supplies from that source will not feed Grant's large army. We were well satisfied, however, that the stars and stripes were victorious, in this battle, without our assistance. We did not smell the battle afar off, but heard cannonading through the day, and fully expected to take a hand in it. When we stopped, as we supposed, for the night, our Colonel drew the regiment into line, and said Gen. McPherson had asked him if his regiment was too wearied to follow the retreating enemy. When the question was put to the men, every one wanted to go, and started on the trail with the swiftness of fresh troops, marching as rapidly as possible until 10 o'clock, then camped in a ravine for the night. During this rapid movement, we did some skirmishing. The Confederate army had retreated, and we made the tail of it fly over the road pretty lively.

“The battle wa? fought, and the victory won;

Three cheers for the Union! the work was well done.”

Porter's Gun-boats in front of Grand Gulf.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 3-4

Review: The Vicksburg Campaign, March 29—May 18,1863

The Vicksburg Campaign,

March 29-May 18, 1863

Edited by Steven E. Woodworth

and Charles D. Grear

Prologue:

During the Civil War one of the first objectives in Winfield Scott’s “Anaconda Plan” was control of the Mississippi River.  Confederate control of the Mississippi River made shipping the crops of Midwestern farmer’s to eastern markets more difficult and more expensive.  If the Federal Government could gain control of the River it would not only give farmers easier access to the markets by making shipping cheaper, but it would also sever the Confederacy in two.

Starting on the last day of February 1862, Union forces slowly made their way down the river, with the capture of Island No. 10 on April 8th and Memphis, Tennessee surrendered to Union forces on June 6, 1862. At the same time Union forces worked their way up the river from the Gulf of Mexico.  New Orleans on surrendered to Union forces April 28th. At the end of 1862  much of the Mississippi River was under the control of the Union. Only two strong holdouts remained in Confederate hands, Port Hudson, Louisiana and Vicksburg, Mississippi.

Holding the Mississippi river between Vicksburg and Port Hudson was a military necessity for the Confederate government. It was the linchpin that held the two halves of the Confederacy together.  Vicksburg, on high bluffs on the eastern bank of the river was the citadel that guarded against a Yankee invasion from the river.

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant of the Union Army of the Tennessee, after his victories of Forts Henry & Donelson, Shiloh and Corinth set his sites on breaking the Confederate stronghold, Vicksburg, Mississippi. Grant assigned his friend Major-General William T. Sherman to work finding a route of attack from the Mississippi River north of Vicksburg. In late December 1862 Sherman probed Chickasaw Bayou but failed to defeat the Confederate forces there.

During the first quarter of 1863 Grant continued to explore the option of a northern approach to Vicksburg and an alternate route on the western side of the Mississippi River to bypass the city’s  strong fortifications high up on the bluffs on the eastern side of  the river. During the same period the Yazoo Pass Expedition led by Brigadier-General Leonard F. Ross & Lieutenant Commander Watson Smith continued to probe the probed Yazoo Pass from the north but was repulsed by Confederate forces lead by Major-General William  W. Loring at Fort Pemberton.

The Williams Canal across De Soto Peninsula on the western side of the river offered a possibility for Grant to bypass the Confederate guns and pass ships around Vicksburg to approach the city from the south. In January 1863 Sherman’s men resumed digging on the trench which was previously abandoned by Admiral Farragut and General Williams the previous July. By late March work on the canal had to be abandoned after the dam at the head of the canal burst and flooded the project.

Grant concurrently ordered the Brigadier-General James B. McPherson to dig another canal from the Mississippi River to Lake Providence north of the city which would allow passage to the Red River and allow Grant’s forces to bypass the Vicksburg defenses and join with Banks at Port Hudson.

Grant had run out of options to reach Vicksburg from the North.  This is all prologue to Southern Illinois University Press’ “The Vicksburg Campaign: March 29—May 18, 1863,” edited by Steven E Woodworth and Charles D. Grear.

The Review:

“The Vicksburg Campaign,” the first of five projected volumes, starts with a brief seven page introduction before diving into second phase of a multifaceted campaign to capture the “Gibraltar of the South.”

Garry D. Joyner’s essay “Running the Gauntlet,” explores the effectiveness of using a combined army and navy force in the campaign. And detailing how Grant worked closely with acting Rear Admiral David Dixon Porter on a “Hail Mary” attempt to run ships of the “Brown Water Navy” down the Mississippi River and passed the Confederate forces watching from above on the Vicksburg Bluffs on the eastern banks of the river. Meanwhile Grant marched his troops south on the western side of the river to meet up with the ships that passed by the gauntlet of Vicksburg guns.  Joyner also chronicles Porter’s attack of the Brown Water Navy on Confederate forces at Grand Gulf and the crossing of Grant’s troops to the east bank of the river.

“Through the Heart of Rebel Country,” by Charles D. Grear, is the second essay in the book and highlights the contribution of Colonel Benjamin H. Grierson and his men’s diversionary raid through middle Mississippi form the Grand Junction to Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

The third essay, “In the Enemy’s Country,” penned by Jason M. Frawley, covers the battle of Port Gibson which he names “the turning point of the Vicksburg Campaign.”

J. Parker Hills’ essay “Roads to Raymond,” covers the northeastern trajectory of Grant’s Vicksburg Campaign and the Battle of Raymond.

In the fifth essay, “The First Capture and Occupation of Jackson,” by Stephen E. Woodworth highlights the Battle of Jackson & Confederate General Joseph E. Johnston’s evacuation of the city, and the destruction of the railroads in and out of the city.

John R. Lundberg follows that up with an essay entitled “I am too Late,” discussing Johnston’s lackluster performance during Grant’s campaign.

“Grant, McClernand and Vicksburg” by Michael B. Ballard covers the tempestuous relationship between Grant and Major-General John A. McClernand and the events that lead up to McClernand’s dismissal.

William B. Feis’ essay “Developed by Circumstances,” illuminates Grant’s use of Brigadier-General Grenville M. Dodge’s developing intelligence network during the Vicksburg Campaign.

The ninth essay in the book, penned by Timothy B. Smith, is “A Victory Could Hardly Have Been More Complete,” examines the Battle of Big Black River Bridge.

“The ‘Stealing Tour,’” by Steven Nathaniel Dossman, discusses the not always chivalrous interactions between the soldiers of the Army of the Tennessee and the Mississippi civilians with which they came in contact.

In the final essay of the book, “Politics, Policy and General Grant,” Paul L. Schmeltzer discusses Grant’s war strategy and tactics in comparison with those of Prussian general Carl von Clausewitz.  Clausewitz was the author of “On War,” an unfinished work edited and published by his wife in 1832. Originally published in German “On War” was largely unknown in the United States during Grant’s time, and did not become widely available until its first English translation in 1873. Though unfamiliar with Clausewitz, Schmeltzer states Grant’s approach to the problem of Vicksburg was “intuitional and largely an outgrowth of his common sense.”

I highly recommend “The Vicksburg Campaign: March 29–May 18, 1863” as book for both those unfamiliar with Grant’s campaign and those well read students of the campaign and the war itself.   Each essay is well written on its own merit and could stand alone without the others in the volume, but arranged together they present a multifaceted look at the most complicated campaigns of the Civil War.

ISBN 978-0809332694, Southern Illinois University Press, © 2013, Hardcover, 272 Pages, Photographs, Maps, Chapter End Notes & Index. $32.50.  To Purchase the book click HERE.

In The Review Queue: Vicksburg — Grant’s Campaign that Broke the Confederacy

Vicksburg: Grant’s Campaign

 that Broke the Confederacy

By Donald L. Miller

Release Date: October 29, 2019

The astonishing story of the longest and most decisive military campaign of the Civil War in Vicksburg, Mississippi, which opened the Mississippi River, split the Confederacy, freed tens of thousands of slaves, and made Ulysses S. Grant the most important general of the war.

Vicksburg, Mississippi, was the last stronghold of the Confederacy on the Mississippi River. It prevented the Union from using the river for shipping between the Union-controlled Midwest and New Orleans and the Gulf of Mexico. The Union navy tried to take Vicksburg, which sat on a high bluff overlooking the river, but couldn’t do it. General Grant moved his army south and joined forces with Admiral Porter, but even together they could not come up with a successful plan. At one point Grant even tried to build a canal so that the river could be diverted away from Vicksburg.

In Vicksburg, Donald L. Miller tells the full story of this year-long campaign to win the city. He brings to life all the drama, characters, and significance of Vicksburg, a historic moment that rivals any war story in history. Grant’s efforts repeatedly failed until he found a way to lay siege and force the city to capitulate. In the course of the campaign, tens of thousands of slaves fled to the Union lines, where more than twenty thousand became soldiers, while others seized the plantations they had been forced to work on, destroying the economy of a large part of Mississippi and creating a social revolution.

Ultimately, Vicksburg was the battle that solidified Grant’s reputation as the Union’s most capable general. Today no general would ever be permitted to fail as often as Grant did, but in the end he succeeded in what he himself called the most important battle of the war, the one that all but sealed the fate of the Confederacy.

About the Author

Donald L. Miller is the John Henry MacCracken Professor of History Emeritus at Lafayette College and author of ten books, including Vicksburg, and Masters of the Air, currently being made into a television series by Tom Hanks. He has hosted, coproduced, or served as historical consultant for more than thirty television documentaries and has written for The New York Times, The Washington Post, and other publications.

ISBN 978-1451641370, Simon & Schuster, © 2019, Hardcover, 688 pages, Photographs & Illustrations, Maps, Appendix, End Notes, Bibliography and Index. $35.00.  To purchase this book click HERE.

John L. Motley to Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes, September 22, 1863

Vienna,           

September 22, 1863.

My Dear Holmes: I am perfectly aware that I do not deserve to receive any letters or anything else from you. You heap coals on my head, and all I can say is that I hope you have several chaldrons on hand for me of the same sort. Pour on. I will endure with much gratitude and without shame. Your last letter was not to me, but to two young women under my roof, and gave them infinite delight, as you may well suppose, as well as to Mary and myself. I shall, however, leave the answering of that letter to them. The youngest of the two is not the less welcome to us after her long absence from the domestic hen-coop; she has so much to say of you and yours, and of all the kindness you heaped upon her, and of all the thousand matters belonging to you all. Your last letter to me bears date June 7. It is much occupied with Wendell's wound at Fredericksburg, and I thank you for assuming so frankly that nothing could be more interesting to us than the details which you send us. I trust sincerely that he has now fully recovered. Colonel Holmes has most nobly won his spurs and his advancement. I am always fond of citing and daguerreotyping him as a specimen of the mob of mercenaries and outcasts of which the Union army is composed. You may be sure I do him full justice, and even if I allow it to be supposed that there are within our ranks five hundred as good as he, it is an inference which can do the idiots no harm who suppose the slave-holding rebels to be all Sidneys and Bayards.

When you wrote me last, you said on general matters this: “In a few days we shall get the news of the success or failure of the attacks on Port Hudson and Vicksburg. If both are successful, many will say that the whole matter is about settled.” You may suppose that when I got the great news I shook hands warmly with you in the spirit across the Atlantic. Day by day for so long we had been hoping to hear the fall of Vicksburg. At last, when that little concentrated telegram came announcing Vicksburg and Gettysburg on the same day and in two lines, I found myself alone. Mary and Lily had gone to the baths of Schwalbach to pick up the stray chicken with whom you are acquainted. There was nobody in the house to join in my huzzas but my youngest infant. And my conduct very much resembled that of the excellent Philip II. when he heard of the fall of Antwerp, for I went to Susie's door, screeching through the keyhole, “Vicksburg is ours!”' just as that other pere de famille, more potent, but I trust not more respectable than I, conveyed the news to his Infanta (vide for the incident an American work on the Netherlands, I., p. 329, and the authorities there cited). It is contemptible on my part to speak thus frivolously of events which stand out in such golden letters as long as America has a history. But I wanted to illustrate the yearning for sympathy which I felt. You who were among people grim and self-contained usually, who I trust were falling on each other's necks in the public streets and shouting with tears in their eyes and triumph in their hearts, can picture my isolation. I have never faltered in my faith, and in the darkest hours, when misfortunes seemed thronging most thickly upon us, I have never felt the want of anything to lean against; but I own I did feel like shaking hands with a few hundred people when I heard of our Fourth of July, 1863, work, and should like to have heard and joined in an American cheer or two. Well, there is no need of my descanting longer on this magnificent theme. Some things in this world may be better left unsaid. You and I at least know how we both feel about Gettysburg, Vicksburg, Port Hudson, and I shall at least not try to add to the eloquence of these three words, which are destined to so eternal an echo. I wonder whether you or I half a dozen years ago were sufficiently up in geography to find all the three places on the map.

And now let me thank you a thousand times for your oration. It would have been better for me to write on the first impulse, perhaps, when I had first read it, but on the whole I think not. I felt no doubt that I should like it better and better after each reading, and so after devouring it in the very mistily printed journal which you sent, and next day in the clearer type of the respectable daily, I waited till the neat pamphlet which I knew was coming should arrive. Well, I have read it carefully several times, and I am perfectly satisfied. This I consider very high praise, because I had intense expectations both from the hour and the man. If I had had the good luck to be among the hearers — for I know how admirably you speak, and the gift you have of holding your audience in hand by the grace and fervor of your elocution as apart from the substance of your speech — I know how enthusiastic I should have been. There would have been no louder applause than mine at all the many telling and touching points. The whole strain of the address is one in which I entirely sympathize, and I think it an honor to Boston that such noble and eloquent sentiments should have resounded in ears into which so much venom has from time to time been instilled, and met with appreciation and applause.

Unless I were to write you a letter as long itself as an oration, I could not say half what I would like to say, and this is exactly one of the unsatisfactory attributes of letter-writing. It is no substitute for the loose, disjointed talk. I should like nothing better than to discuss your address with you all day long, for, like all effusions of genius, it is as rich in what it suggests as in what it conveys. What I liked as well as anything was the hopeful, helpful way in which you at starting lift your audience with you into the regions of faith, and rebuke the “languid thinkers” for their forlorn belief, and the large general views which after that ascent you take of the whole mighty controversy, than which none in human history is more important to mankind. Then I especially admire the whole passage referring to the Saracenic conflict in Christian civilization. Will you allow me to say that I have often and often before reading your oration fallen into the same view of moralizing, and that when the news of the battle of Gettysburg reached me I instantly began to hope it might prove more decisively our battle of Tours than I fear, magnificent victory as it was, it has proved? Your paragraphs about the Moors are brilliant and dashing sketches.

I must confess, however, that you seem to me far too complimentary about the slaveholders. Perhaps it may be my ignorance, but I have always been skeptical as to what you call “the social elegances and personal graces of their best circles.” Is it not a popular delusion to extend the external charms of a few individuals, or possibly a very small number of families, over a whole class? I ask in ignorance merely. It has been my lot to see a good deal of European aristocracies, and, without abating a jot of my reverence for and belief in the American people, I have never hesitated to say that a conservatory of tropical fruit and flowers is a very brilliant, fragrant, and luxurious concern. Whether it be worth while to turn a few million freehold farms into one such conservatory is a question of political arithmetic which I hope will always be answered in one way on our side of the water. Non equidem invideo, miror magis. Another passage which especially delighted me was your showing up of neutrals. Again you will pardon me if I have often thought of Dante's cattivo coro in this connection. You will not object to this sympathetic coincidence, I hope. But I must pause, because, as I said before, I could go on talking of the oration for an hour. You can have no doubt whatever that it is triumphantly successful and worthy to take its place among your collected works. Do you wish higher praise? How is it, I often ask, that people, although they may differ from you in opinion on such grave matters as you have thus publicly discussed, can be otherwise than respectful to your sentiments?

I have not much to say of matters here to interest you. We have had an intensely hot, historically hot, and very long and very dry summer. I never knew before what a drought meant. In Hungary the suffering is great, and the people are killing the sheep to feed the pigs with the mutton. Here about Vienna the trees have been almost stripped of foliage ever since the end of August. There is no glory in the grass nor verdure in anything. In fact, we have nothing green here but the Archduke Maximilian, who firmly believes that he is going forth to Mexico to establish an American empire, and that it is his divine mission to destroy the dragon of democracy and reestablish the true Church, the Right Divine, and all sorts of games. Poor young man!

Ever sincerely yours,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 342-8

John L. Motley Mary Benjamin Motley, July 24, 1863

Vienna,

July 24, 1863.

Dearest Mary: I wrote yesterday and said that I would write again to-day, thinking you would like to listen to the words of wisdom after I had had time to digest a little of the magnificent news we have just received. But, after all, I haven't much to say. For the details are entirely wanting. The papers only reach to 8th from Boston and 7th from New York; the later is of course by telegraph. We must wait a week to know exactly what has happened, and how large the success is. But isn't it one of the most striking and picturesque things imaginable that Lee's great invading army, after being thoroughly thrashed on the 2d and 3d July, should have moved off in rapid retreat on the 4th July, and that, on the same famous anniversary, Vicksburg, the great fortress and stronghold of the Mississippi, should have surrendered to the United States troops?

Suppose that Lee at the present moment has got 70,000 men at Hagerstown, where we know that he has fortified himself, — and that is the very utmost that one can even imagine him to have, — why, Meade by this time must have at least 150,000, after deducting all his losses in the battles. And the militia are streaming in by thousands a day. Government can send him (and I believe has sent him) every soldier they can dispose of from Washington, Baltimore, Fort Monroe, and the Peninsula. Our resources of food and ammunition are boundless, and I don't see how Meade can help cutting off the enemy's supplies. I pore over the map, and I don't see how Lee can help being in a trap. I will say no more, especially as about the time when you read this you will be getting the telegram to the 15th, which may prove that I have made an ass of myself. I send Sumner's letter, written apparently before hearing of any of these great victories. I also send Holmes's oration, which I haven't yet had time to read. No doubt it is magnificent, and I prefer to read it at leisure. I have another copy in the daily. He sent me this one. I also send a paper or two, which please preserve, as I file them. I went to the D'Ayllons' yesterday and brought home Susie. Love to Mrs. Cleveland and Lillie and my chickens.

Ever lovingly yours,

J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 339-41

John L. Motley Mary Benjamin Motley,* July 20, 1863

Monday, July 20, 1863.

My Dearest Mary: Hurray! I have just got the telegram. Vicksburg surrendered on the glorious Fourth. “Good,” as Turner Sargent says. The details are, of course, wanting. We shall not receive the papers containing the Gettysburg battle history until Thursday. There can be no doubt, however, that Lee has been tremendously licked. Meade occupied his headquarters after the battle, and has since been pursuing him for sixty miles.

Meade seems to me to be a trump, the man we have been looking for ever since the war began. What a tremendous responsibility it was for him to be placed at the head of the army at the eleventh hour, in the very face of the chief rebel general and their best army! So far as we can yet judge, he has acted with immense nerve, rapidity, skill, and I think has achieved a very great success. To us who know the country the telegram says simply, “Lee, after losing 30,000 men [probably 15,000], is trying to get off into Virginia as fast as he can. He may offer battle if he can't get across the Potomac before Meade catches him. If not, not, and if not, why not?” I have never felt so sanguine about our affairs since the very beginning. To be sure, I never believed, as you know, in the fudge about Baltimore and Washington, but one could n't help the fidgets when all the world in Europe was sounding the rebel trumpets in such a stunning way.

Now, if Lee is able to do us much damage, all I can say is that I shall be very much astonished. I suppose he will get back to Winchester, and so to the Rappahannock, with a good deal of bacon and other provender, and then claim a great victory. There is no meaning at all in that bit in the telegram about Buford and Kilpatrick's cavalry being repulsed. Obviously they were only reconnoitering in force to find out where the enemy was, and it could only have been an insignificant skirmish, such as happens daily. If there is any truth in the story about “Vice-President” Stephens wishing to come to Washington, it must have been something about negro troops. Now that we must have taken in Pennsylvania and Vicksburg at least 20,000 prisoners, I do hope the President will issue an unmistakable edict about that hanging officers of black troops. There couldn't be a better time.

Devotedly and affectionately,

J. L. M.

_______________

* During a short absence to meet their second daughter on her return from America. See p. 344.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 338-9

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 20, 1864 — 11 a.m.

Same place, front of Twin Mountains,

June 20, 1864, 11 a. m.

Rebels still on the mountain, a good deal of our artillery, a little of theirs, and not much musketry this morning. Wheeler is in our rear, but we don't care for that. I do hope, though, that Forrest will not be allowed to come over here. We are all well and feeling fine, but wishing very much to see the level country beyond these mountains. In a “Commercial” of the 15th I see the Rebel loss in the charge of Bates’ (Rebel) division on the 27th of May was 72 killed and 350 wounded, and 56 missing. That charge was made almost altogether on our brigade, and my skirmish line did three-fourths of the damage. The 40th Alabama we captured the other day inquired for the 8th Illinois. They fought each other at Vicksburg and got well acquainted in the rifle pits. McPherson and Logan have just gone down to the front and there is talk of a fight to-day, but it is hard telling when one will have to go in. Can't tell until the order to “commence” firing is heard. Wagstaff will be home in a few days. I would like to date my next from a new place, but Sherman and Johnston will decide that matter.

This is becoming tedious. Johnston has no regard for one's feelings. We are all exceedingly anxious to see what is the other side of these mountains, but this abominable Johnston has no idea of letting us take a look until he is forced to. He is a good-natured fellow in some respects, too, for here we have our "flies" stretched, and our camp fires and our wagons around us in good range of his guns and not a shot does he give us. You understand that we are in reserve. Our front line is along the foot of the mountain, and we lay back about a mile. But it is all open between us and the front, and we sit in the shade, and (as we have this p. m.) see 20 Rebel guns firing on our men. Why they don't make us get out of this is beyond me to tell. Hundreds of wagons and ambulances are parked around us, and right by us is parked the reserve artillery of our corps, all in plain view of the Rebels on the mountains, but not a gun is fired at us. Yesterday they dropped one shell a hundred yards to our right and quit, as much as to say: “We could stir you Yanks if we wanted to, but it is all right.”

I don't know how this looks to outsiders, but it seems to me as the coolest thing of the campaign, pitching tents right under the enemy's guns, without a particle of cover. Being under artillery fire in a fight or while supporting a battery is all right, and if we were in rifle pits or behind the crest of a hill ’twould be ditto, but moving right out and pitching tents under the noses of Rebel 32-pounders beats me and I guess it beats them. We all feel a pride in the thing and I'd see the the [sic] Johnnies to the devil before I'd dodge the biggest cannon ball they've got there. The artillery this p. m. has been the heaviest I have heard this campaign.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 264-6

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, December 25, 1862

(Private)

New Orleans, December 25th, 1862.

Dear Sir: The mail has just arrived and I see that, among other charges, Gen. Butler is accused of interfering in various ways with the Custom House, to the great injury of commerce.

Gen. Butler has interfered with the Custom House in four instances, but not more.

1st. He ordered me not to permit the shipment of specie and plate, without his written consent to each shipment. His object was to prevent property liable to confiscation, being removed from the country. The Prussian Bark, “Essex,” had received on board several large cases of silver — and by Gen. Butler's orders, I refused a clearance until these cases were delivered up. They were delivered up, and clearance was then granted.

2nd. Gen. B. took possession of about $2,000. worth of printer's paper in the warehouse, for his official newspaper, “The Delta” —on the ground that it was a military necessity.

3rd. He took possession of forty barrels of brandy (imported two or three years ago) for hospital purposes — as a military necessity.

4th. He took possession of ten bales of blankets for hospital purpose, as a military necessity.

In each of the last three instances, I have his written order to deliver up the articles to the officer presenting the order — and in each he settled, I suppose, with the owners of the articles. Except in the above instances, Gen. Butler has not interfered with the Custom House business. I make this statement for your information.

I send you a paper containing Gen. Butler's farewell address, and Gen. Banks' proclamation concerning the Emancipation Proclamation. Each article explains itself. From appearances, I judge that Gen. Butler intends to join the extreme radicals, as the Democratic papers term the only party which (as it seems to me) appreciates the position. The Texas men are bitterly disappointed that they cannot invade Texas at once, and think great injustice has been done them. It seems to me that the thorough opening of the river is of most consequence just now — after which the whole Southwest falls easily. Texas, Louisiana and Arkansas are pretty well drained of men, but full of corn and cattle. The Rebels would like to retreat thither, but if the river is opened at once, they will be forced back toward, or into, Alabama. With the loss of the Three Southwestern states, the rebels lose one-half their material resources. They could not break through the line of defence (Mississippi River) to recover it. In no other way can the Confederate cause be so much injured, with so little expenditure on the part of the Gov't. of men, time and money. The Arkansas, White and Red Rivers and, in Louisiana, various bayous, enable Gunboats to penetrate in all directions to the heart of the country. Fifty thousand men, together with the Union forces now in Arkansas and at El Paso (Texas), would be fully able to accomplish this in two or three months, after the opening of the river — and provided Emancipation attended the march, success would be absolutely certain. Louisiana is virtually subdued already and wishes herself back in the Union. 1 hope Gen. Banks will adopt some such plan as the above and have told him so. Lest he might mistake my political position, I took the first opportunity to tell him also, what my opinions were, particularly in regard to Slavery.

According to the best information I can get — the rebels have at Vicksburg 12,000 men — at Jackson (and Grenada), 40,000 — & at Port Hudson, 20,000. The men are said to be deserting very fast. Port Hudson is twenty miles above Baton Rouge and is said to be much stronger than Vicksburg. Many believe that to be the point (instead of Vicksburg) where the great fight will be.

Our troops are moving up to Baton Rouge, where perhaps 20,000 have already arrived. All the old (Butler's) regiments will probably be sent up. I should judge that the attack on Port Hudson would take place in about ten days. Gen. Banks is expected to command in person.

Mobile is not fortified with such strength as is represented by Southern accounts. The Rebel gunboats there are of very little account. I have just seen a reliable (white) man who escaped from there five weeks ago. Admiral Farragut can take the place whenever he chooses.

Please do not authorize more officers for the Appraiser's Department, to be sent here from New York. One, Mr. Paulson, appointed by your order, has just arrived. He is one too much. I understand still another is to come. I want to keep down expenses, and this expense is entirely unnecessary. Mr. Sarjeant did wrong in making such representations as he did to you, concerning the want of Examiners here.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 342-4

John Bright to John L. Motley, March 9, 1863

Rochdale,

March 9, 1863.

My Dear Mr. Motley: I should have written to you sooner, but I have been a week away from town and from home in consequence of the death of my father-in-law at Newcastle-on-Tyne, and for a week past I have been unable to sit down to write, owing to a violent cold, with cough and feverishness, which has made me incapable of any business or exertion.

Your letter gave me much pleasure, and I know not that there is anything in it on your great question that I do not agree with. I am glad to find that you have observed the change of feeling which has taken place in this country, and I hope it has not been without effect in the United States.

Coming down from the War of Independence and from the War of 1812, there has always been in this country a certain jealousy of yours. It has been felt by the ruling class that your escape from George III, and our aristocratic government has been followed by a success and a progress of which England could offer no example. The argument could not be avoided, If Englishmen west of the Atlantic can prosper without Crown, without Lords, without Church, without a great territorial class with feudal privileges, and without all this or these can become great and happy, how long will Englishmen in England continue to think these things necessary for them? Any argument in favor of freedom here, drawn from your example, was hateful to the ruling class; and therefore it is not to be wondered at that a great disaster happening to your country and to its Constitution should not be regarded as a great calamity by certain influential classes here. Again, the rich, made rich by commerce, are generally very corrupt: the fluctuations of politics suddenly influence their fortunes, and they are more likely to take the wrong side than the right one. Thus, in London, Liverpool, and Manchester, on the Stock Exchange and the commercial exchanges, are found many friends of the South, from the stupid idea that, if the North would not resist, peace would of necessity be restored.

But, apart from these classes, the mind of the nation is sound, and universally among the working-classes there is not only a strong hatred of slavery, but also a strong affection for the Union and for the Republic. They know well how literally it has been the home of millions of their class, and their feelings are entirely in its favor. The meetings lately held have not generally been attended by speakers most likely to draw great audiences, and yet no building has been large enough to contain those who have assembled. The effect of these meetings is apparent in some of our newspapers, and on the tone of Parliament. In the House of Commons there is not a whisper about recognition or mediation in any form, and so far I see no sign of any attempt to get up a discussion on the part of any friends of the South. I am not certain just now that the most cunning and earnest friends of the South are not of opinion that it is prudent to be quiet on another ground besides that of a public disinclination to their cause: they think the South has more to hope now from dissensions at the North than from European sympathy; and they believe that nothing would so rapidly heal dissensions at the North as any prospect of recognition or interference from France or England. I gather this from what I heard a short time ago from a leading, perhaps the leading, secessionist in the House of Commons.

So far as England is concerned, every idea of interference in any way seems to be quite abandoned. A real neutrality is the universally admitted creed and duty of this country, and I am convinced that there is a wide-spread dissatisfaction with the tardy action of the government by which the Alabama was allowed to get out to sea.

Two days before Parliament met I made a speech to a meeting mainly of working-men in this town. The object of the meeting was to vote thanks to the New York merchants and others for their contributions to our distressed operatives. I spoke to show them how hostile the pretensions of the South not only to negro freedom, but to all freedom, and, especially, to explain to them the new theory that all difficulties between capital and labor would be got rid of by making all labor into capital, that is, by putting my workmen into the position of absolute ownership now occupied by my horses! The people here understand all this. Cheap newspapers have done much for them of late, and I have no fear of their going wrong.

But, seeing no danger here, what can be said for your own people? The democratic leaders in some of the States seem depraved and corrupt to a high degree. It seems incredible that now, after two years of war, there should be anybody in the North in favor of slavery, and ready rather to peril and to ruin the Union than to wound and destroy the great cause of all the evil; yet so it is, and doubtless the government is weakened by this exhibition of folly and treason. Military successes will cure all this — but can they be secured? Time has allowed the South to consolidate its military power and to meet your armies with apparently almost equal forces. To me it seems that too much has been attempted, and that, therefore, much has failed. At this moment much depends on Vicksburg; if the river be cleared out, then the conspiracy will be cut into two, and the reputation of the administration will be raised. If, again, Charleston be captured, the effect in Europe will be considerable, and it will cause much disheartenment through the South. But if neither can be done, I think the North will be sick of its government, if not of the war, and it will be difficult to raise new forces and to continue the war. Another year must, I think, break down the South, but something must be done and shown to make it possible for Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward to conduct this contest through another campaign.

I cannot believe in the notions of the New York “Times” as to French intervention. The Mexican mess is surely enough for the appetite of Louis Napoleon. Perhaps the story is got up to give more unity to the Northern mind. I can trace it no further than this. Your cause is in your own hands. I hope Heaven may give you strength and virtue to win it. All mankind look on, for all mankind have a deep interest in the conflict. Thank you for all your kind words to myself. I shall always be glad to have a letter from you.

Ever yours sincerely,

John Bright.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 318-22

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, November 28, 1862

(Private)

New Orleans, November 28th, 1862.

Dear Sir: I have frequently conversed with Gen'l. Butler about an expedition to Texas, and since it was known here that Gen. Banks was to command the expedition, I have had two or three conversations with him. The General evidently expected that this expedition would be under his command, and now thinks that Gen. Banks should report to him and act under his orders — for the following reasons.

1st. Because Ship Island is an inconvenient and, for shipping, a dangerous rendezvous. Most of the Steam vessels from New York would be unable to enter the Texas harbors. Gen. Butler would put the troops on board his own light draught steamers, and wait just in the mouth of the river until fair weather permitted him to run to Galveston in 48 hours. The troops from the sailing vessels could be landed here and the vessels return home, thus saving expense, while a few trips of the General's steamers would convey all the troops to the Texas coast.

2nd. Gen. Butler's troops are acclimated — well disciplined — have all been under fire, and the weak and sickly have all been weeded out. Gen. Banks troops will be new and undisciplined, etc. Gen. Butler would retain the new troops here and send to Texas an equal number of his veterans, who would form a far more effective force than new troops and not liable to be weakened by sickness.

3rd. A large army could be accommodated in the City with greater ease and comfort than upon Ship Island.

4th. This point is the most convenient depot for supplying Quartermaster and Commissary's stores to Gen. Banks in Texas, and beef and other supplies to be obtained in Texas are most needed here.

5th. When the rebel army retreats from Vicksburg and Port Hudson, they may go west to Texas and crush Gen. Banks' force. This can be prevented by cooperating from this point and cutting them off by taking Shreveport (on Red River)—and this co operation can be efficient only by unity of counsel and command.

6th. The General has prepared four or five iron-clad gunboats, — the only strong boats on the Gulf coast, capable of operating advantageously in the shallow bays and bayous of Texas.

Such are the reasons I have collected why Gen. Butler should have command, or rather, why Gen. Banks should report to him. These reasons come from Gen. Butler himself. Perhaps others could be given, and perhaps these already stated are not weighty. I thought it proper, at any rate, to state them to you. Gen. Butler says the above plan would advance the expedition thirty days. Of course, I am ignorant of Gen. Banks' plan of operations. Intelligent Texans now here, think the capture of the town of Houston should be the first object. This is the center of railroads and (they say) the controlling position (in military sense) of the state. The slave population is large in that part of the state, and if properly employed, would prove a source of great weakness to the Rebels.

P. S. I do not know whether Gen. Butler or Gen. Banks is the ranking officer. I have written this letter only that you might be informed of Gen. Butler's opinions. He will soon send troops to Galveston.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 332-3

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 10, 1864

Near Big Shanty, Ga., June 10, 1864.

Army moved this a. m. Found the enemy again at this place, and have been in line of battle a dozen times, more or less. Our brigade is in reserve for the rest of the division. This is the Kenesaw Mountain; from the top of one peak the Rebels could see probably 25,000 Yanks. Some ladies were there in sight observing us. We are to-night in a dense wood some three-quarters of a mile southwest of the main road. The enemy does not seem to be close in our immediate front, but there is considerable firing about a brigade to our right. General Sherman's staff say that a general fight is not expected here. A. J. Smith is starting for Mobile from Vicksburg. That's glorious. We to-day heard of the nomination at Baltimore of Lincoln and Johnson. Very glad that Lincoln is renominated, but it don't make any excitement in the army. The unanimity of the convention does us more good than anything else. I received a letter from Gen. "Dick" (Oglesby) last night. He is much pleased with his nomination and has no doubt of his success. Neither have I. If we had the privilege the whole Illinois army would vote for him. We are having a good deal of rain, say about 6 hard showers a day. The roads are badly cut up. The hour or two hours sun between showers makes the men all right. The Rebels have no oilcloths and must be troubled with so much rain.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 257-8

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, October 10, 1862

(Private and unofficial)

New Orleans, Oct. 10th, 1862.

Dear Sir: I have received your official letter of Sept. 22nd. enclosing letters of Mr. Barney and Mr. Norton — and asking information whether any portion of shipments to this port reach the enemy. My official reply dated yesterday, is correct so far as it goes, but additional facts exist, proper to be stated only in a private letter.

Ever since the capture of this city, a brisk trade has been carried on with the rebels, by a few persons, under military permits, frequently with military assistance and as I believe, much to the pecuniary benefit of some of the principal military officers of this Department. I have suspected it for a long time, and spoke of it in my private letters to you, of Aug. 26th. and Sept. 9th. On the 5th. October, your regulations of Aug. 28th. reached me. I immediately stopped all trade with the enemy, and as this brought me in contact with the persons who have been conducting the trade, I acquired much information. Almost all the information to be given in this letter, has been collected this week.

A brother of Gen. Butler is here, who is called Col. Butler, though he occupies no position in the army. Government officers, citizens, and rebels, generally believe him to be the partner or agent of Gen'l. Butler. He does a heavy business and by various practices has made between one and two million dollars since the capture of the City. Gov. Shepley and especially Col. French (Provost Marshal) are supposed to be interested, but these officers, I believe to be entirely under control of Gen'l. Butler, who knows everything, controls everything, and should be held responsible for everything.

There are two channels of trade with the rebels — the River and Lake Pontchatrain.

River trade must be conducted by steam boats. There are eight or nine. River boats here, all seized and now in the hands of the military authorities. Col. Butler has used these boats as he pleased, for carrying up and bringing down freight. I had no control over them and could not know what was transpiring, for the military authorities controlled them, with whom I had no authority to interfere. Troops were at Baton Rouge and below Vicksburg, and it was to be supposed the boats were used for public, not private purposes. Of late, frequently, one or two infantry companies would accompany a boat taking up cargo and bringing back produce. This service was unpopular with officers and men, who enlisted for the benefit of the country and not of speculators. I say no more concerning the River trade, except that it has been constant and sometimes active.

Of the trade across the Lake I have more accurate and more information, because there are no government vessels there, and it was conducted with schooners. Shortly after arriving here I learned that large quantities of salt had crossed the lake to the rebels, and supposing it to be smuggled, took measures to stop it thenceforth. Two weeks later a schooner loaded with 1,000 sacks salt to cross the Lake. I directed the inspector to seize the vessel, and immediately called upon Gen. Butler, and requested a guard to be put on board. This was about 9 o'clock at night. He appeared indignant at the attempt to take salt to the enemy — ordered a guard on board the vessel — and ordered the immediate arrest of the Captain and shippers. The next day I had an interview with Provost Marshal French, who told me it was all a misunderstanding. The shipper had a permit for 500, but not for 1,000. That the shipper and captain were released — the vessel unladen and released also. I told him, he had no authority to release my seizures, but it was now too late to help it.

After this but little trade was done until six or eight weeks ago, when Gen. Butler gave a permit to a rebel, to ship four large cargoes, much of which was contraband, across the lake. I immediately called upon the General, who said that it was the policy of the Gov’t. to get cotton shipped from this port, and for that purpose, to trade with the enemy. In the conversation he left upon my mind the impression that this course was approved at Washington. I then had entire confidence in Gen'l. Butler, and my letter of instructions had directed me to consult with him frequently. For the last two months trade has been active across the lake, nor had I any authority to stop it, until the arrival of your regulations on the 5th. Oct., as above mentioned.

The following statements are made to me by various persons.

One man says — that he took over 600 sacks salt just before I arrived, and was gone six weeks. Gen'l Butler gave permit. Two dollars per sack was paid for permission to take from New Orleans. He sold 400 sacks to Confederate army at $25. per sack, and was permitted to sell the other 200 to citizens, at $36. per sack. He did not own the cargo, but received one fourth of net profits. He cleared $2,000. The owners cleared $6,000 — good money.

Dr. Avery, Surgeon 9th. Reg't. Conn. Vol., states that he accompanied an expedition to Pontchitoula, just North of Lake Pontchartrain, about three weeks ago. A skirmish ensued — he was taken prisoner and taken to Camp Moore. He saw a large quantity of salt in sacks there, lying by the railroad. A rebel officer said to him. “We bought that salt from Col. Butler. We paid $5. per sack for the privilege of shipment from New Orleans. To-day that salt goes to Richmond for the army. To-morrow or next day another cargo will arrive. The army get their salt from New Orleans. The Yankees “will do anything for money.”Dr. A. was subsequently released and is now in this city.

Capt. Cornwell, Co. A. 13th. Conn. Reg't. was stationed with his company at mouth of New Canal, for about three weeks, ending last Saturday. He states that the first schooner going out, was laden with large am't. of contraband articles — some medicines, including 80 gals, castor oil — It had Shepley's permit. He sent his 2nd. Lieut. (Kinney) to Gen. Butler — who said “Go to Gov. Shepley and ask him if he does not know that these articles will go right into the hands of the enemy.” Gov. Shepley said, “Return to Gen. Butler and say that I consulted him before giving this permit.” Whereupon Gen. B. said, “Well, let it go, since Gov. S. has granted a permit.” The same thing happened two or three days afterward, when Gen. B. received the messenger, and at once wrote on the back of the permit — “Gov. Shepley's passes must be respected.” Capt. Cornwell now wants to go home.

The inspector of Customs at the New Canal is very sick, and therefore I cannot get his statement at present.

Mr. Clark applies for permission to trade with the enemy on a large scale and states that he made the arrangement by Gen. Butler's consent. I let his vessel leave in ballast, taking bond in double the value of the vessel, that she would be returned into my custody within 20 days. He had a letter from Gen. B. which I caused to be privately copied, and also a letter from Col. Butler. Both are enclosed herewith, marked A.

Don D. Goicouria (of the firm of D. D. Goicouria and Co., New St., N. Y.) has been here four months and has made about $200,000. He asks to continue trade with the enemy authorized by Gen'l. Butler. He has taken two thousand sacks salt to the confederate army. He made an arrangement with Gen. Butler and Benjamin (Rebel Secretary of War) to take salt to the enemy, bringing back cotton — in exchange, at the rate of ten sacks in one bale of cotton. He goes North next steamer, and will apply to Secretary of Treasury for permit to continue the trade. He has rec'd. here 200 bales cotton. His salt goes to the Confederate Army. He says, Col. Butler told him that he (Col. B.) had sent North 8,000 hogs, sugar of his own, worth in N. Y. $800,000 or $900,000. Besides salt, he has taken to the enemy large amount of other goods. In his interview with you he will be able to tell you everything about trade with the Rebels if disposed so to do.

A Roman Catholic Priest, from Bay St. Louis, told me yesterday that in his vicinity, Salt was selling for $3.50 per gallon — or $25. per bushel — and Flour at $55. per barrel.

(A Sack of salt contains about 4 bushels).

Mr. Lloyd applies for permit to trade. He states that Gen. B. granted him permit, to take effect whenever he pleased — and offered him Gunboats and soldiers. He declined such aid, preferring to make arrangements with Confederate authorities, which are now completed. That he promised to bring hither 5,000 bales cotton and sell them to Gen. Butler, at the market price. He insinuates that there is a further understanding between himself and Gen. Butler, but declines stating what it is. His agent's name is Burden and his application (with list of cargo) is enclosed herewith, marked B.

Another, application comes from Wm. Perkins and is enclosed herewith marked C.

E. H. Montgomery's vessels was stopped by me in New Canal on the 5th. October. His permit from Gov. Shepley and list of Cargo is enclosed herewith marked D.

All the vessels crossing the Lake since Sept. 23rd. have had Gen. Shepley's pass. The inspector has furnished a list of them with their cargoes — which list is enclosed herewith, marked E.

After receiving copy of your regulations, I told Gen. Butler that this trade gave aid and comfort to the enemy without benefit to the Gov't. — that it demoralized the army — disgusted loyal citizens — and degraded the character of the Gov't. He smilingly assented — said it ought to be stopped — that he didn't see why Shepley granted such permits — and that he was going to visit Ship Island, and when he returned would see me about it again!

The stringent blockade enhances prices in the Rebel States, and is a great thing for the military speculators of this Department — and their friends.

I know of 5,000 sacks being sent to the enemy, and I think more than 10,000 have been sent.

I suppose your regulations (28th. Aug.) apply equally to the portion of the State within our lines—as well as to that under insurrectionary control. That supplies can be sent anywhere to a loyal citizen for his own use, but not to sell to rebels, and that I am to control the whole matter. If I mistake please inform me.

Most of this trade can be stopped, but I believe the present military authorities are so corrupt that they will take all means to make money. The amount of goods smuggled from this point to the enemy, has been trifling. Gen. Butler has always been kind to me, and our personal relations are upon the most pleasant footing. He has great ability, great energy, shrewdness and activity, and industry, but he can never acquire a character here for disinterestedness. Many officers and soldiers want to go home, not wishing to risk their lives to make fortunes for others.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 320-5

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 19, 1863

After all the rumors from Northern Virginia, I have seen nothing official. I incline to the belief that we have achieved no success further than an advance toward Washington, and a corresponding retreat of the enemy. It is to be yet seen whether Lee captured more prisoners than Meade captured. It is said we lost seven guns. But how can Lee achieve anything when the enemy is ever kept informed not only of his movements in progress, but of his probable intentions? I observe that just about the time Lee purposes a movement, several Jews and others of conscript age are seen to apply for passports through the lines, for ordnance and medical stores, and Judge Campbell is certain to “allow” them. The letter-book, for they are now recorded, shows this. These men bring supplies from Maryland, if they ever return, in saddle-bags, while the same kind are landed every week at Wilmington by the cargo!

A recent letter from Lieut.-Gen. E. Kirby Smith, trans-Mississippi, fills me with alarm. He says the property-holders in Arkansas and Louisiana — which States we are evacuating — are willing to return to their allegiance to the United States if that government should modify its policy. He says we have but 32,500 in Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas — all told — and the enemy twice that number.

Gen. D. H. Hill has been relieved in the West, and ordered to report in this city to Gen. Cooper. It was necessary perhaps to have a scape-goat. Bragg will probably be sustained by the President — but then what will become of ———, who is so inimical to Bragg?

The President has published, in the West, an eloquent address to the soldiers.

It appears from Gen. K. Smith's letter that the French captured a vessel having on board, for the Confederate States, 12,000 stand of arms, which were taken to Vera Cruz. It is presumed that the French commander supposed these arms were sent over for the use of the Mexicans, probably by the United States. If this be so, it is reasonable to suppose they will be restored us, and so far I do not learn that this government has taken umbrage at the capture. It may be that they were taken to keep them from falling into the possession of the United States cruisers. There are one or two French war steamers now at Charleston, interchanging courtesies with the Confederate States authorities there. It also appears by Gen. Smith's letter that'a large amount of arms for the trans-Mississippi Department were deposited at Vicksburg, and fell into the hands of the enemy. The President indorsed on the back of the letter that this was a blunder, and asks by whose order the deposit was made. Col. Gorgas must answer.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 73-4