Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: July 2, 1864

Routed out early this morning, a hot one. Packed up, ready to march. We bid farewell to our good camp, where we received so much pleasure in this section of West Virginia. After a march of twenty-six miles over a very rough, stony road, along the banks of the Kanawah River, we came to a halt at a place known as Camp Piatt, near the river. The march was a hot one, causing much suffering to the men. No air in this valley.

Informed we take boat at this point for Parkersburg, West Virginia. Rations very plenty at this point. All horses and wagons are to be sent overland, a distance of one hundred miles. Waiting for the boats to arrive.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 91

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: June 30, 1864

Up very early this fine morning. A good bath in the waters of the Great Kanawah. A good place to dry our clothes on the bushes. We remain in water for a long time. So refreshing and good. At this point a great battle had taken place when General Rosencrans drove the rebels out of West Virginia, who were under the command of General Robert E. Lee. The bed of the river was covered with shells, solid shot, pieces of exploded shells, and bullets. I never saw anything like it before. This battle took place the first year of the war. I have a bullet picked from the bottom of that river by myself. Received orders to clean up for inspection, and muster for pay. Having a good time and a much needed rest. We are all in good health in our company. Wonderful what men can endure. Thankful for a good rest in this quiet, ideal place where there is so much of interest.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 89-90

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: June 29, 1864

Up very early this morning and on the march. A hot, muggy morn. After being under way about two hours, we could hear in the distance the popping of guns. Sounded like skirmishing firing. We thought there was music ahead for us. We kept pushing on. After a time the road rounded a curve on the mountains, where we could see ahead for a short distance. We could see the men leave the road and some running back. As we came near the point, saw that it was a cliff, a great overhanging rock. We learned that it was known as the Hawk's Nest, giving a grand view of the New River, the mountains and valleys. We were allowed a look and permission to shoot, and listen to the wonderful echo our old muskets made. The view was something grand and awful. Shall never forget that scene. We learned there was a legend connected with its history. Indian lovers jumped from the cliff because the father, a chief, would not let his daughter marry the man of her choice. The story was told us by people living near.

After a time we began to descend the mountains, which I learned were the Gauley Mountains. At the foot of the mountains we came to a halt at the Gauley River, the bridge having been destroyed at the breaking out of the war, when General Rosencrans drove the rebel General, Robert E. Lee, out of West Virginia. We went up the river a short distance, where we managed to cross. The New River and the Gauley meet at this point and form the Great Kanawah River. A short distance from the Gauley River, on the bank of the Kanawah River, an ideal spot, camp was located. At this point rations had been stored for Hunter's hungry army. Good bacon, salt beef, salt pork, rice, beans, coffee, sugar, hardtack. Good water. Fine place for bathing. The Kanawah River was as clear as crystal. Plenty to eat, a chance to bathe, wash our clothes, rest, made a great improvement in our condition in a very short time. This is a very interesting point here, as we learn its history from the old residents. They seem pleased to meet us and give us all the particulars about the location. Great lofty mountains on each side of the rivers. More inhabitants here than we have seen in any place for a long time.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 88-9

Diary of Corporal Charles H. Lynch: June 23, 1864

Left New Castle very early this hot morning. No air in these valleys of Virginia and West Virginia. Most of our rations consist of fresh meat. It is brought in to us in the night and cooked in the night, broiled on the end of a ramrod. It is hard to keep out of our minds, but is generally believed that we are eating horse and mule meat. When we left Cedar Creek on this raid, General Hunter informed us that we might be obliged to eat horse flesh before our return. At that time we were ordered to be careful of our rations.

All the roads in the mountains and valleys are bad, hard for our feet. It is now thought that we are in the Alleghany Mountains. In spite of all our hardships we cannot help admiring the scenery. How we could enjoy it if we had plenty to eat and could take our time marching along. Up and down, over the mountains we go, until we reach the Sweet Springs, twenty-six miles from New Castle. Here we are to stop for the night. Large fine buildings here. A resort. Deserted. Generals Hunter and Crook located headquarters in a large, fine building. Our regiment stopping nearby. Rations for tonight, plenty of fresh meat and coffee. While we are all tired, foot-sore, and near used up, there is but little growling or fault-finding. Keep up courage very well as we endure these hardships, all for our country. While the days are hot, the nights are cool.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 84

Major-General Thomas J. Jackson to Judah P. Benjamin, November 20, 1861

HEADQUARTERS VALLEY DISTRICT,

November 20, 1861.

Hon. J.P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War:

SIR: I hope you will pardon me for requesting that at once all the troops under General Loring be ordered to this point.

Deeply impressed with the importance of absolute secrecy respecting military operations, I have made it a point to say but little respecting my proposed movements in the event of sufficient re-enforcements arriving; but since conversing with Lieut. Col. J. T. L. Preston, upon his return from General Loring, and ascertaining the disposition of the general's forces, I venture to respectfully urge that after concentrating all his troops here an attempt should be made to capture the Federal forces at Romney.¹

The attack on Romney would probably induce McClellan to believe that the Army of the Potomac had been so weakened as to justify him in making an advance on Centreville; but should this not induce him to advance, I do not believe anything will during the present winter. Should the Army of the Potomac be attacked, I would be at once prepared to re-enforce it with my present volunteer force, increased by General Loring's. After repulsing the enemy at Manassas, let the troops that marched on Romney return to the valley, and move rapidly westward to the waters of the Monongahela and Little Kanawha. Should General Kelley be defeated, and especially should he be captured, I believe that by a judicious disposition of the militia, a few cavalry, and a small number of field pieces, no additional forces would be required for some time in this district.

I deem it of very great importance that Northwestern Virginia be occupied by Confederate troops this winter. At present it is to be presumed that the enemy are not expecting an attack there, and the resources of that region necessary for the subsistence of our troops are in greater abundance than in almost any other season of the year. Postpone the occupation of that section until spring, and we may expect to find the enemy prepared for us and the resources to which I have referred greatly exhausted. I know that what I have proposed will be an arduous undertaking and cannot be accomplished without the sacrifice of much personal comfort; but I feel that the troops will be prepared to make this sacrifice when animated by the prospects of important results to our cause and distinction to themselves.

It may be urged against this plan that the enemy will advance on Staunton or Huntersville. I am well satisfied that such a step would but make their destruction more certain. Again, it may be said that General Floyd will be cut off. To avoid this, if necessary the general has only to fall back towards the Virginia and Tennessee Railroad. When Northwestern Virginia is occupied in force, the Kanawha Valley, unless it be the lower part of it, must be evacuated by the Federal forces, or otherwise their safety will be endangered by forcing a column across from the Little Kanawha between them and the Ohio River.

Admitting that the season is too far advanced, or that from other causes all cannot be accomplished that has been named, yet through the blessing of God, who has thus far so wonderfully prospered our cause, much more may be expected from General Loring's troops, according to this programme, than can be expected from them where they are. If you decide to order them here, I trust that for the purpose of saving time all the infantry, cavalry, and artillery Will be directed to move immediately upon the reception of the order.* The enemy, about 5,000 strong, have been for some time slightly fortifying at Romney, and have completed their telegraph from that place to Green Spring Depot. Their forces at and near Williamsport are estimated as high as 5,000, but as yet I have no reliable information of their strength beyond the Potomac.

Your most obedient servant,

 T. J. JACKSON,

 Major-General, P. A. C. S.

[Indorsement.]

HEADQUARTERS,

Centreville, November 21, 1861.

Respectfully forwarded. I submit that the troops under General Loring might render valuable services by taking the field with General Jackson, instead of going into winter quarters, as now proposed.

 J. E. JOHNSTON,

 General.

_______________

¹ General Kelly was then at Romney with a force reputed to be five thousand men, to cover repairs on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad.

* See Johnston to Cooper, November 22, p. 966, and Benjamin to Loring, November 42, p. 968.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 5 (Serial No. 5), p. 965-6; Mary Anna Jackson, Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson (Stonewall Jackson), p. 218-21

Rutherford B. Hayes to Guy M. Bryan, May 8, 1861

CINCINNATI, May 8, 1861.

DEAR GUY: — I have just received and read your letter of the 27th ult. It does me good to hear from you again. I have thought of you often since these troubles began. Curiously enough, having a bad cold and a slight fever, I dreamed of many things last night. Among others I dreamed of seeing you at the Burnet House; that you wore on your cap some sort of secession emblem and that you were in danger of getting into difficulty with some soldiers who were in the rotunda, and that it was after some effort that I succeeded in getting you rid of them. I should have written you soon even if I had not heard from you.

Your predictions as to the course of things have indeed been very exactly fulfilled. I can recollect distinctly many conversations had twelve, perhaps even fifteen, years ago in which you pointed out the probable result of the agitation of slavery. I have hoped that we could live together notwithstanding slavery, but for some time past the hope has been a faint one. I now have next to no hope of a restoration of the old Union. If you are correct in your view of the facts, there is no hope whatever. In such case, a continued union is not desirable were it possible. I do not differ widely from you as to the possibility of conquering the South, nor as to the expediency of doing it even if it were practicable. If it is the settled and final judgment of any slave State that she cannot live in the Union, I should not think it wise or desirable to retain her by force, even if it could be done.

But am I, therefore, to oppose the war? If it were a war of conquest merely, certainly I should oppose it, and on the grounds you urge. But the war is forced on us. We cannot escape it. While in your State, and in others, perhaps in all the cotton-growing States, a decided and controlling public judgment has deliberately declared against remaining in the Union, it is quite certain that in several States rebellious citizens are bent on forcing out of the Union States whose people are not in favor of secession; that the general Government is assailed, its property taken, its authority defied in places and in a way not supported by any fairly expressed popular verdict. Undoubtedly the design to capture Washington is entertained by the Government of the Southern Confederacy. Undoubtedly that Confederacy has not by its acts sought a peaceful separation. Everything has been done by force. If force had been employed to meet force, I believe several States now out of the Union would have remained in it. We have an example before us. Two weeks ago Maryland was fast going out; now, aided by the power of the general Government, the Union men seem again to be in the ascendant. The same is true of Delaware, Kentucky, Missouri, and western Virginia, with perhaps allowances in some quarters.

I do not, of course, undertake to predict what will be the ultimate object of the war. I trust it will not be merely the conquest of unwilling peoples. Its present object, and its obvious present effect, is to defend the rights of the Union, and to strengthen the Union men in the doubtful States. We were becoming a disgraced, demoralized people. We are now united and strong.

If peaceful separation were to be attempted, it would fail. We should fight about the terms of it. The question of boundary alone would compel a war. After a war we shall make peace. It will henceforth be known that a State disappointed in an election can't secede, except at the risk of fearful war. What is left to us will be ours. The war for the purposes indicated — viz., for the defence of the capital, for the maintenance of the authority of the Government and the rights of the United States, I think is necessary, wise, and just. I know you honestly differ from me. I know that thousands — the great body of the people in some States, perhaps, — agree with you, and if we were only dealing with you and such as you, there would be no war between us. But if Kentucky, Virginia, and other States similarly situated leave the Union, it will be because they are forced or dragged out; and our Government ought not to permit it, if it can be prevented even by war.

I read your letter to Judge Matthews. We agree in the main respecting these questions. I shall be pleased to read it to George [Jones] when we meet. He has two brothers who have volunteered and gone to Washington. Lorin Andrews, President of Kenyon, our classmate, is colonel of a regiment. My brotherin-law, Dr. [James D.] Webb, has gone as a surgeon. I shall not take any active part, probably, unless Kentucky goes out. If so the war will be brought to our own doors and I shall be in it. If I felt I had any peculiar military capacity I should probably have gone to Washington with the rest. I trust the war will be short and that in terms, just to all, peace will be restored. I apprehend, and it is, I think, generally thought, that the war will [not] be a long one. Our whole people are in it. Your acquaintances Pugh, Pendleton, and Groesbeck, are all for prosecuting it with the utmost vigor. Vallandigham is silent, the only man I have heard of in any party. He has not been mobbed and is in no danger of it. I will try to send you Bishop McIlvaine's address on the war. It will give you our side of the matter.

We shall, of course, not agree about the war. We shall, I am sure, remain friends. There are good points about all such wars. People forget self. The virtues of magnanimity, courage, patriotism, etc., etc., are called into life. People are more generous, more sympathetic, better, than when engaged in the more selfish pursuits of peace. The same exhibition of virtue is witnessed on your side. May there be as much of this, the better side of war, enjoyed on both sides, and as little of the horrors of war suffered, as possible, and may we soon have an honorable and enduring peace!

My regards to your wife and boy. Lucy and the boys send much love.

As ever,

R. B. HAYES.

P. S. — My eldest thinks God will be sorely puzzled what to do. He hears prayers for our side at church, and his grandmother tells him that there are good people praying for the other side, and he asks: "How can He answer the prayers of both?"

GUY M. BRYAN,

Texas.

 SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 13-6

General Robert E. Lee to John C. Breckinridge, February 22, 1865

HEADQUARTERS, PETERSBURG, February 22, 1865.

HON. J. C. BRECKINRIDGE,

Sec. of War, Richmond, Va.

SIR: I have just received your letter of the 21st. I concur fully as to the necessity of defeating Sherman. I hope that General Beauregard will get his troops in hand at least before he can cross the Roanoke. If any additions can be given him, it cannot be south of that stream. The troops in the Valley are scattered for subsistence, nor can they be concentrated for the want of it. The infantry force is very small. At the commencement of winter I think it was reported under 1,800. That in western Virginia you know more about than I do, and there are only two regiments in western North Carolina. These united would be of some assistance. At the rate that Beauregard supposes Sherman will march, they could not be collected at Greensboro in time, still, I hope to make some use of them. But you may expect Sheridan to move up the Valley and Stoneman from Knoxville as Sherman draws near Roanoke. What, then, will become of those sections of country? I know of no other troops that could be given to Beauregard. Bragg will be forced back by Schofield, I fear, and until I abandon James River nothing can be sent from this army.

Grant, I think, is now preparing to draw out by his left with the intent of enveloping me. He may wait till his other columns approach nearer, or he may be preparing to anticipate my withdrawal. I cannot tell yet. I am endeavoring to collect supplies convenient to Burkeville. Everything of value should be removed from Richmond. It is of the first importance to save all powder.  The cavalry and artillery of the army are still scattered for want of provender, and our supply and ammunition trains, which ought to be with the army in case of a sudden movement, are absent collecting provisions and forage, some in western Virginia and some in North Carolina. You will see to what straits we are reduced. But I trust to work out.

With great respect, your obedient servant,

R. E. LEE,

General.

SOURCE: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 356-7

Major General George B. McClellan’s Proclamation to the People of Western Virginia.

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO,

Cincinnati, May 26, 1861.

To the Union Men of Western Virginia:

VIRGINIANS: The General Government has long enough endured the machinations of a few factious rebels in your midst. Armed traitors have in vain endeavored to deter you from expressing your loyalty at the polls. Having failed in this infamous attempt to deprive you of the exercise of your dearest rights, they now seek to inaugurate a reign of terror, and thus force you to yield to their schemes, and submit to the yoke of the traitorous conspiracy dignified by the name of Southern Confederacy.

They are destroying the property of citizens of your State and ruining your magnificent railways. The General Government has heretofore carefully abstained from sending troops across the Ohio, or even from posting them along its banks, although frequently urged by many of your prominent citizens to do so. I determined to await the result of the late election, desirous that no one might be able to say that the slightest effort had been made from this side to influence the free expression of your opinion, although the many agencies brought to bear upon you by the rebels were well known.

You have now shown, under the most adverse circumstances, that the great mass of the people of Western Virginia are true and loyal to that beneficent Government under which we and our fathers have lived so long. As soon as the result of the election was known the traitors commenced their work of destruction. The General Government cannot close its ears to the demand you have made for assistance. I have ordered troops to cross the river. They come as your friends and brothers – as enemies only to the armed rebels who are preying upon you. Your homes, your families, and your property are safe under our protection. All your rights shall be religiously respected.

Notwithstanding all that has been said by the traitors to induce you to believe that our advent among you will be signalized by interference with your slaves understand one thing clearly – not only will we abstain from all such interference, but we will, on the contrary, with an iron hand, crush any attempt at insurrection on their part. Now that we are in your midst, I call upon you to fly to arms and support the General Government.

Sever the connection that binds you to traitors. Proclaim to the world that the faith and loyalty so long boasted by the Old Dominion are still preserved in Western Virginia, and that you remain true to the Stars and Stripes.

GEO. B. McCLELLAN,

Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 2 (Serial No. 2), p. 48-9

The Wheeling Legislature Going to Richmond

WASHINGTON, May 13.

A member of Congress, who has just returned from Wheeling, states that the loyal Legislature of Virginia, now in session in that city, is getting ready to move to Richmond.  The capture of the State capital is regarded as certain, and the Legislature proposes to take time by the forelock and occupy the State House as the legitimate representative body of the State.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 17, 1862, p. 1

Major General George B. McClellan to Abraham Lincoln, July 7, 1862

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,

Camp near Harrison's Landing, Va., July 7, 1862.

Mr. PRESIDENT: You have been fully informed that the rebel army is in our front with the purpose of overwhelming us by attacking our positions or reducing us by blocking our river communications. I cannot but regard our condition as critical, and I earnestly desire, in view of possible contingencies, to lay before Your Excellency for your private consideration my general views concerning the existing state of the rebellion, although they do not strictly relate to the situation of this army or strictly come within the scope of my official duties. These views amount to convictions, and are deeply impressed upon my mind and heart. Our cause must never be abandoned; it is the cause of free institutions and self-government. The Constitution and the Union must be preserved, whatever may be the cost in time, treasure, and blood. If secession is successful, other dissolution’s are clearly to be seen in the future. Let neither military disaster, political faction, nor foreign war shake your settled purpose to enforce the equal operation of the laws of the United States upon the people of every State.

The time has come when the Government must determine upon a civil and military policy covering the whole ground of our national trouble. The responsibility of determining, declaring, and supporting such civil and military policy, and of directing the whole course of national affairs in regard to the rebellion, must now be assumed and exercised by you, or our cause will be lost. The Constitution gives you power sufficient even for the present terrible exigency.

This rebellion has assumed the character of a war. As such it should be regarded, and it should be conducted upon the highest principles known to Christian civilization. It should not be a war looking to the subjugation of the people of any State in any event. It should not be at all a war upon population, but against armed forces and political organizations. Neither confiscation of property, political executions of persons, territorial organization of States, or forcible abolition of slavery should be contemplated for a moment.

In prosecuting the war all private property and unarmed persons should be strictly protected, subject only to the necessity of military operations; all private property taken for military use should be paid or receipted for; pillage and waste should be treated as high crimes, all unnecessary trespass sternly prohibited, and offensive demeanor by the military toward citizens promptly rebuked. Military arrests should not be tolerated, except in places where active hostilities exist, and oaths not required by enactment’s constitutionally made should be neither demanded nor received. Military government should be confined to the preservation of public order and the protection of political rights. Military power should not be allowed to interfere with the relations of servitude, either by supporting or impairing the authority of the master, except for repressing disorder, as in other cases. Slaves, contraband under the act of Congress, seeking military protection, should receive it. The right of the Government to appropriate permanently to its own service claims to slave labor should be asserted, and the right of the owner to compensation therefor should be recognized. This principle might be extended, upon grounds of military necessity and security, to all the slaves of a particular State, thus working manumission in such State; and in Missouri, perhaps in Western Virginia also, and possibly even in Maryland, the expediency of such a measure is only a question of time. A system of policy thus constitutional, and pervaded by the influences of Christianity and freedom, would receive the support of almost all truly loyal men, would deeply impress the rebel masses and all foreign nations, and it might be humbly hoped that it would commend itself to the favor of the Almighty.

Unless the principles governing the future conduct of our struggle shall be made known and approved the effort to obtain requisite forces will be almost hopeless. A declaration of radical views, especially upon slavery, will rapidly disintegrate our present armies. The policy of the Government must be supported by concentrations of military power. The national forces should not be dispersed in expeditions, posts of occupation, and numerous armies, but should be mainly collected into masses, and brought to bear upon the armies of the Confederate States. Those armies thoroughly defeated, the political structure which they support would soon cease to exist.

In carrying out any system of policy which you may form you will require a Commander-in-Chief of the Army – one who possesses your confidence, understands your views, and who is competent to execute your orders by directing the military forces of the nation to the accomplishment of the objects by you proposed. I do not ask that place for myself. I am willing to serve you in such position as you may assign me, and I will do so as faithfully as ever subordinate served superior.

I may be on the brink of eternity, and as I hope forgiveness from my Maker I have written this letter with sincerity toward you and from love for my country.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

GEO. B. McCLELLAN,

Major-General, Commanding.

His Excellency ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 11, Part 1 (Serial No. 12), p. 73-4

From Western Virginia

Times’ Special.

HEADQUARTERS MOUNTAIN DEPARTMENT,

NEAR HARRISBURG, May 8.

A dispatch from Fayetteville, announcing the advance of Gen. Cox, composed of a part of the 33d, under Maj. Cawley, occupied Giles C. H., and Darrows, on New river, yesterday.  The rebels ran, and did not burn the town as intended.  Abundant commissary stores, a Lieut., Major and 20 privates were captured.  The citizens remained, and seemed loyal.

The defeat of the rebels at Camp Creek, was more important than at first supposed.

Gen. Milory is now fighting, and Gen. [Schenck] is advancing.  Particular[s] of this movement are forbidden.

HEADQUARTERS MOUNTAIN DEPARTMENT,

May 8, 1862.

To E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:– Gen. Cox telegraphs that his advance, consisting of part of the 23d Ohio, occupied Giles Court House and the narrows of New River yesterday, driving away the rebels, who were taken by surprise.  A large quantity of commissary stores and 20 privates were captured.  Our surprise prevented the burning of that place as the rebels intended.  Most of the citizens seem loyally disposed.

Signed.

J. C. FREMONT.

WASHINGTON, May 8.

Information has been received here that a cavalry reconnoissance was recently made to Culpepper C. H.  Seven prisoners were captured as they were attempting to escape – they have been sent to Washington.  Our troops were favorably received by the people, and only temporarily occupied the town.

Minister Adams has presented a claim to the British Government for the restoration of the Emily St. Pierre, the Captain of which rose on the prize crew and conveyed her to Liverpool, after her capture by the United States fleet, for a violation of the blockade.

An order from the War Department says: “Upon requisitions made by commanders of the armies in the field, and authority will be given by the Department to the Governors of the respective States to recruit for regiments now in the service.”

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 10, 1862, p. 1

Brigadier General Ulysses S. Grant to Mary Frances Grant, August 12, 1861

Ironton, Mo.,

August 12th, 1861.

Dear Sister:

Your letter directed to me at Mexico, Missouri came to hand yesterday at this place. A glance at the map will show you where I am. When I came here it was reported that this place was to be attacked by 8000 secessionists, under General Hardee, within a day or two. Now Hardee’s force seems to have reduced, and his distance from here to have increased. Scouting parties however are constantly seen within a few miles of our pickets. I have here about 3000 volunteers nearly all infantry, but our position being strong, and our cause a good one, it would trouble a much larger force of the enemy to dislodge us. You ask my views about the continuance of the war, and so forth. Well I have changed my mind so much that I don't know what to think. That the rebels will be so badly whipped by April next that they cannot make a stand anywhere, I don't doubt. But they are so dogged that there is no telling when they may be subdued. Send Union troops among them and respect all their rights, pay for everything you get, and they become desperate and reckless because their state sovereignty is invaded. Troops of the opposite side march through and take everything they want, leaving no pay but scrip, and they become desperate secession partisans because they have nothing more to lose. Every change makes them more desperate. I should like to be sent to Western Virginia, but my lot seems to be cast in this part of the world.

I wanted to remain in St. Louis a day or two to get some books to read that might help me in my profession, and have my uniform made. Mine has been a busy life from the beginning, and my new-made friends in Illinois seem to give me great credit. I hope to deserve it, and shall spare no pains on my part to do so.

It is precious little time I shall have for writing letters, but I have subscribed for the Daily St. Louis Democrat to be sent to you, through which you may occasionally hear from me.

Write to me often even though your letters are not answered. As I told father in my last I will try to have you hear from me twice a month if I have to write you after midnight.

I told Julia she might go to Covington and board whilst I am away but I don't know but that she had better stay where she is. The people of Galena have always shown the greatest friendship for me and I would prefer keeping my home there. I would like very much though, if you would go and stay with Julia.

If I get a uniform and get where I can have my daguerreotype taken, your wish in that respect shall be gratified.

Your Brother

ULYS.

SOURCE: Jesse Grant Cramer, Editor, Letters of Ulysses S. Grant to His Father and His Youngest Sister, 1857-78, p. 47-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: Wednesday, July 15, 1863

There was a rumor of another battle beyond the Potomac, this morning, but it has not been confirmed.

From Charleston we have no news; but from Jackson there has been considerable fighting, without a general engagement.                                                               

The Enquirer and Sentinel to-day squint at a military dictatorship; but President Davis would hardly attempt such a feat at such a time.

Gen. Samuel Jones, Western Virginia, has delayed 2000 men ordered to Lee, assigning as an excuse the demonstrations of the enemy in the Kanawha Valley. “Off with his head — so much for Buckingham!”

There is some gloom in the community; but the spirits of the people will rebound.

A large crowd of Irish, Dutch, and Jews are daily seen at Gen. Winder's door, asking permission to go North on the flag of truce boat. They fear being forced into the army; they will be compelled to aid in the defense of the city, or be imprisoned. They intend to leave their families behind, to save the property they have accumulated under the protection of the government.

Files of papers from Europe show that Mr. Roebuck and other members of Parliament, as well as the papers, are again agitating he question of recognition. We shall soon ascertain the real intentions of France and England. If they truly desire our success, and apprehend danger from the United States in the event of a reconstruction of the Union, they will manifest their purposes when the news of our recent calamities shall be transported across the ocean. And if such a thing as reconstruction were possible, and were accomplished (in such a manner and on such terms as would not appear degrading to the Southern people), then, indeed, well might both France and England tremble. The United States would have millions of soldiers, and the Southern people would not owe either of them a debt of gratitude.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 379

An Armistice With Rebel Guerrillas

We learn from the Wheeling Intelligencer that Col. Rathbone, of the 11th, Virginia regiment, has granted an armistice with the guerrillas in Calhoun, Roan and adjoining counties.  The armistice was granted last Sunday week.  It was arranged between Col. Rathbone and Captains Dounes, Hays and Silcott that hostilities should cease for eight days, and in the meantime the rebels should withdraw from without our lines, and in case the city of Richmond was captured, they (the rebels) should surrender themselves as prisoners of war.  The last heard of the rebels, they were up on the on the west fork of the Little Kanawha River, going southward.  The Federal forces at Spencer were being supplied from Ravenswood.  A few days ago a wagon load of provisions was attacked by guerillas, about eight miles from the former place, and the guards (eleven in number) fled for their lives. – The rebels killed two of the horses and burned the wagons in the road.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, June 7, 1862, p. 1

The Plan Of The Campaign

From the New York Evening Post.

There is throughout the whole Union north of the cotton states, an eager expectation of some decisive movements of the mighty host of armed men whom we have brought into the field, and who have hitherto been engaged only in a war of skirmishes.  With a considerable part of our population in the Atlantic states this exception has been heightened into impatience, while in the western states both the volunteers and the people are in a fever of what can hardly be called anything less than discontent and chafe, like caged tigers, at the delay.  Everybody feels that there is much to do and that the time is short.  Knowing and feeling this, as we all do, it is but just to those who are entrusted with the administration of public affairs to take for granted that they are as sensible of it as we can be, and as anxious to hasten, by every safe method, the decision of a controversy which has been referred to the dreadful arbitrament of war.

Those, however, who are looking for an advance of our army from Washington, we are confident, look to the wrong quarter.  Washington is no proper base of military operations against the southern states.  The true policy of those who conduct the war is to penetrate the centre of the enemy’s territory by the most direct mode of access.  The attempt to reach it by the lines of march from Washington would be as absurd as if a combatant with a small sword should attempt to pierce his antagonist’s heart through his shoulder.

The lines of march from Washington are difficult – obstructed by the exceeding foulness of the ways at this season and by the strong posts of the enemy.  Suppose these difficulties happily overcome – suppose the rebel forces at Manassas, strong as their position is, beaten from the ground and forced to retire.  They would make their way to the South and the Southwest, tearing up the railways, their army from Richmond our further advance in that quarter would end and we should be met by their army assembled on a new northern frontier.

We think it is agreed by those who understand these matters far better than we can pretend to do, that the true military policy of our government is to break up, divide, and scatter the forces of the enemy, instead of compelling them to collect in a compact body – to oblige them to defend against us the different parts of the territory they occupy, by different fragments of their army separated in such a manner as to have no possible communication with each other and wholly unable to form a junction.  To effect this the base of operations should be far south of Washington, on the flank of the insurgent region, at some point chosen as near as possible to the heart of the country possessed by obstructing the routes they take in every possible manner ravaging the country consuming and carrying off its supplies, and leaving behind them a solitude in which the pursuing army could find no means of subsistence.

What then would be gained by such a victory?  Little more than the credit of a successful engagement.  We should have before us a waste which it would be of no advantage to us to occupy.  The rebel forces in retiring would concentrate themselves within a smaller compass, and there would be no essential [diminution] of their power of resistance.  All the communications between the different divisions of their army and the different parts of the country held by them would still remain open, and would have the advantage of being considerably shortened.  We should have gained possession of no point of which we could say that its occupation was at all decisive of the event of the war. – With the retreat of the enemy, and from which the access to their most exposed parts would be least difficult.  Our great river, the Mississippi, and the communication which we have opened, through Western Virginia with Kentucky, fortunately place such a base of operations in our power, without any previous fighting.  A powerful central force might thus be planted in the midst of the enemy’s territory rendering it wholly impossible to concentrate their forces, prepared to annihilate the separate divisions of their army one after another, and ready to strike immediately and with effect at any point which it may become desirable to occupy.

Inasmuch as it is wholly impossible to do this from Washington, we hold that it is absurd to attribute to the government or to the commanding officer of our army the idea of ordering and advance from Washington.  They must see, even more clearly than anybody else the advantages of such a plan as that of which we have spoke, they must feel the importance of carrying it into effect before the cold season has passed, they must be aware that the longer we delay our preparations the better prepared will the rebels be for resistance.  We cannot suppose that they who are not admitted to the councils of war in which the plan of winter campaign is decided upon, are the only ones who possess the gift of common sense, and with this reflection in our minds we may, we think, confidently look for an early and decisive blow to be struck at the vital parts of the southern rebellion.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 4

37th Congress - First Session

WASHINGTON, May 28. – HOUSE. – Mr. PORTER moved to postpone till Wednesday next the motion made by him yesterday, to reconsider the vote by which the House on Monday rejected the bill to confiscate the slaves of rebels.

Mr. HOLMES moved to lay Mr. PORTER’S motion on the table.

Mr. BLAIR moved a call of the House.  Disagreed to by three majority.

Mr. EDWARDS moved the House adjourn. – Negatived nearly unanimously.

Mr. POTTER moved a call of the House. – Negatived by 18 majority.

Mr. HOLMES’ motion to lay that of Mr. Potter’s to postpone on the table, was disagreed to – 59 to 73.

Mr. PORTER’S motion was adopted.

The Speaker said that the motion to reconsider the vote by which the motion to reconsider the vote by which the bill to confiscate the slaves of rebels was rejected can, as a privileged question, be taken up next Wednesday, immediately after the reading of the journal.

The House went into Committee on the Whole on the Senate Bill to collect direct tax in insurrectionary districts and for other purposes.

Several amendments were made for perfecting the arrangement for carrying the act into effect.

The bill passed 19 to 11.

It provides for the appointment of a board of tax commissioners to enter upon the duties of their office, wherever the commanding General of the forces of the United States entering into any insurrectionary state or district, shall have established the authority throughout any parish, district our county of the same in all cases where the owner of the land shall not pay the proportion of the tax and consequent expenses the property is to be sold.

Provisions to be made for the redemption of land if it be shown to the satisfaction of the Commissioners that the owner has not taken part in or in any manner aided or abetted the rebellion, and that for reason of the rebellion he has been unable to pay the tax.  In cases of owners having left their land to join the rebel cause the United States shall take possession and may lease them to the civil authorities established.

The people of the State shall elect a Legislature and State officers, who shall take the oath to support the federal Constitution.

The board of Commissioners may, under the direction of the President instead of leasing the lands vested in the U. S. cause the same to be subdivided and sold to any loyal citizen or any person who shall have faithfully served in the army, navy or marine corps.  The preemption principle is also granted in the bill.

HOUSE – The remainer of the House proceedings previous to adjournment unimportant.

SENATE – The vice President presented a message from the President in reply to the resolution concerning arrests in Kentucky saying that it was not compatible with the public interests to furnish such information at present.

The bill making an appropriation for an authorizing payment of certain bounties was taken up and passed.

Mr. HARRIS presented a number of petitions for a bankrupt act.

Mr. WILLEY presented a memorial from the Legislature of Virginia in relation to a division of that State, and also the constitution adopted by the people within the proposed limits was taken up.

Mr. WILKINSON spoke against it as injurious to the new State tending to increase land speculation and preventing many of the benefits of the Homestead bill.

At ten o’clock the tax bill was taken up, the question being on Mr. Wilson’s amendment to strike out the license to retail liquor dealers.

The bill donating land for the benefit of colleges of Agriculture and Mechanic Arts.

WASHINGTON, May 28. – SENATE – Various amendments were rejected by 27 majority.

Mr. SUMNER offered an amendment taxing persons claiming service or labor for life of any such person the sum of ten dollars each.

After a discussion he modified it by making it read five dollars each for persons held by corporations, societies, or persons but such persons not to be sold to pay said tax.

Mr. SHERMAN offered a substitute for Mr. Sumner’s amendment to tax cotton one cent per pound.  Rejected 15 to 22.

Mr. HICKMAN offered an amendment that the tax is not to be collected in States where a gradual emancipation system is in force.

Pending the question the Senate adjourned.

WASHINGTON, May 29 – HOUSE – The Speaker laid before the House a communication from C. W. Wallen stating that he is about to accept and enter upon the office of Associate Justice of the Supreme Court of Maine, and resigning his seat as a member of the House.

Mr. POTTER, from the committee on Public Lands reported back the Senate Bill establishing a Land Office in Colorado Territory.  Passed.

The House passed by 94 against 37, the bill declaring as the census of California has never been taken till the year 1860 and as it appears that said Sate had a sufficient population to entitle her to three Representatives, under the supposition that California was entitled to the same and as direct taxes have been apportioned to be paid by her under the census of 1860 therefore she be allowed three Representatives instead of two until the beginning of next Congress.

Mr. HICKAMN, from the Committee on Judiciary reported a bill for the effectual suppression of the slave trade.  Giving Consuls and Agents on the coast of Africa certain judicial powers in order that the proceedings may be by them instituted against vessels engaged in the trade.  The persons concerned to be tried in this country.

The bill passed – 63 against 45.

The bill dividing Pennsylvania into two Judicial Districts and providing for holding a district court at Erie passed.

The House renewed the consideration of the bill appropriating $75,000 for the purchase of Douglas Hospital.

Mr. WOODROOF while declaring himself in favor of prosecuting the war to restore the authority of the United States said he should not support the confiscation and emancipation bills.  He regarded them as unconstitutional.  The advocates of extreme measures seemed to be giving aid to the enemy and pursuing a course more calculated to destroy the Union than that of the rebels themselves.

Debate of the bill rejected.  Adjourned.

SENATE – Mr. WILLEY called up the memorial of the Legislature of Virginia with reference to the division of the State and requesting the Senators and Representatives to use their influence for the admission of the new State of West Virginia.  He referred to the manner to which the allegiance of the State was transferred to the rebellion – in secret session and without consulting the people, and to the people of Northwestern Virginia [remaining] loyal to the Union and forming a separate Government.  He claimed that this feeling for a division of the State was nothing new – it had been frequently urged by the people of the State.  Reason and justice are [in] favor of it.  There is sufficient number of inhabitants and Western Virginia was completely divided from the Eastern half by the Allegheny Mountains.  Nature seems to have divided the two and evidently demand a separation.  There has never been but little commercial intercourse between Western and Eastern Virginia and the social institutions and habits of both indicate a separation.  Slavery cannot exist in Western Virginia and why should the people of that section be compelled to be subject to a system of laws calculated for slavery which exists in Virginia.  The geographical position, climate, natural productions and moral and religious sentiments of the people absolutely forbid the existence of slavery in Western Virginia.

He contended that the proposed State was rich in minerals and other resources and would make a wealthy and prosperous State.  The memorial was referred to the committee on Territories.

The tax bill was then taken up – the question being on Mr. Henderson’s amendment that the proposed tax on slaves shall not be levied on any State which has adopted the system of gradual emancipation, yeas 15, nays 20.

Mr. FESSENDEN’S amendment reducing the tax on slaves to two dollars was adopted.

After debate Mr. SUMNER’S amendment as amended was rejected by 14 against 22.

Executive Session.  Adjourned.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 31, 1862, p. 3

“Trouble In the Camp.”

The Democrat had a leader, last Friday, thus entitled which exhibited an astonishing amount either of ignorance or mendacity for even a Democratic paper.  The article opened by saying, “Some time since, the Republican abolition members of Congress voted unanimously to admit Senators Carlisle and Willey, from the new State (?) of Western Virginia.”  Those who paid any attention to political matters last summer will remember that after the expulsion of Mason and Hunter by the Senate, Messrs. Carlisle and Willey were chosen their successors by the loyal Legislature of Virginia assembled at Wheeling, and they were admitted to seats in the Senate as Senators, not from Western Virginia nor Eastern Virginia, nor Middle Virginia, but from the State of Virginia – the identical Old Dominion, and as such they sit there today.

The Democrat further says, that the Republican Senators voted to admit Messrs. Carlisle and Willey, because it was supposed they would add to the Republican strength in the Senate.  Will the Democrat be good enough to tell us what induced Messrs. Thomson, of New Jersey, Rice of Minnesota, and the two California Senators, Nesmith, of Oregon, Saulsbury, of Delaware, and in fact all the Democrats in the Senate whose loyalty is unquestioned, to vote with the Republicans on the question?  The fact is, these Senators were admitted because the loyal people of Virginia demanded it, and a refusal would have disfranchised that State and deprived her of her equal representation in the Senate.

The question of admitting the proposed State of Western Virginia into the Union is hence entirely distinct from that involved in the admission of Messrs. Carlisle and Willey to the Senate, and is compromised by no previous action of Congress whatever; and if the new commonwealth come before the country hugging to its bosom the demon of slavery, we hope Congress will close the door in its face until it shall conclude to make the Declaration of Independence and the spirit of the Constitution its basis of fundamental law.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, April 7, 1862, p. 2

Fifty-one counties of Western Virginia . . .

. . . give official vote of [16,797] for 441 against the new Constitution and 6,052 for and 618 against emancipation.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 10, 1862, p. 4

Constitutional Convention

WHEELING, February 13.

The constitutional Convention this morning adopted the following as a section of the article on the fundamental provision of the constitution of the proposed new State of Western Virginia, with the understanding that this action should be a settlement of the vexed question: “No slave shall be brought or free person of color com into the State for permanent residence after this Constitution goes into operation.” This will insure a large majority for the Constitution.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, February 14, 1862, p. 1

Abolition of Slavery in Virginia

By an overwhelming vote of nearly TEN TO ONE the people of Western Virginia have voted to rid their State of slavery. This is a stubborn fact which will prove exceedingly distasteful and damaging to the partisans who are trying, as self-appointed executors, to administer upon the effects of the late Democratic party. – Henry Ward Beecher, Horace Greeley and the people of New England, are not the only Abolitionists. [Fanaticism] has broken out in a fearful shape even in the old Dominion. What a dreadful thing? The Mother of States and of Presidents, whose first families have subsisted – grown rich and respectable in the Christian business of breeding slaves – this proud and aristocratic Commonwealth at once tumbles down from its high pedestal to the level of a free State. There can be no more respectability in Western Virginia at any rate – no more cultivation and refinement – no more chivalry – no orthodox religion – no statesmanship. For these are inseparable from slavery. The degradation of free labor is upon that proud Commonwealth. Why not do our [blatant] Vallandigham pro-slavery secession demagogues cry “ABOLITIONIST?” Why don’t they howl over this violation of the Constitution? Of course the Union, as it was, can never be restored, unless slavery is restored to the National Capitol and Western Virginia – of course not – and it will not be worth a rush (to these demagogues) unless it is restored just as it was.

We rejoice greatly over this vote against Slavery in Virginia. It is given by a people who never heard an Abolition lecture. It is a verdict, on its merits, against slavery – overwhelming and decisive. Revolutions never go backwards.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 1