So very blustery and
cold that we could not go to Georgetown. Stamps, 5c. I sent letter to sister
Letitia West.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
So very blustery and
cold that we could not go to Georgetown. Stamps, 5c. I sent letter to sister
Letitia West.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
I worked in office.
Capt. Emil A. Burger gave me a box and left for St. Paul, taking Capt. Barrett,
Adjutant Pell, First Lieutenant Groetsch and Capt. Noble's band of refugees,
27, and four privates from each company. We moved into log quarters.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
Capt. Vander Horck
gave me an order for a sword and belt. I wore them on dress parade.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
Very warm and nice.
Messenger arrived from Georgetown.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
I worked in office.
Everything goes smoothly.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
Worked in office.
Scouting party went out. I bought two pounds of white sugar, 50c.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
Dress parade at 5 p.
m. Very nice.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
I wrote to Locke's
Mills pupils. Messenger arrived from Alexandrian woods at 7 a. m., 1,000 men
coming and 500 cattle.
SOURCE: Lewis C.
Paxson, Diary of Lewis C. Paxson: Stockton, N.J., 1862-1865, p. 7
(From Natchez Weekly Courier, June 16, 1847.)
Yesterday was a day
which will long be remembered in our annals—a glorious day, alternately
illuminated by sunshine or darkened by clouds, and one of the hours of which
will be deeply traced with every sentiment which could do honor to an admiring
people, or to our glorious returned volunteers, "the bravest of the
brave" who have so gallantly won and so nobly worn the brilliant chaplets
of fame which adorn their brows. It is to be regretted that our city of the
bluffs was not honored by all the companies of the regiment, although those who
were present had performed deeds, worthy, if possible, (which could not be) a
reception more enthusiastic. But, it is useless to talk about that. No reception
could have been warmer, more whole-souled, or more heart-inspiring. It was a
sight to make the pulse throb, and the heart beat with accelerated motion to
see those gallant soldiers those glorious boys of our own State-the "Star
Regiment" of Gen. Taylor's army—THE MEN who had stormed the rocky steeps
of Monterey, and met with unquailing hearts the iron storm that raged in that
doomed city—now a glorious monument of their valor. There were the men who had
breasted unflinchingly the crimson tide of battle at Buena Vista. There were
the men who had never faltered in the fiercest of the death struggle and when
frightened fugitives were frantically flying from the sanguinary conflict, they
remained as firm and unmoved as the rock which for ages has breasted the surges
of the billows of ocean. There were their ever-glorious commanders,the noble
Davis, the fearless McClung—scarred with honorable wounds yet suffering from
the injuries they had received in their country's service-but full of patriotic
devotion and with spirits unsubdued, and with hearts as free and souls as high
as when they first responded to the call of their government and flew to the
field of conflict. They were, officers and men, a spectacle which reminded us
of the times of our revolutionary ancestors of the "times that tried"
the "souls" of the men who were led to battle by Washington,
Montgomery, Greene, and many others, whose names illumine as with a glorious
stream of sunlight, the history of that eventful epoch,—and they were evidently
from the same stock, for such men could not have sprung from any other stock.
But, to the arrival
of our laurelled volunteers. The shades of night had scarcely yielded to the
bright beams of morn, ere the loud-toned cannon thundered forth the signal,
announcing to the citizens of our city and the country round about, the approach
of the pride and glory of our chivalrous State. The whole city was moved as if
with one mighty inpulse,—citizens from the country flocked in in thousands—stores
and other places of business remained unopened, and one general thrill of
joyous enthusiasm appeared to animate the vast mass of moving and excited
humanity which crowded our streets and thronged the bluffs of the mighty river
which flows past our city, to render "honor to the brave."
At about 9 o'clock,
the companies of our First Regiment of Rifles were formed at the landing, and
at about the same time the fine military companies of our city—the Fencibles,
the Light Guard, the Natchez Guards, the Jefferson College Cadets and the
Natchez Cadets,—marched under the hill to escort them to our city. The military
was formed in the following order: the Fencibles and Light Guard on the right,
the Rifles in the centre, and the College Cadets and Natchez Cadets and Natchez
Guards in the rear, and thus the long line moved up upon the bluff.
The procession then
moved up Main street to Pine street, and down Franklin street to the bluff,
where preparations on a scale commensurate with the importance of the occasion,
had been made to receive our honored guests.
When we arrived upon
the Bluff, a scene of rare and surpassing beauty, never excelled and rarely
equalled, burst upon our sight. The Promenade ground was thronged with the
bright and beautiful, and wherever he turned a blaze of loveliness was sure to
dawn upon the vision of the beholder. But of all the scenes that pleased us in
the highest degree was that presented by the pupils of the Natchez Institute-six
hundred in number—who, under the admirable supervision of the Principal of the
Institute, Mr. Pearl, were formed in two lines on each side of the central
promenade the young ladies immediately in front and the boys in the rear. Each
young lady held in her hand a boquet of beautiful flowers, and, as the war worn
veterans, with their bronzed visages and toil-hardened frames filed slowly past
them, presented each with a boquet. It was a touching as well as a soul
inspiring spectacle and deeply did this manifestation of respect strike into
the hearts of the toil-tried sons of gallant State. We heard dozens give
expression to sentiments of high gratification. It was an offering from the
young, the lovely and the guileless, that came from bosoms untainted with the
vices and strifes of the world, and went directly home to the inmost cores of
the hearts of these well-tried veterans. It was a beautiful sight, and which
would inspire any man with feelings of the liveliest satisfaction that he lived
in a State that possessed such men to send forth to the field of glory and victory,
and such hands to strew with flowers the pathway of their return to the State
that sent them forth to perform their daring and brilliant deeds.
After performing
various military evolutions, the Rifles and our volunteer companies were formed
in mass around the rostrum prepared for the reception of the officers,
committees, orator of the day, and other distinguished citizens. At this point
the presence of the crowd was intense. No consideration of personal convenience
appeared to operate upon the nerves of any, either ladies or gentlemen, in
endeavoring to get within hearing distance. When all the arrangements were
completed, the orator of the Day, Col. Adam L. Bingaman, arose and delivered
the following address—an address sparkling with the highest coruscations of
genius, and abounding with the brightest attributes of intellect-an address to
the purpose, eloquently delivered, and which went home to the hearts of the
brave men whose gallant deeds and glorious achievements he was recounting.
We will not attempt
to give a description of the address—for that would be a work of entire
supererogation. The speech will be found below and will rivet the attention of
every reader.
SOURCE: Dunbar
Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters,
Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 74-6
Encamped at
Germantown, Tennessee, last night. Weather is grand and as I marched along at
the head of my company I could not but think of the last New Year when visiting
my friends and paying the compliments of the season, how different it was from
today, yet I truly confess that I feel happier here in doing whatever duty
assigned us, going wherever orders send us. As yet we have not had a real
battle. I know the men long for the first big fight but I am contented to take
it as it comes—it will come and from all appearances soon, and I fear those who
most hanker after it will not relish it so much.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7
Encanmped at
Lafayette last night and in the morning started back with the supply train. The
march was as hard a one as I ever took. I have never seen the men so played out
and such general straggling—but few companies came to a halt with a quarter of
their men. Quimby gave us a tough one and the "compliments" paid him
by the men would scarcely please his ears. I was out on picket with my company
and did not get relieved until the whole force had started and then had to
rejoin the regiment. I reached it about dusk.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7
We encamped in a
corn field last night, completely exhausted; in the middle of the night it
commenced to rain but I slept through it until I woke up and found myself in
two inches of water. I tried the top of a furrow but that was not much better,
so gave up sleep as a bad job. We started about 10 o'clock on our march for a
camp ground. The roads were the worst I have yet marched on; snow, mud, water,
everything that makes marching disagreeable except dust. Marched a few miles
and then filed off into some beautiful woods where I understand we are to camp
for a while—good water, plenty of wood and a good chance for rations and mail
to reach us, what more can a soldier want?
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7
Companies A and F
received orders to move their camp about half a mile and throw up works to
protect a railroad bridge from being burned. They built a respectable stockade
and named it Fort Stockton. It will hold 500 men.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7
Guard duty is the
order of the day. Companies A and F taking turn about. We had a very heavy snow
storm last night and today it is still snowing. Oldest inhabitants say they
have never seen such cold weather and so much snow. Thermometer 4 degrees below
zero. We have only our tents and they are not much protection in such cold
weather. We have to go on duty without fires and walk up and down in the snow
in low shoes when it is a foot deep, no gloves and very scant clothing, so we
can form some idea what our Revolutionary Sires went through.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7
Evacuated Fort
Stockton today. Marched into Memphis through mud nearly knee deep. Slept in an
old building near the railroad depot. Heard today of Adjutant Bacon's death. He
was one of the best soldiers ever met. Our regiment has met with a serious
loss, one that cannot well be replaced. "Peace to his ashes."
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7
Went into quarters
in the navy yard at Memphis. Quarters very good. Men under shelter. The machine
shop is used as barracks for the regiment. Officers use the offices around the
yard. Weather very cold and hard work to keep warm. I use a carpenter's bench
as my dining table and bed at night. Sheets are a luxury not to be thought of.
Regiment goes on provost duty. Mail communications, my regular letters and
papers are not following us around as on the march. We have not had any pay for
a long time and all are very hard up. I got a draft for $75 cashed and divided
it among my men. They were all very grateful for it. Memphis is at present a
hard place, filled with soldiers. I regret to say many drunken officers are to
be seen, while with the men it is almost too common to be mentioned. Orders
came to destroy liquor wherever found and our regiment has destroyed a great
many barrels. You might as well try to dam the Mississippi river as to keep the
men from getting liquor.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 7-8
Went to Calvary
Church today. Heard a good sermon on confirmation. First time I have been to
church since I have been in the army.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 8
Guard duty is the
order of the day. Private Wright of my company died the past week, the first of
Co. A that was with the company. Give me marching and field duty at all times
in preference to this kind of duty.
SOURCE: Joseph
Stockton, War Diary (1862-5) of Brevet Brigadier General Joseph
Stockton, p. 8
RICHMOND, June 16, 1861.
I rejoice in an
opportunity to write you through the kindness of a gentleman who has some means
of communication with Baltimore. The convention met again on the 12th, and I
accompanied the President up. Shall return home on Tuesday. In the meantime the
children left behind are in good hands. Mrs. R. Tyler and family of four
children are at Sherwood. Gardie is with me here enjoying the military
excitement, and Julia is at Mrs. Pegram's. All are well. You have heard of the
battle in the vicinity of Hampton and Bethel (that is around the location of
Bethel church). The fight on the Southern side was more wonderful than the
taking of Sumter—only 1,100 troops (eleven hundred) were there, eight hundred
of whom were engaged against a force of Northern troops amounting to four or
five thousand; but one killed and four slightly wounded on the Southern side;
loss larger on the other. How can it be otherwise than that? The hand of
Providence should assist this holy Southern cause. The Northern papers give
garbled accounts, but this is the true statement. Hampton and the vicinity have
suffered all sorts of depredations from Lincoln's army—inoffensive people, and
their private residences have been disturbed in every possible way; but the
Villa I hear has been treated with more respect as yet.
More and more we
have the realization of war; from day to day the people, the entire people, are
making up their minds to it, until every family of high and low degree are
seeing their male members don the soldier's dress and shoulder their musket to
go forth for the protection of their invaded firesides. It makes the heart beat
and the eyes fill to witness such noble resolution and bravery on the part of
all, but in particular on the part of those who, bred in ease and luxury, still
cheerfully accept every and any hardship that comes with a soldier's life,
whether as officers or in the ranks, for the latter are thick with accomplished
gentlemen, than permit the unresisted invasion of their dearest rights. The men
have become heroes-all, from youths of seventeen to those far advanced in
years; but one common feeling swells their bosoms, deep indignation against
those who should have been their best friends, and not their worst enemies. An
unlawful war has been waged against them, and if the possession of every
warrior trait will enable them to "conquer a peace," there will soon
be one for us. Every way I turn I see an acquaintance and friend, either in the
flannel shirt of a private, or the braided jacket of the zouave, or the plumed
cap of the calvary officer. It is women and children only that are not in arms
all ready for a moment's notice. A large body of noble, brave Marylanders have
found it impossible to waît, and have resigned with a feeling of relief their
homes to fight side by side with their Southern brethren. By all sorts of
stratagems they are slipping over fully armed, and joining their companions
without delay.
Subjugate or bring
to terms such a people! little do you dream at the North of what stuff they are
made. Why, even Gardie and Alex.1 mourn that they cannot at once be
of them; they are fired up with enthusiasm for what they consider such a sacred
cause as the defense of their soil from the wicked and cruel invader. It is a
thrilling, melting sight to see the entrances into the city of troops by the
trains from all parts of the Southern country, coming. as they appear to feel,
to the rescue of old Virginia. The fatigue of travel makes no impression upon
them, and they joyfully march off to their encampments, apparently
congratulating themselves they are so near the scene of action. "Still
they come." At church to-day Gen. Davis was introduced to me. He mentioned
that Mrs. D. and himself would be to see me to-mor row. He is a splendid man,
fine manners, and the bearing of one good and great. Gen. Lee called upon us
after church; rather grayer than when I last met him some years ago, but still
the elegant officer, looking animated and full of vigor. He spoke very calmly
and indifferently of the desecration of his home at Arlington, and the flight
of his invalid wife. She has moved out of the way of the enemy twice, and now
she says they will have to take her— she will move no more. The General
laughed, as he repeated what she said, but added, as her health was much
affected by rheumatism, it was quite a trial to her to be deprived of her home.
And now adieu, dear
Mamma. Continue perfectly at ease about me. All I ask is, take care of
yourself, and don't get sick..
1 David Gardiner and John Alexander, oldest
sons of President Tyler by his second marriage, entered the Confederate army as
privates at the ages respectively of sixteen and fifteen. The former is now a
member of the State Executive Committee of the Democratic party, and practices
law in Charles City. The latter died in New Mexico, in 1883, while pursuing his
profession as engineer. He and his brother were students in Germany, after 1865,
and Alexander served as Uhlan in the German army during the Franco-Prussian
war, winning the badge of honor from the Emperor.
SOURCE: Lyon
Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p.
651-2
SHERWOOD FOREST, July 24, 1861.
You cannot think
what a happiness your letter was to me yesterday. I had also received that one
sent by express; but as I had written several times and you did not mention the
receipt of one of my letters, I thought I would wait until I heard from you
again before I trusted to any source. The notice you inclosed would avail me
nothing. It could transmit letters to the seceded States, but not from them. A
new advertisement has appeared in the papers of yesterday by which I see there
is a promise of certain communication between the two sections. I enclose it.
The President tells me to give you his best love, and say how much he admires
you for the bright and intellectual view you take of things-the only true view;
and all I have to say is, that those who take the opposite one have no
conscience, or have never informed themselves upon the question.
Dr. Donnavant may
talk now of the revival of feudal times, for never in the days of chivalry were
there such knights as this infamous Northern war has made of every Southern
man. Never was the thought of Union or of surrender farther removed from their
bosoms. Nothing but evil has yet come of this war, and nothing but evil will
come of it while it continues, unless it be of good to the South in uniting it
in its one great resolve more thoroughly. You need never trust to Northern
accounts of Southern defeat or conquest. Great conquest that of McClellan's to
boast of, truly-20,000 to 5,000; but I doubt whether another defeat against any
odds will occur again—where every man falls two will rise in his place. What a
brilliant victory for the South has been the battle at Manassas! I wish I could
send you a true account of it as it is given in the Richmond papers, and by
Gen. Jefferson Davis' dispatches. I see even the Northern account admits a terrible
defeat, aud great losses of all sorts. . . .
SOURCE: Lyon
Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p.
652-3
I attended services
at Manassas last Sunday, but before the meeting closed I was obliged to depart
for this city. For particulars see the New York daily papers.
I am now bolstered
up in bed, making my first attempt at writing. I am as happy as a clam in high
water. My regiment covered itself with glory. It was one of the first in, and
the last out. Not a man showed the white feather. They fought until all their
ammunition was expended, and when the stampede commenced, General McDowell
ordered the officers to form all the regiments in line so as to make another
stand, or, at least, make an orderly retreat. . . . Finally, he gave up the
attempt, and we were ordered to retreat.
After going a few
rods the General made another attempt to check the utter rout of our troops. He
again ordered the regiments to form in line, but ours was the only one that
could be formed again. The General then cried out in a loud voice,
"Soldiers, form on that noble regiment! We must make a stand.” . . . This
same attempt was repeated a third time, with the same result. A person told me
to-day that General McDowell reported all this to General Scott, with a high
encomium on the regiment.
All this may appear
singular in view of the accounts of the battle given in the New York papers,
wherein our regiment is not even mentioned. . . . But the truth is known in
quarters where I desire to have it known. It is all right.
I had almost
forgotten to tell you about my wound. It is doing well, and pains me but
little. I would agree to take another just like it if I could thereby secure as
good conduct on the part of my regiment when it takes the field again.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam : Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 70
[Alexandria,
Virginia, October 11, 1861]
I have been very
fortunate in securing control of my brigade. One day last week eighteen
officers of the Sixteenth addressed a communication to me relative to one of my
orders on the subject of depredations on private property. They thought it very
severe, and "respectfully demanded" its modification. I at once
placed every one of them in arrest, and confined them to their tents. Within a
day or two the most humble apologies commenced pouring in, and finally every
one was released. But it had a wonderful effect.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam : Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 70-1
[July 10, 1862]
My last letter to
you, written two or three days ago, was rather blue I think. I had then been
here a day or two, and the reaction from the excitement of the previous ten
days weighed heavily upon me. I felt weak and sick. I now feel better. But I
must say that although this army is safe, I do not think the prospect of an
early and successful termination of the war is bright.
I spoke in my letter
of the twenty-sixth of being unwell. I was very weak on the twenty-seventh; was
taken with a fit of vomiting and was obliged to dismount for a few minutes. I
soon returned to the field, or rather I did not leave the field, but went to a
place in the shade.
On Monday I had a
position assigned to my division which I was to defend. I did it in my own way,
and have the satisfaction of knowing that I saved hundreds of lives. I tried to
save life by carefully posting my troops and using my artillery. I have allowed
matters connected with our movements here to worry me until I came near being
sick; but I know I can do no good. Things must take their course, and I made up
my mind to get a good novel and try to forget everything here.
I feel better to-day
than I have in several days. Rest and quiet will soon make me all right. I
dreamed every night after our arrival of being on the march, of losing wagons,
artillery, etc. I do not want you to think I have been sick, but I got rather
worn and nervous.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam : Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 70-1
I received a
beautiful bouquet this morning from Mary. The flowers are all from the
President's garden. It is beautiful. The flowers are arranged according to
color in three rows - red, white, and blue—with a fine japonica at the apex. I
send you two or three samples.
I thought Mary would
remember me. I take back all I have said unless she has sent one to all the
other generals.
I do not think I was
as happy over this bouquet of rare flowers from the wife of the President as I
was over a single blue forget-me-not received by me while in Albany from a
young country girl.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam : Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 72
CIRCULAR.]
From information
received, the commanding general is satisfied that the object of the movement
of the army in this direction has been accomplished, viz, the relief of
Harrisburg, and the prevention of the enemy's intended invasion of
Philadelphia, &c., beyond the Susquehanna. It is no longer his intention to
assume the offensive until the enemy's movements or position should render such
an operation certain of success.
If the enemy assume
the offensive, and attack, it is his intention, after holding them in check
sufficiently long, to withdraw the trains and other impedimenta; to
Withdraw the army from its present position, and form line of battle with the
left resting in the neighborhood of Middleburg, and the right at Manchester,
the general direction being that of Pipe Creek. For this purpose, General
Reynolds, in command of the left, will withdraw the force at present at
Gettysburg, two corps by the road to Taneytown and Westminster, and, after
crossing Pipe Creek, deploy toward Middleburg. The corps at Emmitsburg will be
withdrawn, via Mechanicsville, to Middleburg, or, if a more direct route can be
found leaving Taneytown to their left, to withdraw direct to Middleburg.
General Slocum will
assume command of the two corps at Hanover and Two Taverns, and withdraw them,
via Union Mills, deploying one to the right and one to the left, after crossing
Pipe Creek, connecting on the left with General Reynolds, and communicating his
right to General Sedgwick at Manchester, who will connect with him and form the
right.
The time for falling
back can only be developed by circumstances. Whenever such circumstances arise
as would seem to indicate the necessity for falling back and assuming this
general line indicated, notice of such movement will be at once communicated to
these headquarters and to all adjoining corps commanders.
The Second Corps now
at Taneytown will be held in reserve in the vicinity of Uniontown and
Frizellburg, to be thrown to the point of strongest attack, should the enemy
make it. In the event of these movements being necessary, the trains and impedimenta
will all be sent to the rear of Westminster.
Corps commanders,
with their officers commanding artillery and the divisions, should make
themselves thoroughly familiar with the country indicated, all the roads and
positions, so that no possible confusion can ensue, and that the movement, if
made, be done with good order, precision, and care, without loss or any
detriment to the morale of the troops.
The commanders of
corps are requested to communicate at once the nature of their present
positions, and their ability to hold them in case of any sudden attack at any
point by the enemy.
This order is
communicated, that a general plan, perfectly understood by all, may be had for
receiving attack, if made in strong force, upon any portion of our present
position.
Developments may
cause the commanding general to assume the offensive from his present
positions.
The Artillery
Reserve will, in the event of the general movement indicated, move to the rear
of Frizellburg, and be placed in position, or sent to corps, as circumstances
may require, under the general supervision of the chief of artillery.
The chief
quartermaster will, in case of the general movement indicated, give directions
for the orderly and proper position of the trains in rear of Westminster.
All the trains will
keep well to the right of the road in moving, and, in case of any accident
requiring a halt, the team must be hauled out of the line, and not delay the
movements.
The trains ordered
to Union Bridge in these events will be sent to Westminster.
General headquarters
will be, in case of this movement, at Frizellburg; General Slocum as near Union
Mills as the line will render best for him; General Reynolds at or near the
road from Taneytown to Frizellburg.
The chief of
artillery will examine the line, and select positions for artillery.
The cavalry will be
held on the right and left flanks after the movement is completed. Previous to
its completion, it will, as now directed, cover the front and exterior lines,
well out.
The commands must be
prepared for a movement, and, in the event of the enemy attacking us on the
ground indicated herein, to follow up any repulse.
The chief signal
officer will examine the line thoroughly, and at once, upon the commencement of
this movement, extend telegraphic communication from each of the following
points to general headquarters near Frizellburg, viz, Manchester, Union Mills,
Middleburg, and the Taneytown road.
All true Union
people should be advised to harass and annoy the enemy in every way, to send in
information, and taught how to do it; giving regiments by number of colors,
number of guns, generals' names, &c. All their supplies brought to us will
be paid for, and not fall into the enemy's hands.
Roads and ways to
move to the right or left of the general line should be studied and thoroughly
understood. All movements of troops should be concealed, and our dispositions
kept from the enemy. Their knowledge of these dispositions would be fatal to
our success, and the greatest care must be taken to prevent such an occurrence.
By command of
Major-General Meade:
SOURCE: The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 458-9
JULY 1, 1863—3.35
p.m.
General HANCOCK,
or General HOWARD:
I am moving the
Twelfth Corps so as to come in about 1 mile to the right of Gettysburg.
SOURCE: The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 465
I presume you have
read Meade's Report of the battle of Gettysburg. I can imagine the feeling that
its perusal has caused you. I have not met a sensible man who has read it,
either soldier or civilian, who has not felt disappointed on reading it. It
purports to be the official history of the most important contest of modern
times a contest in which our troops fought with a valor and determination never
before exhibited and the only evidence in the entire report which tends to
prove this heroism is contained in the closing sentence, "our losses were
very severe, amounting to 23,186." Your disappointment must have been
greater from the fact that the true history of the operations on the right had
already been made known to you by me, and Meade's report is a plain
contradiction of almost every statement I have ever written to you. It is in
direct conflict with my official report, and the reports of all my subordinate
commanders. My first impulse on reading his report was to ask for a court of
inquiry. I was prompted to this course not so much from personal consideration,
as from a desire to have justice done to General Williams and his division.
Although Meade
professed the warmest friendship for me, and the utmost confidence in me, not
only during the entire battle, but at all times subsequent to it while I
remained in his army, yet in his report he utterly ignores me. That he did
repose this confidence in me, and that he placed the right wing entirely under
my control, I have abundant written evidence now in my possession. In proof of
this I enclose a copy of an order sent me during the battle, showing that he
had sent part of Sedgwick's corps to me, and that without visiting me or my
portion of the line, he wished me to place it in a central position where he
could use it as soon as I could I also enclose a copy it. spare of an order
received at ten-twenty A. M., on July second, directing me to move from the
strong position we then held, and with the Fifth and Twelfth Corps, then under
my command, and the Sixth, which was hourly expected, to attack the enemy. The
latter order was not obeyed because every general officer consulted on the
subject deemed it unwise to leave the almost impregnable position we then held.
I send you copies of
these orders to convince you that although my name is not mentioned in the
report, yet I really occupied the position and had the commands mentioned in my
former letters. At no time was I in command of less than two corps during the
entire campaign, and during all the battle the right wing was entrusted entirely
to me—a position to which my rank entitled me. Williams commanded the Twelfth
Corps, and was at all times during the battle treated as a corps commander by
Meade. He was invited by him to the council with other corps commanders, and
yet no mention is made of this fact in the report. Nor is Williams's name or
that of his division to be found in it. I finally gave up the idea of asking
for a court of inquiry, knowing that the interests of the service could not be
promoted by such a course. I wrote a letter
to Meade, however, asking him to correct his report, a copy of which I
enclose. There is much secret history connected with the Gettysburg campaign
which will some day be made public. The proceedings of a secret council of the
corps commanders held the night before the enemy crossed the river was at once
divulged, and the remarks of Meade, Warren and Pleasanton published to the
world in full. It was for the interest of Meade that this publication should be
made; and there is no doubt that publicity was given to it with his consent, if
not through his direct instrumentality. There were other councils, however, the
proceedings of which were not made public and which never will be published
with the consent of Meade.
On the evening of
July second a council was called, and each corps commander was asked his
opinion as to the propriety of falling back towards Washington that night. The
majority opposed it, and after the vote was taken Meade declared that
"Gettysburg was no place to risk a battle;" and there is no doubt but
for the decision of his corps commanders, the army on the third of July would
have been in full retreat. The 4th of July, 1863, instead of being a day of
rejoicing throughout the North, would have been the darkest day ever known to
our country. This piece of history can be verified by the records of that
council kept by Butterfield, and cannot have been forgotten by any officer
present.
On the fourth of
July nearly every corps commander urged an immediate movement, but my corps was
kept three days in idleness. In the meantime the enemy reached Hagerstown, took
up his new line, and had abundant time to fortify. At the council held on the
thirteenth of July, by which "Meade was overruled," the following
question was proposed to each officer, viz.: "Shall we, without further
knowledge of the position of the enemy, make an attack?"
Previous to putting
the question, Meade answered that he could get no knowledge of the position of
the enemy. This announcement, together with the peculiar phraseology of the
question, indicated the decision the commanding general anticipated. He offered
no remarks until a vote was taken, and the question answered in the negative.
He then made some general remarks about "the necessity of doing
something," which was approved by all. Having "placed himself right
on record," as the politicians would say, he retired. This record he at
once used to sustain himself at the expense of his brother officers, although
the action of these officers was precisely what he desired and anticipated it
would be when he framed the question.
You may think this a
hard charge to bring against a soldier, but I believe I am fully justified in
making it. There are circumstances which I will make known to you when we meet
which will convince you that I have not done him injustice.
As long as this war
continues I shall pursue the course I have thus far followed. I shall ask for
no court, enter into no controversy, write no letters. But when the danger has
passed from us many facts will come to light, giving to the public a better
knowledge of the real history of this war than can be obtained through the
medium of such reports as that written by General Meade. Very respectfully,
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 83-5
GENERAL: I inclose
herewith the report of General T. H. Ruger of operations of the First Division,
Twelfth Corps, at the battle of Gettysburg, together with the reports of his
brigade and regimental commanders. General Ruger, width a large portion of his
division, was ordered to New York City soon after the battle, and immediately
after his return from New York the corps was ordered to this department. The
reports of General Williams and myself were delayed with the hope of receiving
General Ruger's report in time to forward it with them.
I deeply regret the
necessity which compelled me to send my report and that of General Williams
unaccompanied by any report of the operations of the First Division, for
although an account of the operations of this division was given in the report
of General Williams, who commanded the corps during the battle, I think the
absence of Ruger's report may account for some of the errors contained in your
report as to the operations of the Twelfth Corps.
I inclose a letter
from General Williams, calling my attention to these errors, to which I
respectfully invite your attention, and if anything can be done at this late
day to correct these errors, I trust you will do it. Your report is the
official history of that important battle, and to this report reference will
always be made by our Government, our people, and the historian, as the most
reliable and accurate account of the services performed by each corps,
division, and brigade of your army. If you have inadvertently given to one
division the credit of having performed some meritorious service which was in
reality performed by another division, you do an injustice to brave men and
defraud them of well-earned laurels. It is an injustice which even time cannot
correct. That errors of this nature exist in your official report is an
indisputable fact.
You give great
credit to Lockwood's brigade for services on the evening of July 2, but state
that this brigade was a portion of the First Corps, while it never at any time
belonged to that corps, but was a portion of the Twelfth Corps, and was
accompanied in its operations on the evening of July 2 by General Williams in
person. A portion of this brigade (the One hundred and fiftieth New York) is
still in General Williams' division.
I copy the following
statement from your report:
During
the heavy assault on our left, portions of the Twelfth Corps were sent as
re-enforcements. During their absence, the line on the extreme right was held
by a very much reduced force. This was taken advantage of by the enemy, who,
during the absence of General Geary's division, of the Twelfth Corps, advanced
and occupied part of the line. On the morning of the 3d, General Geary, having
returned during the night, attacked at early dawn the enemy, and succeeded in
driving him back and reoccupying his former position. A spirited contest was
maintained all the morning along this part of the line. General Geary,
re-enforced by Wheaton's brigade, of the Sixth Corps, maintained his position,
and inflicted severe losses on the enemy.
From this statement
it would appear that Geary's division marched to the support of your left; that
Williams' division did not; that his (Williams') division, or a portion of it,
was guarding the intrenchments when the enemy gained possession; that General
Geary returned, and with his division drove the enemy back; that the engagement
on the following morning was fought by Geary's division, assisted by Wheaton's
brigade. This I know is the inference drawn from your history of those
operations by every person unacquainted with the truth. Yet the facts in the
case are very nearly the reverse of the above in every particular, and directly
in contradiction to the facts as set forth in the report of General Geary, as
well as that of General Williams. Geary's division did not march even in the
direction of your left. Two of his brigades, under his immediate command, left
the intrenchments under orders to move to the support of your left, but through
some unfortunate mistake he took the road leading to Two Taverns. Williams'
entire division did move to the support of your left, and it was one of his
brigades (Lockwood's), under his immediate command, which you commend, but very
singularly accredit to the First Corps.
Greene's brigade, of
the Second Division, remained in the intrenchments, and the failure of the
enemy to gain entire possession of our works was due entirely to the skill of
General Greene and the heroic valor of his troops. His brigade suffered severely,
but maintained its position, and held the enemy in check until the return of
Williams' division. The “spirited contest maintained by General Geary, re-enforced
by Wheaton's brigade,” was a contest for regaining the portion of our
intrenchments held by the enemy, and was conducted under the immediate command
of General Williams, and was participated in by the entire Twelfth Corps,
re-enforced not by Wheaton's but by Shaler's brigade.
Although the command
of the Twelfth Corps was given temporarily to General Williams by, your order,
and although you directed him to meet at the council with other corps
commanders, you fail to mention his name in your entire report, and in no place
allude to his having any such command, or to the fact that more than one corps
was at any time placed under my command, although at no time after you assumed
command of the army until the close of this battle was I in command of less
than two corps. I have now in my possession your written orders, dated July 2,
directing me to assume command of the Sixth Corps, and, with that corps and the
two then under my command (the Fifth and Twelfth), to move forward and at once
attack the enemy.
I allude to this
fact for the purpose of refreshing your memory on a subject which you had
apparently entirely forgotten when you penned your report, for you have not
failed to notice the fact of General Schurz and others having held, even for a
few hours, commands above that previously held by them. I sincerely trust that
you will endeavor to correct as far as possible the errors above mentioned, and
that the correction may be recorded at the War Department.
SOURCE: The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 1 (Serial No. 43), p. 763-5
General ORDERS No.
4.}
I. No persons except
those in the employ of the United States Government, and loyal citizens, or
those who have taken the oath of allegiance, will hereafter be permitted to
pass the picket-lines at any post within this district.
II. No goods or
merchandise of any kind will hereafter be allowed to pass outside the lines,
except the necessary supplies for planters working lands leased from the United
States, and limited quantities to citizens who have taken the oath of
allegiance. No citizen will be allowed to take out supplies for any persons
except himself and his immediate family, and in no case will more than thirty
days' supplies be taken out.
III. The
provost-marshal at every post will keep an accurate record of every pass
granted, and of all permits approved by himself, or the post commander. Books
for this purpose will be supplied by the quartermaster's department and the
records will be kept open for the inspection of any officer of the Government,
at all hours between 8 a.m. and 6 p.m. A record will be kept by the officers of
the picket-line of all passes and permits presented, which record will be
compared with that of the provost-marshal, and any discrepancy will at once be
reported.
IV. All trade stores
within the district at points not garrisoned by at least one regiment of troops
will at once be discontinued. No goods or merchandise will be landed at any
point on the river within the limits of the district which is not garrisoned by
troops, except necessary supplies for planters working land leased from the
Government, in which case the goods may be landed under cover of a gun-boat at
the nearest practicable point to the plantation.
V. All boats ladened
with merchandise detected in landing in violation of this order will be seized
and brought to this post.
VI. All persons
charged with the duties of imposing upon citizens, or of seizing property for
the Government, will keep an account of all such transactions, specifying the
persons from whom the money or property was received and the disposition made
of it. This account will be kept open for the inspection of any officer of the
Government, or of any citizen who has been taxed, or from whom property has
been taken.
VII. No Government
wagon, transport, or vessel of any kind will be used in bringing cotton or
other stores to market, except in cases where such stores have been seized for
the Government.
VIII. All clerks and
citizen employes in every department whose services are not absolutely
necessary will at once be discharged.
IX. No rations will
be issued, nor property of any kind transferred to citizens to reimburse them
for losses sustained by the operations of the war. The persons to whom damages
are to be paid, and the amounts due, are questions which no military officer is
authorized to adjust.
X. It is the duty of
every person in the employ of the Government and of every loyal citizen to aid
in the correction of all evils. Any practice on the part of either civil or
military officers or citizens which tends to aid the enemy or defraud or injure
the Government should be promptly reported, and sustained by such proof as will
enable the commanding general to correct the evil, and bring the guilty parties
to punishment.
By command of Maj.
Gen. H. W. Slocum:
SOURCE: The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 78), p. 30-1
GENERAL ORDERS No.
6.}
I. The United States
Government having adopted the policy of leasing abandoned plantations and
giving employment to freedmen, it is the duty of the military authorities to
give protection as far as possible to the lessee and laborer. This protection
can only be given by holding responsible the districts in which the bands of
guerrillas, who are constantly committing depredations upon them, are organized
and encouraged.
II. It is therefore
ordered that hereafter in every instance where a Government lessee is robbed of
his property, the commanding officer of the nearest military post shall send a
sufficient force to the locality, with instructions to seize from disloyal
citizens property sufficient to fully indemnify the lessee, which property will
be sold at public auction and the proceeds paid to the injured person. If the
crops of the lessee are destroyed, or in any manner injured, crops of the same
kind will be seized from disloyal citizens and harvested for the benefit of the
injured party. If any lessee is killed by guerrillas, an assessment of $10,000
will at once be levied upon the disloyal people residing within thirty miles of
the place where the offense was committed. Property of any kind will be seized
and sold for this purpose. The amount so assessed will be appropriated for the
benefit of the family of the lessee. Full reports of all seizures and sales of
property under this order will in all cases be forwarded direct to these
headquarters.
Ill. In deciding
upon the class of persons who are to be assessed, it should not be forgotten
that the oath of allegiance is not an infallible test of loyalty. If a citizen
has relatives and friends among these, if he harbors or protects them, or if
having the means of doing so he fails to inform the lessee of their approach,
he must be held accountable. Men must be judged by their acts and not by the
oaths they have taken.
By command of Maj.
Gen H. W. Slocum:
SOURCE: The War of
the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 78), p. 31-2
GENERAL ORDERS No. 7.}
ATLANTA, GA., Nov.
7th, 1864.
The last train for
the North leaves here to-morrow morning. Our soldiers are scattered along the
railroad a hundred miles north, and as soon as that train passes the work of
destruction will commence. The railroad will be completely destroyed and every
bridge burned. Then both armies (the Armies of the Tennessee and the
Cumberland) will assemble here, and after destroying this city will commence
the march. I fear their track will be one of desolation.
I have been to the
R. R. depot for the past three days several times, and have witnessed many sad
and some ludicrous scenes. All citizens (white and black) begin to apprehend
that something is about to happen. The whites are alarmed, and many are leaving
the city, giving up houses, lands, furniture, negroes, and all. The blacks want
to go North, and the Car House is surrounded by them. Hundreds of cars are
literally packed with them and their dirty bundles, inside and out. Old
toothless hags, little pickaninnies, fat wenches of all shades, from light
brown to jet black, are piled up together with their old bags, bundles, broken
chairs, etc. Some are gnawing old bones, some squatted by the cars making
hoe-cakes, some crying for food. Many of the whites are as anxious to get North
as the darkies, and gladly accept a place in a car reeking with the odor
peculiar to "the American of African descent." It is a sad sight, but
I anticipate seeing many such before spring.
I wish for
humanity's sake that this sad war could be brought to a close. While laboring
to make it successful, I shall do all in my power to mitigate its horrors.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 98
With the separation
of the troops composing this army, in compliance with recent orders, the
organization known as the Army of Georgia will virtually cease to exist. Many
of you will at once return to your homes. No one now serving as a volunteer
will probably be retained in the service against his will but a short time
longer. All will soon be permitted to return and receive the rewards due them
as the gallant defenders of their country. While I cannot repress a feeling of
sadness at parting with you, I congratulate you upon the grand results achieved
by your valor, fidelity, and patriotism. No generation has ever done more for
the permanent establishment of a just and liberal form of government, more for
the honor of their nation, than has been, done during the past four years by
the armies of the United States and the patriotic people at home who have
poured out their wealth in support of these armies with a liberality never
before witnessed in any country. Do not forget the parting advice of that great
chieftain who led you through your recent brilliant campaign: "As in war
you have been good soldiers, so in peace be good citizens." Should you
ever desire to resume the honorable profession you are now about to leave, do
not forget that this profession is honorable only when followed in obedience to
the orders of the constituted authority of your Government. With feelings of
deep gratitude to each and all of you for your uniform soldierly conduct, for
the patience and fortitude with which you have borne all the hardships it has
been necessary to impose upon you, and for the unflinching resolution with
which you have sustained the holy cause in which we have been engaged, I bid
you farewell.
SOURCE: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 47, Part 3 (Serial No. 100), p. 630-1
We of the State of
New York, of the chosen of the Lord, who are desirous of sustaining the
administration of President Johnson, etc., are looking around for candidates for
state offices this fall.
And now to the
point. I have no doubt a nearly, if not entirely, unanimous nomination for the
office of Secretary of State (the head of the ticket) can be secured you. I now
think the nomination can be secured by acclamation; but certainly it can be
secured so as to be, or appear to be, entirely unsought after by you,—if you
desire it. I came from Saratoga yesterday, where together with Belden I talked
with several of our friends. To-day, Watson, of Cayuga county, has been here.
He is present at this writing and would be most happy to honor you. Therefore
you see my judgment is not mere speculation. I believe, also, that you know
enough of me to have a fair opinion of my discernment in political matters.
The question now is,
What do you desire in the matter? Please write me fully, that your friends may
act advisedly. I hardly know whether to advise you or not, but it must be
obvious to you that for your own good, if you intend to come back to this
State, the sooner you mix in State politics the better, and there can hardly be
a better or more propitious way of entering than as a military
"Hero," and before all the military heroes have retired to civil
life, and have become your rivals for civic honors.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 103
The political
campaign is about opening, and from present appearances promises many curious
combinations. I have just returned from a meeting of our Democratic State
Committee at Albany, which called a State Convention for the nomination of
State officers to meet on September sixth.
Now to the point. I
am authorized by our leading politicians to offer you the place of Secretary of
State on our ticket; or if the duties of this are too active for you, to ask
you to accept that of Treasurer, where the duties are less active and require
but little of your time. We would, however, prefer you to head the ticket.
Mr. Robinson, the
present Comptroller, elected by the Republicans two years ago, desires a
renomination from us, and he will in all probability get it. Martin Grover,
elected by the Republicans to the Supreme Court bench, will be one of our
nominees for the Court of Appeals. I mention these facts in order that you may
get some idea of the drift affairs are taking.
There is not much
doubt in the minds of good politicians but that we shall carry the State this
fall. We intend to endorse President Johnson's administration with regard to
his treatment of the Southern States, and while we shall endorse it quite
generally, we shall avoid finding fault with it upon any question—believing
that in a very short time the President's policy will conform to what is
desired by the Democratic party. I am also warranted in saying that if you
accept our nomination for Secretary of State, the pleasantest office on the
ticket, and should be elected, you can have the nomination for Governor next
year. The present would be but a stepping stone to the other. Understand me,
this offer is not made by any particular interest or clique in the party, but
would be given to you unanimously in the Convention. Dean Richmond knows of my
writing this, and I shall expect with your permission to show him your reply.
You will notice that I have written you very frankly; my acquaintance with you
warrants me in doing so.
Regarding you more
of a soldier than politician, you will pardon me when I express my belief that
everything now indicates the speedy dissolution of the Republican party and the
return of the Democracy to power-a result which just laws, equal taxation, and
the best interests of the country imperatively demand. You will of course
consider my letter as entirely confidential, and favor me with an immediate
reply.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 104
Your favor of the
twenty-second has just come to hand. I came here without my family and with the
intention of remaining only until the surplus generals were mustered out. I did
not like to go out with a crowd of worthless officers who should have been
mustered out long ago; but I think ——— & Co. will outlive me after all, as
I do not intend to spend the winter here. I shall pay you a visit on my way
home.
Force has reported
and been assigned to the command of the Vicksburg District, relieving Maltby.
Force is a good officer and I am glad to get him. Charley Ewing has not yet
come.
Woods has been very
sick at Mobile but is better. I have met many of your old officers and soldiers
since we parted, and all of them, without exception, are "loyal."
I enclose an order
just published. I did not like to take this step; but Sharkey should have
consulted me before issuing an order arming the rebs and placing them on duty
with the darkies in every county of the State. I hope the U. S. Military will
soon be removed from the State, but until this is done it would certainly be
bad policy to arm the militia.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 105
I have just received
your letter of August twenty-seventh. Since I wrote you, Charley Ewing has gone
down, and must now be with you. I have read all your orders and of course
approve beforehand, as you, on the spot, are the competent judge. Sooner or
later the people South must resume the management of their own affairs, even if
they commit felo-de-se; for the North cannot long afford to keep armies there
for local police. Still as long as you do have the force, and the State none,
you must of necessity control. My own opinion is that self interest will soon
induce the present people of Mississippi to invite and encourage a kind of
emigration that will, like in Maryland and Missouri, change the whole public
opinion. They certainly will not again tempt the resistance of the United
States; nor will they ever reinstate the negro. The only question is when will
the change occur.
I agree with you
that if you see your way ahead in civil life, it is to your permanent interest
to resign; it don't make much difference when. You have all the military fame
you can expect in this epoch. All know your rank and appreciate you, and I
would not submit to the scrambling for position next winter if I were in your
place, unless you have resolved to stay in the army for life.
I shall be delighted
to meet you as you come up. I am now boarding at the Lindell Hotel, but expect
to go to housekeeping in a few days on Garrison Avenue, near Franklin Avenue, a
fine property, presented to me, on the outskirts of the city, where I shall be
delighted to receive you. My office is on Walnut Street, between five and six,
near the Southern Hotel.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 105-3
I got home last
Friday after a three weeks absence down in Arkansas, and found, among a budget
of letters received, your valued favor of Nov. thirtieth. This is my first
leisure hour since, and I hasten to assure you of my great personal attachment,
and that I would do almost anything that would mark my favor to you.
I think I was more
disappointed at your non-election than you could have been; for I thought that
politics had not so strong a hold on New York as to defeat you for an office
that should have been above the influence of mere party organization. But you
are young, and can stand it; and I know that, sometime later, your State will
recognize and reward, if you need it, military services such as you rendered
your country.
At some future time
I will come on to Syracuse and stop a day with you to assure you of my great
partiality, and also to renew the short but most agreeable acquaintance formed
in Washington with your wife, to whom I beg you will convey my best
compliments.
As to delivering a
lecture at Albany, I must decline. The truth is, on abstract subjects I know I
would be as prosy as a cyclopedia, and not half as accurate; and to speak on
matters of personal interest, past, present or future, I would be sure to give
rise to controversies, useless or mischievous. Of the events with which we were
connected, I am already committed, and must stand by the record. Were I to
elaborate them it would detract from the interest of what now stands as a
contemporaneous narrative. I really think we do best to let others now take up
the thread of history, and treat of us as actors of the past.
Please write to Mr.
Doty that I am very much complimented by his flattering invitation; that I
appreciate the object he aims to accomplish, and would be glad to assist
therein, but that outside considerations would make it unbecoming to appear in
the nature of a lecturer. Too much importance has already been given to the few
remarks I have made at times when I simply aimed to acknowledge a personal
compliment, and to gratify a natural curiosity by people whose imaginations had
been excited by the colored pictures drawn by the press.
I have not preserved
out of the late war a single relic-not a flag, not a curious shot or shell;
nothing but those simple memories which every New York soldier retains as well
as I do. I do think that your regiment was so filled by young men of education
and intelligence that the commissioners will find their records swelling to an
extent that will more than gratify their fondest expectations.
We are now living in
great comfort here. Your excellent photograph has its place in the albums of
each of my children, and Mrs. Sherman regards you with special favor. Wishing
you all honor and fame among your own people, I shall ever regard you as one of
my cherished friends.
SOURCE: New York
(State). Monuments Commission for the Battlefields of Gettysburg and
Chattanooga, In Memoriam: Henry Warner
Slocum, 1826-1894, p. 107-8
The Fourteenth Indiana and one company of cavalry went to the summit this morning to fortify.
The Colonel has gone to Beverly. The boys repeat his Rich mountain speech with slight variations: "Men, there are ten thousand secessionists in Rich mountain, with forty rifled cannon, well fortified. There's bloody work ahead. You are going to a butcher-shop rather than a battle. Ten thousand men and forty rifled cannon! Hostler, you d----d scoundrel, why don't you wipe Jerome's nose?" Jerome is the Colonel's horse, known in camp as the White Bull.
Conway, who has been detailed to attend to the Colonel's horses, is almost as good a speech-maker as the Colonel. This, in brief, is Conway's address to the White Bull:
"Stand still there, now, or I'll make yer stand still. Hold up yer head there, now, or I'll make yer hold it up. Keep quiet; what the h-ll yer 'bout there, now? D--n you! do you want me to hit you a lick over the snoot, now-do you? Are you a inviten' me to pound you over the head with a sawlog? D--n yer ugly pictures, whoa!"
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 29-30
This afternoon, when riding down to Huttonville, I met three or four hundred sorry-looking soldiers. They were without arms. On inquiry, I found they were a part of the secession army, who, finding no way of escape, had come into our lines and surrendered. They were badly dressed, and a hard, dissolute-looking lot of men. To use the language of one of the soldiers, they were "a milk-sickly set of fellows," and would have died off probably without any help from us if they had been kept in the mountains a little longer. They were on their way to Staunton. General McClellan had very generously provided them with provisions for three days, and wagons to carry the sick and wounded; and so, footsore, weary, and chopfallen, they go over the hills.
An unpleasant rumor is in camp to-night, to the effect that General Patterson has been defeated at Williamsport. This, if true, will counterbalance our successes in Western Virginia, and make the game an even one.
The Southern soldiers mentioned above are encamped for the night a little over a mile from here. About dusk I walked over to their camp. They were gathered around their fires preparing supper.
Many of them say they were deceived, and entered the service because they were led to believe that the Northern army would confiscate their property, liberate their slaves, and play the devil generally. As they thought this was true, there was nothing left for them to do but to take up arms and defend themselves. While we were at Buckhannon, an old farmer-looking man visited us daily, bringing tobacco, cornbread, and cucumber pickles. This innocent old gen[tle]man proves to have been a spy, and obtained his reward in the loss of a leg at Rich mountain.
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 30-1
To-day, eleven men belonging to a company of cavalry which accompanied the Fourteenth Indiana to the Summit, were sent out on a scouting expedition. When about ten miles from camp, on the opposite side of the mountain, they halted, and while watering their horses were fired upon. One man was killed and three wounded. The other seven fled. Colonel Kimball sent out a detachment to bring in the wounded; but whether it succeeded or not I have not heard.
A musician belonging to the Fourth Ohio, when six miles out of Beverly, on his way to Phillippi, was fired upon and instantly killed. So goes what little there is of war in Western Virginia.
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 31
The most interesting of all days in the mountains is one on which the sky is filled with floating clouds, not hiding it entirely, but leaving here and there patches of blue. Then the shadows shift from place to place, as the moving clouds either let in the sunshine or exclude it. Standing at my tent-door at eleven o'clock in the morning, with a stiff breeze going, and the clouds on the wing, we see a peak, now in the sunshine, then in the shadow, and the lights and shadows chasing each other from point to point over the mountains, presenting altogether a panorama most beautiful to look upon, and such an one as God only can present.
I can almost believe now that men become, to some extent, like the country in which they live. In the plain country the inhabitants learn to traffic, come to regard money-getting as the great object in life, and have but a dim perception of those higher emotions from which spring the noblest acts. In a mountain country God has made many things sublime, and some things very beautiful. The rugged, the smooth, the sunshine, and the shadow meet one at every turn. Here are peaks getting the earliest sunlight of the morning, and the latest of the evening; ravines so deep the light of day can never penetrate them; bold, rugged, perpendicular rocks, which have breasted the storms for ages; gentle slopes, swelling away until their summits seem to dip in the blue sky; streams, cold and clear, leaping from crag to crag, and rushing down nobody knows whither. Like the country, may we not look to find the people unpolished, rugged and uneven, capable of the noblest heroism or the most infernal villainy—their lives full of lights and shadows, elevations and depressions?
The mountains, rising one above another, suggest, forcibly enough, the infinite power of the Creator, and when the peaks come in contact with the clouds it requires but little imagination to make one feel that God, as at Sinai, has set His foot upon the earth, and that earth and heaven are really very near each other.
SOURCE: John Beatty, The Citizen-soldier: Or, Memoirs of a Volunteer, p. 31-33