Thursday, October 16, 2025
Congressman Horace Mann to Reverend Cyrus Pierce, February 13, 1852
Wednesday, October 15, 2025
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 7, 1863
It was with a
bounding heart, brimful of gratitude to God, that I stepped on board the Dakota
and bade farewell to Haines Bluff on the second day of August. We have three
hundred sick and wounded on this boat and are short of help. Quite a number who
started as nurses are sick. Four men died the first night. We ran the boat
ashore, dug a grave large enough for all, and laid them in it, side by side.
Our Chaplain read the burial service, and we hastened on board to repeat the
ceremony, the next morning, for some one else. It seems hard—even cruel—but it
is the most solemn burial service I ever witnessed. Nine have died since we
started, and one threw himself overboard in the frenzy of delirium and was
drowned. We kill a beef every evening. Two nights in succession the best part
of a hindquarter has been stolen. The boat hands were questioned, and a huge
Irishman acknowledged the theft. He was court martialed and sentenced to be
"banked." The boat was stopped opposite a wilderness. No human
habitation was in sight. He was forced to pack his bundle, take to the woods
and run his chance with hunger and the Rebels.
As we were running
leisurely along, about 3 o'clock in the afternoon of yesterday, my
curiosity was aroused by our boat running suddenly against the shore and
sticking there. All hands were called, and, with the aid of soldiers, she was
soon shoved off, and on we went again. A Sergeant asked the Mate why we landed
there. His reply was, "Something wrong in the wheel house." One of
our boys asked a darkey the same question. "Well, boss, I 'specs dey see a
rabbit ober dere, an' t'ink dey kotch 'im." Soon after, as two comrades
and myself were sitting in the bow enjoying the cool breeze, my attention was
attracted by the glassy stillness of the water in front of us. Pointing to the
right, I said, "Yonder is the safe place to sail." The words had
scarcely left my mouth when we felt a sudden shock, the bow of the boat was
lifted about two feet, a full head of steam was turned on, which carried us
over the obstruction. We had "struck a snag." Soon after, we anchored
for the night, as the pilot was "too sick" to run the boat.
The sick from our
regiment are doing well. I never saw wounded men do so nicely. Of five who came
as nurses, four are on the sick list. As for myself, I have not been so well in
years.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 74-5
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 11, 1863
Louisville, Ky.
Again in Louisville—eleven hundred miles nearer home than one week ago and yet
how far. Still, it is joy to feel I am comparatively near. We reached Cairo on
the evening of the seventh, took on fresh supplies, and left next day at noon
for Cincinnati, which place we expect to reach some time tomorrow. We are now—3
p. m. taking on coal, and will start in a few minutes.
The Ohio is very
low-in places not more than three feet deep. We have brought up against sand
bars and been forced to back off perhaps fifty times since leaving Cairo. From
this place to Cincinnati, I am told, there are no obstructions. The most
difficult part of our way was from New Albany to Louisville. We were six hours
in making three miles last night. It was nothing but "Back 'er and try
again" for about a mile, and then we had a canal with three locks to pass
through.
We have had no
deaths since the seventh, and our sick and wounded boys are doing nicely. These
fresh northern breezes are more exhilerating than wine, and the hope that they
may be sent to their homes to recruit their health is more healing than
medicine.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 75-6
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 12, 1863
Cincinnati, Ohio. We
arrived here at 9:30 this morning. My day's work is, at last, completed, at 9
p. m. This has been a busy day. In fact, I have not been idle or had much rest,
by day or night, since July fourth, and yet I am fresh and vigorous as in days
of old. The sick and wounded all removed the worst cases to the General
Hospital in this city, the convalescents to Camp Denison, eighteen miles out,
while a few return to their regiments.
The Seventeenth
passed through here today, and is now in camp near Covington, on the opposite
bank of the river.
I expect to join
them in the morning, and look for a handful of letters.
People call the
weather here very hot, but it is not Mississippi heat, and I enjoy it. The
mornings and evenings are delightfully cool, while there it is constant,
relentless heat both day and night. Here a coat is comfortable in the morning—there
one needs no cover day or night.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 76-7
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 16, 1863
Camp near Hickman's
Bridge, Ky. I did not join the regiment as soon as I expected, owing to the
negligence of the Medical Director, whose duty it was to furnish me
transportation. As I had no money, I was forced to await his pleasure. The
regiment took cars for this place the day they crossed over, so I was left in
Cincinnati until Friday evening to live as best I might. I crossed the river on
Friday, and next morning took cars for Nicholasville, fourteen miles beyond
Lexington, and one hundred fifteen miles from Cincinnati. I was just in time to
get two months' pay. I should have drawn for two months more, but there was a
mistake in the pay rolls, which cannot be corrected until next muster. The
Paymaster says he is going to pay us again next month, and the next time muster
us out of the service.
We have a very
pleasant camp, in a shady grove, and an abundance of pure, sparkling water,
which I appreciate now as I never did before.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, p. 77
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 20, 1863
Camp Parks, Ky. I
received a letter from a friend in Michigan last evening, saying: "If you
were in Michigan, or could see the situation from the standpoint of the North,
you would be less hopeful of the speedy termination of the war." If by
"speedy" is meant a single campaign, as was promised us one year ago,
I do not now believe in it, but nothing but the most signal failure can change
my faith in the ultimate success of our cause.
We have steadily
gained ground from the first. The series of reverses that attended our arms the
first year of the war has forced our government to accept the inevitable,
seemingly against its will. I do not forget the violent opposition to the
Emancipation and Confiscation Acts, passed by Congress in December, 1861, by
Northern men of undoubted loyalty, nor the President's timid recommendations in
his inaugural address to that Congress. I remember well that reverses and
disasters attended all our efforts until the government was compelled, as by an
overruling Providence, to free the slaves of rebels, which includes them all;
and that from the moment these measures became the fixed policy of the
government, reverses ceased. It is not the issue of a battle or campaign that
gives me hope, but the successes that have attended our arms all through
the month of July were attended by such peculiar circumstances as to force upon
me the conviction, "There IS a destiny that shapes our ends, rough hew
them as we will."
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 80-1
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 22, 1863
I had comforted
myself with the reflection that when we returned to Kentucky, where
communications were uninterrupted by guerillas, and were only separated by
twenty-four hours of time, I might be permitted to correspond with my family
without such harrowing delays, for I would not have my darling in doubt as to
my situation or whereabouts for one single day, knowing, as I do, the
uncertainty of suspense is worse than the reality. But 'tis said, "The
darkest hour is just before the dawn," and, even as I write, my mind
filled with dark thoughts, a ray of light from my Northern home flashes across
my vision. The whole current of my thought is changed, and thankfulness takes
the place of my repining. Thankfulness that it is as well with my beloved ones
as it is. Oh, that I could remove every burden, and make their pathway smooth
and flowery. I find most of our trials are imaginary, but none the less real
for being SO. For instance, my beloved wife's imagination pictures me on my
weary way back to old Virginia's blood-stained fields, subject to every
hardship, exposed to every danger, and her suffering could be no greater if it
were so. On the contrary, I am still in Kentucky, in a pleasant, shady grove,
enjoying a season of welcome quiet and repose, soft bread to eat, plenty of pure,
cold water to drink. What more could mortals crave. The newspapers were right,
as far as they went, about our being ordered to the Potomac. We did receive
such orders, but General Burnside telegraphed the War Department the Ninth
Corps had marched, during the year, an average of twenty miles a day; that it
had just returned from an exhausting campaign in Mississippi; that the men were
worn down by fatigue and sickness, and were unfit for active service, and asked
that they be allowed to remain here for a season. His request was granted. One
year has passed since I left my pleasant home to serve my country a year big
with the fate of millions yet unborn—a year the most eventful in our history;
perhaps in the world's history.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 81-2
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 24, 1863
We have nearly the
same regulations here as at Newport News, everything being regulated by bugle
call. Of course, we drill; it would be hard to imagine a military camp without
drill; but it would make a horse laugh to see us do it. We fall in line, march
to the parade ground and halt under the shade of a big tree. A Sergeant puts us
through the manual of arms about five minutes; then stack arms and rest. The
remainder of the time is spent in lounging on the grass until the bugle sounds
recall.
We are under
marching orders again; that is, we are ordered to be ready, an order altogether
superfluous, for we are always ready. The general impression among the officers
is, this division is to be broken up and scattered over the State, a
regiment in a place. Our old brigade commander, General Poe, is here. He is now
Chief Engineer in the regular service. He is working, I am told, to get our
brigade attached to the engineer corps. I hope he will not succeed, as I do not
fancy that branch of the service. If he does succeed, I think I will resign.
There has been much talk of mounting this brigade and sending us to fight
guerillas. That would suit me to a fraction. Give me a "bounding
steed" and a "God speed you" from my "lady love," and
never did "armed knight" grasp spear and shield with greater
enthusiasm and devotion than I would experience as I hastened to the field of
bloody strife. But I do not believe Burnside will send us from the State at
present. He has already sent away most of the troops in this vicinity, and is
sending the rest fast as he can mount them, and probably we will take their
places.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 82-3
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 25, 1863
We are still in
camp, where each day is like the preceding one. The same routine of
"duty" is gone through with, which, to me, is exceedingly tiresome.
Give me the variations; something new and startling every day. For this reason
I prefer active service. Those who love fun, and have a natural penchant for
mischief, have abundant opportunity to indulge. I have never heard Billy Dunham
complain of ennui. So long as guards are to be "run," melons to be
"cooned," peach orchards to be "raided" or a peddler to be
harried, tormented and robbed, Billy is in his native element. Peddling to
soldiers is not the most agreeable business in the world, especially if said
soldiers happen to be, as is often the case, on mischief bent. I have seen a
crowd of soldiers gather around an unsuspecting victim, a few shrewd, witty
fellows attract his attention, while others pass out to their accomplices
melons, peaches, tomatoes and vegetables, and when the poor fellow discovers
the "game" and gathers up his "ropes" to drive away, the
harness fall to the ground in a dozen pieces, the unguided mule walks off
amazed, the cart performs a somersault and the poor peddler picks himself up
and gazes on the wreck in silent grief. At sight of his helpless misery the
wretches seemingly relent; with indignant tones they swear vengeance on the
"man who did it;" help him to gather up his "wares" while
he secures his mule. This is soon done, for his "stock" has grown
small and "beautifully less." He smothers his rage from prudential
motives, throws the "toggle" on his mule and prepares to depart.
Alas, the millennium has not yet come. His cart wheels, refusing to perform
their accustomed revolutions, start off in opposite directions, while the air
is rent by the screams and derisive yells of his tormenters. When once begun,
the amusement continues until the stock is exhausted. Speaking of Billy, he has
become reconciled to his fate, and takes to soldiering like a duck to water.
Lieutenant Chris.
Rath has received a Captain's commission, and has been assigned to Company I.
He has well earned his commission by his bravery and efficiency.
There was a sudden
change of weather last night. The day had been hot and sultry. Toward night we
had a light shower, preceded by a hurricane which cleared the atmosphere of
heat most effectually. It is now uncomfortable sitting in my tent with my coat
on. Uncle Sam seems inclined to make up to us, in some measure, for past
neglect. We have soft bread and other rations more than we can use. Today we
were surprised by an issue of tea and sugar, more than we can use. We sell our
surplus at twenty-five cents a pound. The Brigade Surgeon has put a stop to
drilling except as punishment. No signs of a move are in sight. My health is
good. It is years since I was in possession of such buoyant, vigorous health.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 83-4
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 27, 1863
Nicholasville, Ky. We
are again enjoying the quiet of camp life. Our miniature tents are pitched in
regular order, streets are policed and brigade guards posted to keep our unruly
boys within bounds.
Colonel Luce, five
line officers and twenty privates have gone home on furlough—others to
Cincinnati on leave of absence. Everything indicates a period of rest. Our boys
are trying to make up for their privations "down below." Nearly every
tent presents the appearance of a market for the sale of fruit or vegetables.
Potatoes, peaches,
apples, cabbages, onions, watermelons and green corn are piled in heaps or lie
around loose throughout the camp. Then we have artists, too. Two Daguerian cars
are running full blast, where the boys get indifferent pictures at one dollar
each. I saw a great curiosity today—a relic of bygone ages. About a mile from
camp there is a shop where the old-fashioned spinning wheel is manufactured on
quite an extensive scale, and they find a ready sale. This is a fair index to
the progress of the people. Their manners, forms of speech and customs all
point to past ages. They are very loyal and very friendly when sober, but when
filled with corn whiskey, hypocrisy and self-interest take a back seat, and
they speak their real sentiments with a frankness and fluency that is not at
all flattering to us "Yanks." From what I have seen, I conclude all
Kentuckians drink whiskey. There are distilleries in every little town, where
the "genuine article" is turned out. I called at a farm house
one day for a drink of water. The good woman was catechising her son—a lad of
ten or twelve years about ten cents she had given him with which to buy some
little notion at the store. She gave me a drink of water, then, turning to the
young hopeful, angrily inquired, "But where's that ten cents I gave
you?" "I guv five cents to Bill." "Where's the other five?"
"Bought my dram with it." The explanation appeared satisfactory.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 78-9
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 28, 1863
Camp Dick Robinson,
Ky. Again we are on the move en route to Crab Orchard, thirty miles from our
late camp, where a military post is to be established. I understand there is to
be a line of posts from Lexington to Cumberland Gap. Report says these
posts are to be held by the Ninth Corps. I hope not. I much prefer active
service, with its toil and exposure, to a life of comparative ease in camp.
While there is work to be done, and God gives me strength, I want to be doing.
When I can be of no more service, then I would go home.
But I see no
preparations for field service. We have no artillery or ambulances, which is
proof conclusive. I was disappointed in Camp Dick Robinson. I had read so much
of it, I expected to find a military station, or fortifications of some kind.
Instead, I find a beautiful grove of oak and black walnut trees. It is noted as
being the first camping ground occupied by loyal troops in Kentucky. General
Nelson, its founder, who was shot last fall by General Davis, is buried here.
I have borne the
march well today. My feet were somewhat tired, and what wonder? Two hundred
twenty pounds the weight of myself and load is quite a load to carry ten miles
over a macadamized road in half a day.
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 85-6
Diary of Musician David Lane, August 30, 1863
Crab Orchard, Ky. We
arrived at 10 a. m., making ten miles from Lancaster this morning. Crab Orchard
is a lovely town of about one thousand inhabitants. We are encamped about one
mile south of the village, in a lovely spot, shut in on all sides by high hills
and forests. To the south, far in the distance, the Cumberland Mountains raise
their blue peaks as landmarks to guide us on our course when next we move.
From what I see and
hear of the surrounding country, the boys will have to depend on their rations
for food.
Soldiers are strange
beings. No sooner were our knapsacks unslung than every man of us went to work
as though his very life depended on present exertions. We staked out streets,
gathered stakes and poles with which to erect our tents, and now, at 3 p. m., behold!
a city has arisen, like a mushroom, from the ground. Everything is done as
though it were to be permanent, when no man knows how long we may remain or how
soon we may move on.
Part of our route
from Camp Parks lay through a country made historic by the chivalric deeds of
Daniel Boone. We passed his old log fort, and the high bluff from which he
hurled an Indian and dashed him in pieces on the rocks below. At the foot of
the bluff is the cave in which he secreted himself when hard pressed by savages.
His name is chiseled in the rock above the entrance. The place is now being
strongly fortified.
We had a lively
skirmish in Company G this morning. About a week ago the Brigade Surgeon
ordered quinine and whiskey to be issued to every man in the brigade, twice
daily. During our march the quinine had been omitted, but whiskey was dealt out
freely.
Solon Crandall—the
boy who picked the peaches while under fire at South Mountain—is naturally
pugnacious, and whiskey makes him more so. This morning, while under the
influence of his "ration," he undertook the difficult task of
"running" Company G.
Captain Tyler,
hearing the "racket," emerged from his tent and inquired the cause.
At this Solon, being a firm believer in "non-intervention," waxed
wroth. In reply he told the Captain, "It's none of your business. Understand, I am running this
company, and if you don't go back to your tent and mind your own business, I'll
have you arrested and sent to the bull pen. At this the Captain
"closed" with his rival in a rough-and-tumble fight, in which the
Captain, supported by a Sergeant, gained the day.
I have the most
comfortable quarters now I have ever had. Our tent is composed of five pieces
of canvas, each piece the size of our small tents—two for the top, or roof, the
eaves three feet from the ground. The sides and ends are made to open one at a
time or all at once, according to the weather. Three of us tent together, and
we have plenty of room. We have bunks made of boards, raised two feet from the
ground. This, with plenty of straw, makes a voluptuous bed. I received a letter
from home last evening, dated August 13th. Oh, these vexatious postal delays;
they are the bane of my life. I wonder if postmasters are human beings, with
live hearts inside their jackets, beating in sympathetic unison with other
hearts. I wonder did they ever watch and wait, day after day, until hope was
well-nigh dead, conscious that love had sped its message and was anxiously
awaiting a return. A letter from home! What thrilling emotions of pleasure;
what unfathomable depths of joy it brings the recipient. It is not altogether
the words, be they many or few, but the remembrances they call forth; the
recognition of the well-known handwriting; old associations and past scenes are
brought forth from the storehouse of the memory and held up to view. The joy of
meeting—the agony of parting—all are lived over again.
We are having
brigade inspection today, which is suggestive of a move, but our artillery has
not turned up yet, and we will not take the field without it.
The health of our
men has improved wonderfully since we reached Kentucky. A more rugged, hearty
set of men I never saw than the few who are left. But, as I look around upon
the noble fellows, now drawn up in line for inspection, a feeling of sadness
steals over me. One short year ago nine hundred ninety-eight as brave, true men
as ever shouldered gun marched forth to battle in their country's cause. Of all
that noble band, only two hundred in line today. Where are the absent ones?
Some, it is true, are home on furlough, but not all. They have left a bloody
track from South Mountain's gory height through Antietam, Fredericksburg and
Vicksburg to Jackson, Mississippi.
Oh, how I miss
familiar faces!
SOURCE: David Lane,
A Soldier's Diary: The Story of a Volunteer, 1862-1865, pp. 86-89
Monday, October 13, 2025
Senator Charles Sumner to Henry Wilson, April 29, 1852
I notice the attack
on me in the 'Liberator.' If need be, I shall show backbone in
resisting the pressure even of friends. Had I uttered a word for Drayton and
Sayres in the Senate, I should have dealt a blow at them which they well
understood. At present nothing can be done for them in the Senate. I have
presented their case to the President, and am sanguine in believing that they
will be pardoned. But of this not a word at present.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 278
Samuel Gridley Howe to Senator Charles Sumner, 1852
God bless you for
your truly noble and courageous course! Follow it up to the end, however,
without caring for blessing or cursing. Such things do my very heart good, and
make me love you, if possible, more than ever.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 278
Wendell Phillips to Senator Charles Sumner, 1852
I congratulate you
most sincerely on the happy issue or your efforts for Drayton and Sayres. You
have earned your honors.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 278
Senator Charles Sumner to John Bigelow, February 3, 1852
1 General Samuel Houston, senator from Texas,
was mentioned at the time among the Democratic candidates for the Presidency.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 278
Senator Charles Sumner to Theodore Parker, February 6, 1852
I have yours of 25th
of January proposing to me to write an article on Judge Story in the
Westminster Review. As a filial service I should be glad to do this; but how
can I? I rarely go to bed before one or two o'clock, and then I leave work
undone which ought to be done.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 278
Senator Charles Sumner to John Bigelow, February 8, 1852
1 Mr. Bigelow had in a review of Judge Story's
"Life and Letters," in the New York "Evening Post," Jan. 29
and Feb. 4, 1852, disparaged the judge's character as a jurist and author.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, pp. 278-9
Senator Charles Sumner to John Bigelow, March 2, 1852
Congress and all the
world have a vacation to-day to quaff fresh air, sunshine, and champagne on
board the 'Baltic.'1 I voted for the adjournment, but did not care
to put myself in the great man-trap set especially for members of Congress. I
see nothing certain in the Presidential horizon. In all my meditations I revert
with new regret to the attempted reconciliation in '49 in your State. Without
that we should now control the free States.
1 Of the Collins line of steamships, whose
owners were then seeking a subsidy.
2 On J. Fenimore Cooper, Feb. 25, 1852,
at a meeting of which Mr. Webster was chairman, called to raise funds for a
monument to the novelist. Sumner's reply to the invitation to attend the
meeting is printed in his Works, vol. iii. p. 43.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 279
Senator Charles Sumner to John Bigelow, March 26, 1853
The post of
assistant secretary of state was offered to my brother; but I
write, not for any public correction of your paper, but merely for your private
information. More than ten days ago Mr. Marcy communicated to me personally his
desire to have my brother in the place, his sense of his fitness beyond that of
any other person in the country, and also the extent to which he was
plagued by applications from persons who would make the office only a
clerkship. My brother was absent from Washington at the time. At the request of
Mr. Marcy I sent for him; and on his arrival, at Mr. Marcy's request, he
reported himself at the state department, was most cordially welcomed, was
assured that not only the secretary but the President desired him to be
assistant secretary, that his knowledge of European affairs was needed, that it
was the intention to raise the salary of the office and to make it a desirable
position. At three different stages of a protracted interview the matter was
thus pressed upon my brother. But in the course of the interview Mr. Marcy
expressed a desire for some confession on the subject of slavery by which my
brother should be distinguished from me, some acceptance of the Baltimore
platform, - all of which he peremptorily declined to do, in a manner that made
Mr. Marcy say to me afterwards that he had behaved in an honorable manner.'
After my brother had fully declared his determination, and his abnegation of
all desire for office, of which I do not speak in detail, the Secretary still
expressed a desire for his services. Subsequently my brother addressed him a
brief note absolutely declining, and in another note recommended the
appointment of Dudley Mann. This affair has got into the newspapers, but by no
suggestion of mine or of my brother.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, pp. 279-80
Diary of Private William S. White, June 1, 1862
We cannot as yet
procure the full particulars regarding the battle of "Seven Pines"
fought yesterday and to-day. As well as I can learn the plan was this: the
Yankees had crossed a large force on the south-side of the Chickahominy, and on
the night of the 30th of May, we had a most terrific storm. Our Commander,
General Jos. E. Johnston, concluding that the bridges were all washed away, and
the river past fording, concluded to attack the Yankees on the south-side and
crush them out before they could be reinforced. On account of the tardiness of
General Huger the plan was not fully successful, though we surprised the enemy,
capturing a large number of prisoners with several pieces of artillery. Our
camp was on the main road leading to Seven Pines, but 'twas difficult to handle
artillery and we received no orders to move. What a heart-rending scene it is
to witness the wounded brought in from a terrible battle field. The people of
Richmond turned out en masse to render aid to our wounded
soldiers. Many a wounded soldier-boy from the sunny South will never cease to
remember the fair form of the "city belle" as she soothed his aching
brow or bound up his wounded limb. Too often do we hear our Southern allies
cursing the people of Richmond as a set of speculators thriving on our misfortunes,
but now many of them have been convinced that "in the hour of pain and
anguish," Richmond can and will do all within her power
to aid those who are seeking to uphold our cause.
'Tis undoubtedly
true that Richmond has changed greatly since the war began, for it has, I am sorry
to say, become the headquarters of all of the "fancy men" of the
South—gentlemen of the Hebrew persuasion have made it their rendezvous to sell
blockade goods, and countless numbers of Yankee spies, though outwardly
swearing allegiance to our government, hold strong foothold in our city.
Gambling hells, furnished with tinseled splendor are at every corner, to catch
the unwary, and relieve them of their superabundant "Confederates."
Still there is
enough of the old metal left, purified and refined, to make Richmond to me the
sweetest, dearest spot on earth. General Johnston being wounded, General Robert
E. Lee now commands our army.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 116-7
Diary of Private William S. White, June 15, 1862
Day after day have
we been anxiously awaiting an engagement; our leaders seem to be afraid of
risking a battle, and our men are worn down with continued anxiety. Hundreds
and thousands of our men are sick from want of proper food, and there seems to
be but little chance for improvement. Was taken quite sick myself to-day, and
with my Captain's permission, I went into the city to remain until I got well.
Went to Mr. William S. Donnan's, where, for several days, I was quite ill. Had
I remained in camp, I doubt very much if I ever would have recovered, but being
well nursed, I soon managed to improve.
To Mr. D. and his
family, I will always feel deeply grateful for their many and kind attentions.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 117
Diary of Private William S. White, June 24, 1862
Having some
information that a great battle was imminent, I concluded to return to camp
to-day, though I was far from being well.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 117
Diary of Private William S. White, June 27, 1862
BATTLE OF ELLERSON'S MILL, JUNE 27TH, 1862.
For several days we
have been on the qui vive for a fight, and at last it has
come. Day before yesterday my company was transferred from Huger's division, to
which it was temporarily attached, to the First Regiment Virginia Artillery,
commanded by Colonel John Thompson Brown, and we now belong to Longstreet's
division. We had just gotten our tents pitched, picket rope stretched, etc.,
when we were ordered to report to Brigadier-General Featherstone, commanding a
splendid brigade of Mississippians. We reached this brigade on the evening of
the 25th, pitched our tents and camped for the night. At 10 o'clock we were
ordered to rise at 2 A. M., prepare three days' rations, allowing each man one
blanket, and report to General Longstreet near the toll-house on the
Mechanicsville Turnpike. According to instructions we arose next morning at 2
o'clock, but as we had no rations had to start without them. We remained on the
turnpike all day awaiting orders to move. A. P. Hill's division, having crossed
the Chickahominy near the Virginia Central Railroad, flanked the
enemy and charged upon them at Mechanicsville, driving them across Beaver Dam
Creek to Ellerson's Mill. Our division (Longstreet's), with D. H. Hill's, then
moved directly up the Mechanicsville Turnpike and formed a junction with A. P.
Hill at the village of Mechanicsville, five and a half miles from Richmond. The
fighting for the night was over, but sleep was impossible, for well we knew the
coming morrow would be a day fraught with heavy interests to the South.
Jackson, we also knew, was on his way to join us, and was moving around to
strike the enemy's right flank, taking it en reverse. About 12 o'clock at night
my brigade (Featherstone's) was ordered to the front to relieve General Ripley's,
and my company ordered to remain in the road at the blacksmith's shop, awaiting
"further orders."
The dawn of the 27th
of June was announced by a shell from a Yankee battery, and pretty soon they
made the turnpike a very hot place.
Featherstone and Willcox,
supported by R. A. Pryor, were already engaged. Our battery was then ordered to
take position where we could shell the enemy. To accomplish this we had to move
about a mile across an open field and in point blank range of the Yankee
batteries. Gallantly did our boys dash across the field and in the very face of
the enemy; loudly screamed the shot and shell; but on we pushed until we
reached our position directly in front of the Catlin House. Our guns were
speedily "unlimbered," and soon the clear, ringing report of the
little howitzers bespoke the earnestness of the affair we were engaged in.
Our Parrot gun and
howitzer No. 2 were stationed to the rear of the Catlin House, whilst the third
and fourth (my gun) were directly in front.
The enemy's artillery
soon ceased, for it was very evident that having been struck such a heavy blow
on this, their extreme right flank, by Hill on the preceding day, that
McClellan was drawing in his lines, and we were now fighting only a heavy rear
guard commanded by Fitz John Porter.
Nevertheless their
sharp-shooters were swarming like bees on the opposite hills, across the Beaver
Dam, and they made it uncomfortably warm where we were strange to say none of
my company were hurt.
Pryor's, Wilcox's
and Featherstone's brigades were fighting heavily on our right and their loss
was quite severe, the enemy being strongly posted.
Our artillery was
composed of the "Maryland Artillery," "Donaldsonville
(Louisiana) Artillery, "Thomas Artillery" and the "Third Company
Richmond Howitzers." Our guns were worked with coolness and precision. The
Yankee skirmishers, being posted in rifle-pits, and many of them securely
stationed up tall pine trees, had many advantages over our men, we fighting in
the open field all the time. For several hours did we pour a galling fire into
the enemy and they replied with great spirit. About 8 A. M. our batteries were
ordered to "cease firing," and "Gregg's brigade," A. P.
Hill's division, charged the works in our front, meeting with but little
opposition, as the enemy rapidly retired before them. The remainder of A. P.
Hill's division was moving against the enemy's right flank, hoping to get in
the rear of Fitz. John Porter and capture his entire force, but he, seeing
Hill's intention, rapidly decamped.
An incident, proving
the money loving nature of the genuine Yankee, occurred
at this place, and I cannot refrain from relating it. One of our boys, in
conversation with one of the wounded prisoners who had both eyes shot
entirely out, remarked to him that "his wound must be
very painful?"
The Yankee replied:
"I don't mind the pain so much, sir, but I wouldn't have both of
my eyes shot out for twenty-five dollars!" Umph!
What a people-eyes twelve and a half dollars each.
This Catlin House
was built by my grandfather, and sadly sweet is the recollection to me that for
three hours, to-day, I fought within a few short yards of my father's grave. Yes!
here where we fought to-day is the very spot where he was born, more than a
half century ago, and hard by is the grave where he now lies buried. Oh! who
can wonder that my arm was strengthened, and my heart nerved for the conflict.
The balls flew thick and fast around me, but I heeded them not, and thought
only of the sacred dead, whose grave had been desecrated and his slumbers
disturbed by the foeman's shout and the wild, loud, crash of battle!
BATTLE OF GAINES'S MILL, FRIDAY, JUNE 27TH,
1862.
The Federals were
driven back through Austin's, Sydnor's, Hogan's and Gaines's farms, slightly
skirmishing as they rapidly retreated before our successful forces. They made a
final stand about a mile from Dr. Gaines's residence. Pryor's brigade was in
the advance, and was acting as skirmishers—the Donaldsonville Artillery was
attached to this brigade. The remainder of Longstreet's division was stationed
in a thick wood near Dr. Gaines's house, and was evidently waiting for the
music of Jackson's guns. We knew Jackson was close at hand,
for this morning, on following up the enemy from Ellerson's Mill, we took the
wrong road at Meadow Farm (William Sydnor's,) and crossed over into Oakley Hill
(Edward Sydnor's) where we ran into Jackson's men, and skirmished with them
some time before we found them out. The enemy soon found out our position in
this wood and commenced shelling us at a terrific rate. Their guns were well
aimed for their shots skim'd above and around us in no very pleasant manner.
Being somewhat worried by the delay and wanting to see what was going on, I
rode out to the front where Pryor's men were skirmishing; seeing a deserted
camp about a half mile off, I rode over to it, hoping to get something for my
horse to eat, and just as I was securing a very plump looking bag of oats, a body
of our cavalry dashed in at the other end of the camp, and the first thing I
knew, one of them was about to shoot me for a Yankee—remembering I had on a
Yankee jacket, I cried out lustily, that I was a Confederate soldier, whereupon
they rode swiftly on, leaving me to carry off my booty.
Shortly after 3 P.
M. the welcome sound of Jackson's guns is heard on our left, and our
entire line advances in splendid style, our infantry moving across an open
field, subjected to a terrific fire poured into them by the enemy, who were
strongly entrenched in earthworks commandingly situated. My company took
position on the east side of Dr. Gaines's house and immediately opened fire
upon the enemy. Three of our guns, it will be remembered, were twelve-pound
Dahlgren navy howitzers, fitted only for very close work, and I presume the
chief good we did was to make a noise and draw the fire of the enemy. Our
rifled Parrot gun, however, did good service, and was effectually manned during
the remainder of the day.
The enemy opened a
heavy fire upon us both from the north and south sides of the Chickahominy. We
were also under a galling fire from their infantry directly in our front.
Longstreet's
division, on our left, charged across the open field in gallant style and up
the hill they went as if they meant to stay. Three times were they driven back,
but they rapidly reformed and finally drove the Yankees from their almost
impregnable position, slaying them by thousands. The shot and shell from the
Yankee batteries would strike in our battery and ricochet farther than our guns
would carry. Our little howitzers now being unable to reach the enemy, Colonel
John Thompson Brown, Longstreet's chief of artillery, ordered us into a ravine,
where we were in a great measure protected. During the engagement our battery
was subjected to an enfilading fire from the south side of the Chickahominy,
and how we escaped without loss is a mystery to me. Finally darkness brought an
end to the bloody scene; the enemy had been completely whipped out of their
works. We captured a great number of prisoners, including the Eleventh
Pennsylvania Reserve entire; also, some twenty-five or thirty pieces of
artillery. We passed through many Yankee camps, and our men obtained a number
of articles they were sadly in need of. The enemy, however, destroyed vast
quantities of commissary stores and all their camp equipage. The people of
Hanover were perfectly overjoyed to see us once more, and as many an old
acquaintance and kinsman grasped me warmly by the hand I could but silently
offer up my thanks to the Omnipotent for our success. The Yankees have been
more lenient to this portion of Virginia than has been their custom,
but the parlor walls of some of our Hanover houses bear ample testimony to their
obscenity and meanness. Their letters, which we find scattered all over the
fields, are also filled with obscene thoughts and vituperations of us of the
South. One thing especially I notice in the letters the Yankee soldiers receive
from their homes, in nine cases out of ten: the people at home write piteous
appeals for money and complain bitterly of the hard times,
whilst our soldiers write home, invariably, for money. Many of
the Yankee soldiers enter the army because it insures a comfortable support,
and they can, if at all provident, put by something every month.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 117-22
Diary of Private William S. White, June 28, 1862
Our battery moved
back last night about one mile and camped on Hogan's farm. This morning when we
awoke we found a party of eight hundred Yankee prisoners at Hogan's house.
Amongst them were several surgeons, and they actually refused to attend to
their own wounded, but insisted, as surgeons were non-combatants, that they
should be sent to Richmond and immediately returned to the North.
A great number of
wounded Yankees have been brought in by our men, and are receiving all proper
attention. We moved forward to Gaines's house, where we remained all day, but
near us there was no more fighting.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 122
Diary of Private William S. White, June 29, 1862
Longstreet's and A.
P. Hill's divisions crossed to the south side of the Chickahominy to-day, and
have moved eastward down the Darbytown Road. These divisions have not been
engaged to-day.
This afternoon I was
sent back to Featherstone's Brigade Headquarters, near the city, for a farther
supply of rations, as ours were left on the north side of the Chickahominy.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 122
Sunday, October 12, 2025
Diary of Private William S. White, June 30, 1862
BATTLE OF WILLIS'S CHURCH, OR FRAYSER'S FARM,
MONDAY, JUNE 30TH, 1862.
I was in the saddle
from a little after sunrise yesterday morning until daybreak this morning, and
then, after taking a nap of an hour, had to move on to find my company.
McClellan, having been so terribly punished on his right flank by the fierce
onslaughts of Lee and Jackson, has now concentrated his forces on this (the
south) side of the Chickahominy, and is making his way to his gun-boats on the
James River. We are following him up as rapidly as possible. Our two divisions
moved a few miles farther down the Darbytown Road, when our advanced guard
captured a Yankee picket, who reported their men to be but a short distance in
advance.
Longstreet quickly
disposed his troops, and advanced to meet the enemy; my battery was posted in
an open field, but we could see no enemy, as a heavy wood was between us.
The enemy soon
rained a storm of shot and shell upon us, and we returned the fire with vigor,
but as soon as our infantry charged beyond us, as at Gaines's Mill, we were
compelled to cease firing," our guns being of such short range.
Nevertheless, we
were compelled to receive their fire, and, being unable to return
it, it made our situation anything but pleasant. Nothing is more demoralizing
to troops than to be subjected to a heavy fire from an unseen foe and to remain
perfectly inactive. The wood completely shut us out from sight, yet shielded us
but little from the shot and shell.
Here a member of my
company (Edward F. Cullen) was struck upon the forehead by a piece of shell; we
thought at first he was seriously wounded, but we were mistaken. I also made a
very narrow escape, for a two ounce ball from a Belgian rifle passed through my
gunner's-bag, which was, as is customary during an engagement, thrown over my
shoulder. I had in this bag about 500 friction primers, each and every one a
little miniature cannon of itself, filled with rifle and a poisonous fulminating
powder, the explosion of one of which would have caused the explosion of the
whole. The ball passed through three thick pleats of leather, breaking the
fourth and last pleat. Had it not have been for this leather bag, I would have
received this ball just below my heart. The fighting was still going on in our
front at a terrific rate. Again and again our men charged the enemies' works,
but were as often driven back. At one time Featherstone's brigade had to reform
a few yards to the right of our battery, and could only muster 250 men. One
more grand effort—a dashing charge and our men have carried the entrenchments.
Kemper's men are holding their position without ammunition; Featherstone's
brigade has melted away from 1,200 to 200; still our brave troops hold their
position, and have captured many a piece of artillery. Night comes on, but
still the fight continues—volley after volley of musketry pours its stream of
death into our ranks, but our men cannot be driven back, and McClellan has to
keep moving on. Our field of observation is so extremely limited, we can learn
but little of the general plan of the battle or of the specific results. The
wounded stragglers all pass through our battery and tell the same old tale of
being "cut up," "badly whipped," etc., so that
for a long time we were really in doubt whether we or the Yankees had been
successful. The enemy fought bravely and contested the ground inch by inch. Our
General, Featherstone, has been badly wounded. We have captured many prisoners
and a number of pieces of artillery; also, a Brigadier-General by the name of
McCall.
We spent the night
on the field, and, for the season, it was bitterly cold.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, pp. 122-4
Thursday, October 9, 2025
Daniel S. Dickinson to Mr. Rogers, December 25, 1856
BINGHAMTON, December 25, 1856.
MY DEAR ROGERS—Myself
and family send to you and to Mrs. Rogers the kindly salutations and wishes of
the season, under a deep sense of friendly obligations: and we all join the
little boys in transmitting their joyous acknowledgments for your kind
remembrance and substantial present. Please drop a line, as early as convenient
to you, when you will return, so that I may arrange to be at home.
I am glad you are
going to Wheatland, for it is as well due to our friends and to our
organization as to Mr. Buchanan himself, that he should be fully, frankly, and
temperately posted in our affairs. So far as I have a right to be heard in the
premises, it is my desire that the explanation be of a general character, and
placed entirely on public grounds. I would under no circumstances have my name
pressed upon Mr. Buchanan as one of his cabinet advisers. Nor would I consent
to sit as one, unless it was given under circumstances where I was sought,
rather than seeking the place, and where the public desired my services. For
your own private information, I will assure you that I have no expectation of a
cabinet appointment. I have no knowledge nor information on the subject, but
intuition teaches me, as I wrote you some time since, and the views then
expressed have received confirmation by subsequent reflection. I am by no means
sure that it will not be better for those of our friends who desire places, if
Mr. Buchanan should pass by the State rather than that he should give me a
cabinet appointment. In case of my appointment, if he should deny any further
appointment to our wing, it would leave me in an awkward and unpleasant
position. But if I am not appointed, he may feel an inclination to look more
carefully after my friends. I am proud to note, however, that so far as I have
been mentioned, it has generally been for Secretary of State, and no one has
placed me below Treasury. The leading papers in Maine, Iowa, &c., &c.,
have been out pretty strong, but there is much intrigue going on by the jobbers
for the places, with a view to the Treasury spoils, and also to 1860.
I do not intend to
be pharisaical in profession, but I am, as years increase, more anxious to
fill my present sphere of usefulness than to enlarge it:—to execute the mission
before me, and train up the little boys that Providence has left to look to me
for protection, and to cherish and console, so far as domestic care and quiet
can accomplish it, one who is dearer to me still, and bound by more tender
ties, and is yet as dependent upon me as a child. These, with others, are
individual reasons why change is not desirable except for strong inducements.
SOURCE: John R.
Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel
S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, pp. 499-500
Daniel S. Dickinson to Mr. W. S. Brown, January 24, 1857
BINGHAMTON, January 24, 1857.
MY DEAR SIR—My best
acknowledgments are tendered you for numerous favors conveyed with a generous
partiality and friendly devotion. I can only assure you of a high, profound,
and sincere appreciation.
I have full
confidence in Mr. Buchanan's wisdom, and feel sure he will give us a judicious
administration; what will be his "personnel," I have no means of
knowing. He is urged, from both interested and factious sources, to go by this
State, because of our divisions. It may be wise to pass the State or may not
be; but no such question as divisions should control him.
We have some
factious men, though since the main body went off, less than one would suppose
for the encouragement they have received: but so far as our rank and file are
concerned, whether upon men or measures, we have less division than has
Virginia, New Hampshire, Michigan, Illinois, Indiana, or Pennsylvania.
Repeating my thanks
for your kind courtesy—I am,
SOURCE: John R.
Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel
S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 500
Judge I. T. Bosworth to Daniel S. Dickinson, March 9, 1857
BINGHAMTON, March 1, 1857.
MY DEAR JUDGE—Your
favor of the 27th came duly to hand, and, as the merchants say,
"contents noted." I penned you my "incomprehensible" note
while in the tedious attendance upon rather a beggarly circuit. It is said that
when a pun or witticism needs explanation to give it point, it is a sorry
manifestation, and I do not see why what our old and departed friend Judge S.
was wont to call a "sarcasm" does not fall within the same category.
However, at the hazard of coming within the rule, I will translate my Greek.
My eye, at the
moment of writing, fell upon the movements of the Corruption Committee at
Washington, and seeing that the Hon. ——— was to be expelled, reminded me of how
much I had enjoyed, some twenty-three years ago, laughing at you for turning
the same individual out of your law office for stealing a large pane of glass
out of the door of E——'s newly fitted up house over the Chenango Bridge, to
supply one that he had broken out of the door of your office; and to complete
the joke he got a light too large by three inches one way and one the other.
The fun I had at the time over it all came back to me, and hence my revival of
it to you thus obscurely;—not thinking that the brick and mortar, excitement
and turmoil, and judicial care of the city, had shut you out from keeping track
of individuals, as we do in the country.
* *
* *
*
Yes, my dear Judge,
I might wear out life as you do. I have enjoyed some rather gratifying triumphs
in my day, both political and professional; but never anything has so much
drawn out my anxiety and solicitude in advance, has so much mortified and vexed
me when adverse, nor afforded me the same satisfaction in success, as the
matter to which you allude.
I still like
professional pursuits better than official life. If I had money to spend
profusely, I could enjoy myself in rural occupations; but eternal,
like internal improvement, is too
expensive a luxury for a poor man.
I like excitement, and as I also want income, it would work well if we did not have so much mere litigation over subjects where the parties cannot pay very large fees, and, if able, no counsel could have the face to charge them. These cases, as you know, are fought out with a pertinacity almost unknown in the city, or if known, would command a thousand dollars to our one hundred. If you do not engage in them, others will, and hey block up the courts and delay other business at home, and prevent you from going abroad to attend to business of more importance if you have it. The present system is far less pleasant for the country than the former. There is, or rather would be enough good business to engage me constantly if it were not impeded by this profitless litigation, and much time is wasted in this, in working or in waiting, to the prevention of more important business. If I was within four or five hours ride of the city, instead of nine or ten, I would open an office there.
Mrs. Dickinson and
daughters join me in regards to yourself and Mrs. Bosworth and family
SOURCE: John R.
Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel
S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, pp. 500-2
Daniel S. Dickinson to Henry S. Randall, April 14, 1857
BINGHAMTON, April 14, 1857.
MY DEAR SIR—I should
be more prompt in my correspondence, but it is just now so heavy that if I had
as much clerical force as Byron intimates the recording angel exhausted about
the time of the "crowning carnage—Waterloo," I
should still be as much in arrear as was the head of that overworked
"black bureau."
I should have come
and seen you when at Cortland, but I learned you were ill; and I supposed, too,
that you were so deeply buried in your studies that all you would desire of
your fellow-men would be that they might, as Diogenes said, "get away from
between you and the sun."
The administration
seems to be getting on well, but, I am sorry to learn, is hunted to death by
office-seekers. It is absolutely discreditable to have an administration so
beset that it can do nothing because of office-seeking in a country so full of
undeveloped elements as ours; but so it is.
I am pretty deeply
busied, if not buried, professionally. I would like a little more relaxation
than I find, for I would like to review the poets, from Tasso and Chaucer to
Peter Beebe and Polly Gould; but n'importe.
Mrs. Dickinson joins
me in regards to yourself and family; and especially I desire kind remembrances
to your daughter, who honored me with a note.
Wednesday, October 8, 2025
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 1, 1863
PLYMOUTH.
Sunday, and another move at last. We left the barracks about seven o'clock this morning, marched through the town and aboard the "Northerner," by far the most commodious steamer we have been on since we came out. There are awful stories of her having been condemned, and, as a last resort, sold to government for transporting troops. There is plenty of room however; so, as we cannot help it, we content ourselves, and hunt around for our stateroom. Our party was lucky enough to get one, seven of us occupying it; and after a good dinner we turned in, as we had seen all there was to be seen on the river before, and did not know how soon we would be called upon to lose sleep. We steamed at a good rate down the Neuse, and at dark were still at sea. We are having a good time so far; not overcrowded, the vessel clean, and plenty of good stuff to eat, as we had just received boxes by the "Fry," chartered by our friends at home. There was a box for every man, and in some cases two, so our knapsacks and haversacks are filled with home-made eatables, instead of government meat and bread. We have our band with us, so many expect some good times. The band takes two good fellows from "E,”—Park and Ramsay; and all the consolation we get for the loss is an extra onion now and then, and perhaps a little less noise in the barracks from Ned.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, pp. 35-6
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 2, 1863
Passed Roanoke on our right, about eight o'clock this morning; sea smooth and weather pleasant. Had a good breakfast of dried beef and water. We entered Roanoke river for the second trip on it about noon, and after about four hours' pleasant sail we were alongside the wharf at Plymouth. Since we were here in November the town has become sadly demoralized. The rebels entered it one fine day and drove what troops were there into the Custom House, and then set fire to the place, destroying the larger part. It is decided not to disembark the regiment till to-morrow. The cooks are ashore somewhere, and are making our coffee, while we are lounging round on deck and through the vessel, having a free and easy time, or located in some cosey nook writing up.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 36
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 3, 1863
Last night was a holiday time. We had dancing on the vessel, and "the band played." This morning was ushered in with a slight change. The ground was covered with snow, and everything had a decidedly Northern outlook, some of the companies came ashore to-day, and are quartered in a granary owned by one J. C. Johnston. We were somewhat crowded on the vessel, but would gladly sacrifice the room for the heat, as it is very cold here. Our company is in the second story, and most all are in their blankets trying to keep warm, as there is no chance to have fires in the building. Athough the town is provost guarded, most anyone can roam round by dodging the officers and sentries. About all our rations, so far, have been obtained away from company quarters, many preferring a change. We find quite a number of natives here; one, for instance, John Fenno, a unionist, was drafted into the rebel service, deserted, ran to our lines, and joined the native cavalry regiment (Buffaloes), and consequently is in a bad predicament. He will have to fight to the death; for if he is taken the rebels will hang him. He is now with his family; but when the town is deserted by the troops, he is liable, with the rest, to another raid such as they had a few weeks ago.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 36
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 4, 1863
We are having an easy time so far, excepting for the cold weather. We have no guard or drill as yet; a part of the 27th M. V. do provost duty. There are rumors of a regimental guard, around our quarters; so all who could cleared out early and stayed all day. A party of us visited the courthouse, prison, and graveyard. All but the last, with a church close by, show marks of being used as targets. After picking ivy from the graveyard wall, to send home, we started out of town on a private scout. About a mile's walk brought us to a picket; who thought our visit farther had better be indefinitely postponed; so, after a pleasant chat with them, whom we found to be natives, deserters from the rebel army, and, of course, unionists, we took the "right about" and tramped towards camp arriving just in time for inspection and dress parade at half-past four P.M.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 36
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 5, 1863
Had a ball in our old granary last night. Some who were to go on guard to-day turned in early, and all we know of it is, that those who went had a good time.
Our regiment is to help the 27th in their guard-duty. Our guard-house is a grocery store, close to the granary, and the duty is very light. It rained about all day, and the snow is consequently gone, leaving the roads in a fearfully bad condition.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, pp. 36-7
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 7, 1863
HAM FAT.
Freedom of the town for to-day, and all over town we went; had a dug-out race, and about all who were in it got a ducking. Our party went up the shore of the river some distance. We saw the ways where a ram had been started, but was destroyed to keep our gunboats from taking her. We then branched off into the woods and finally found a picket-post, where we got some good cider and had a chat, arriving home just in time to get our guns and "fall in."
It seemed our right wing was "on a march." Quartermaster Bush said we were going for wood, but we could not understand why it took four or five companies to escort an equal number of wagons a few miles from town, unless there was a large force of the enemy about; and if there was, why had we heard nothing from them for five days? Our orders were "light marching order," nothing but guns and ammunition; but most of "E" took haversacks and dippers, and were glad we did. We started about two o'clock this afternoon, and after marching about two miles we struck an "obstacle." The road was completely barricaded by large trees felled across it; and as cutting would delay us the rest of the day, we turned into the woods and went through a swamp, and soon found ourselves in the road again, marching towards "Long Acre." We left "B" and "C" at the junction of two roads, near a blacksmith shop. We soon left the wagons also, they probably stopping for the wood which was piled up by the roadside. We still kept "marching on," and by dark we were tired as well as hungry. There was worse for us in store, however. The boys ahead began to scatter and growl, and soon we were in the water. It was icy-cold and waist deep. Some tried the runway on the side, but it was slippery with ice. One of the boys made fruitless attempts to keep both feet on the rail. His efforts on that parallel bar were edifying; but being the youngest member of "E" (sweet seventeen), he will have more time than the rest of us to improve. After much struggling, down he went, gun and all. The water was three feet deep; and after fishing up his rifle he concluded to wade with us the rest of the way. We know "a thing of beauty is a joy forever." He was not in a beautiful or joyous mood then, but will probably be a JOY forever.
The ford seemed to us about a mile long. It was probably only a quarter, if that; but it came to an end at last, and we footed the rest of the way on dry land; varying the monotony by private details for forage at every house we came to; striving to get ahead of the officers in their attempts to save the cider from us.
Between ten and eleven o'clock P.M. we halted, and were informed that the "object, &c., was accomplished," "about faced," which brought "E" to the front, and started for home. Twelve of our men went ahead as advance guard, under command of Lieut. Newell, and another twelve of us as support. A short distance behind came the column. We were on the same road, and knew we had the same ford to recross, and suffered torments until it was over with, and we fairly out of its sight. We foraged right and left; hardly a man of us without two or three old hens, dipper full of honey, and a few with a ham or two. The advance and support had the most and fattest pickings of course. We rejoined the other companies, "B" last, at the blacksmith shop; and about five o'clock A M. came in sight of the picket and saw Plymouth.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, pp. 37-8
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 8, 1863
Then Lieut. Newell told us to "go," and we went, as well as we could, for quarters. Arriving at the granary, and having left our chickens at a negro shanty to be cooked, we turned in, all booted and muddy, and slept through everything till nearly noon. When we started up for breakfast it was a comical sight. Nearly all had turned in their wet clothes, and of course were about as wet when they got up, and very stiff. We found our chickens and ate them. While eating, the 27th guard called us, saying the regiment was under orders and we were to leave immediately. The way those chickens disappeared made those darkies laugh. We went back happy, as we knew when once on board the steamer we could sleep for a while and get rested; for after being on an all-night march of twenty-five miles at least, we were tired out, and felt we would be safer from another trip, for a day or two, than if on shore. We were all on board by half-past four o'clock, and soon after dropped down stream, leaving Plymouth and the 27th in all their glory. The boys who had bunks coming up are forbidden that pleasure now, so a dozen of us congregated together on the deck, outside the cabin, with shelter tents tacked up as roofs ; and we think we are having a better time than those inside, and no "sour grapes" in the mess either.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 38
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 9, 1863
We managed to get clear of the Roanoke river some time in the night, but ran aground in the Sound at noon, thinking we were opposite Roanoke, but did not reach there till nearly night, when the officers went on shore, while the steamer took on coal. The steamer which came out to us here was the "Halifax," recognized by many as the boat which was formerly on Charles river at home as a pleasure boat. She brought rumors of defeat at New Berne, and that we could not get up the river, so were going to Charleston, or Fort Munroe and the Potomac. But we kept on in the direction of Brant Isle and New Berne' just the same.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 38
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 10, 1863
We have had nothing of interest to-day, except a very pleasant sail up the river, once in a while shooting at ducks; but the officers soon stopped that fun. We arrived at New Berne about four o'clock in the afternoon, crossed the long bridge, marched through the city, and are once more in our old barracks.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 38
Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, February 11, 1863
Drill, drill, all day, for a change. Our band has received the new pieces from Boston, and is now expected to shine. Among our many visitors from home is ex-Sergeant Wheelwright who came out on the schooner "Fry." He went on the Plymouth or "Ham Fat" tramp, and took to foraging naturally. He stole a mule the first thing, but had to give it up to an officer. Next we saw him on a horse, which he managed to keep. He does not take kindly to quinine or hard-tack; he likes the colonel's fare better. It is a mere matter of taste, though! There is not much doing, except drilling and trying each day to be the cleanest company, as then we get off guard for twenty-four hours, the greatest inducement that could be offered us. We have succeeded in being both the dirtiest and cleanest. At the first inspection we thought we were clean, but a mouldy milk-can condemned us, and we had to furnish double guard, but since then have carried off the honors once or twice.
SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 39
Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 16, 1856
RICHMOND, [VA.], June 16th, 1856.
MY DEAR HUNTER: On
my way back from Cincinnati I called to see you in Washington. I had much to
say to you not only of the past but the future. I have thought much since we
met last and now that I can look back calmly at all that has occurred I write
the result of my reflections not without the hope that you may be somewhat
influenced by them. You have heard and know how utterly Bright and Douglas
disappointed our expectations and how false and hollow were their professions.
That they were fair as long as it was their interest and false as soon as that
bond was broken. And you must have come to the conclusion that the Presidency
is not to be won simply by combinations and arrangements with men and that
least of all are men seeking high place influenced by gratitude. It is only
necessary to look to Wise to come to that conclusion. Even with the help of
friends, such as few men have had, the battle has been lost. I am now coming to
the object of my letter which is to urge upon you to adopt a
different line of policy altogether from what you have heretofore pursued and
which to some extent I know to be somewhat foreign to your tastes and nature. I
want you my dear friend, to discard altogether, if possible, all thought of the
Presidency from your mind, at all events so far as to be uninfluenced by it in
your future course in the Senate. I want you to put yourself at the head of the
South and where you ought to stand and strike hard and heavy and frequent blows
and that at once.
The South has no
leader and sadly wants one. It is a post that has been waiting your acceptance
since Mr Calhoun's death. It is your duty to fill it and your interest too. Men
say you are too timid, overcautious, that you wish nothing and thus it is that
you have lost friends, power and influence. You must launch out into the sea of
strife, your safety requiring it, your hope of renown depends on it, your own
interest and that of the country demands it, and your 'ability to pay the just
debts that you owe to Messrs. Wise, Bright, and Douglas and Co. is dependent on
it. Leave the dull routine of your former Senatorial life, wean yourself from
your Committee and throw yourself into the patriotick current and be as you
ought to be the champion of the South in the Senate of the U[nited] States and
you will have the power to control and make presidents. You can earn more true
glory in the Senate, you can be more useful to the country, and wield a more
powerful influence over the destinies of your race than in the Presidential
chair. In addition to this I am confident that the course I recommend is the
only one to lead to the Presidency. That must be won by you if at all,
unsought. I have written to you more freely than any one else will, my dear
friend, because perhaps I have been more enlisted in what has concerned
you and your promotion. I know I write however, what all your true friends feel
and while these are my decided convictions and therefore communicated, at the
same time they are the opinions of all your friends with whom I have conversed
and have been for years. Of such men as Seddon and Mr Old, whom you know I
think the wisest, as he is the fairest, man that I have ever known. In order to
take the position you are entitled to and ought to occupy you ought to launch
out and strike so as to make your position, your own peculiar property and give
us a Hunter platform to stand on, in order to keep down the huckstering traders
who have so foully betrayed you at home and abroad. Write to me upon the
receipt of this and let us hereafter keep up a more uninterrupted
correspondence. I will only add that your friends in Cincinnati did all that
could be done and like me look to the Senate for a justification of their
confidence.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 199-8
James Alfred Pearce* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, October 17, 1856
CHESTERTOWN, [MD.], October 17, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR: I fear
that I shall not be successful in the money affair. There is a shyness about
all investments not promising immediate returns and profits. Indeed money is
scarce in proof of which I may mention that one of the wealthy men in
Balt[imore] is taking deposits on call at 5 percentium. One great difficulty is
that the mortgage for the proposed loan is not preferred but comes in for paper
with so much more. I will make one more trial and if that do not succeed will
abandon any further effort.
I cannot give much
hope of our political matters. There will be gains for B[uchana]n in some of
our counties but the old Whigs generally swallow with a blind faith the resolves
of the convention, Donaldson and all. They are besides confident that Filmore
will be elected if not by the people at least by the H[ouse of] R[epresentatives]
in which they say democrats and republicans will prefer him each to the other.
The success of the former ticket in Penn[sylvani]a encourages them, they say
that the Fremont men there will fall into Filmore's support being satisfied of
their inability to elect a ticket of their own and consequently will nominate
none. They say the proposed plan of "Thad" [Thaddeus] Stevens will
not prevail but will be scented by the Filmore men and that the Black
republicans will surrender at discretion to them, as they have to the K[now]
Nothings. I have made several speeches and shall make two more but I do not
think that I can accomplish much except to alienate old friends and make
my social as well as political relations anything but pleasant. The Whigs here
are talking strongly of Virg[ini]a as likely to go for Filmore.
The Florida election
gives them encourage[men]t in the South and the Mayors election in Balt[imore]
gives them exulting confidence of success in this State. Shortsighted they seem
to me and blind to their own interests. What think you of all these
calculations which I have mentioned? We do not know the condition of things at
the West. Ohio is of course fanatical in the extreme and Indiana seems
doubtful. Can you give us any hopes in that quarter. The most we can hope for
with confidence is that the election will go to the H[ouse] R[epresentatives]
and what then? There's the rub. It is a fortunate thing that the democrats have
carried so many members of Congress in P[ennsylvani]a and the legislature and
that some gains have also been made in Ohio. This will enable us to hold the
moody heads in check in Congress until perhaps the delusion may abate.
I read with pleasure
y[ou]r speech at Poughkeepsie. They called on me to report one of mine made in
Worcester C[ount]y, [Md.], but I cannot remember a two hours speech made
without notes and tho' I might write a speech it w[oul]d not
be the speech. This state would I believe submit quietly to
the repeal of the Kansas act and only growl a little at the essential
modification of the fugitive slave law. If I were a young man I should sell my
property here and look for a new home among a more southern people. The
labouring men of our City sustain the Know Nothings because they wish to banish
the competition of foreign labourers, So I am told.
* A Representative
in Congress from Maryland, 1835-1839 and 1840-1843; in the United States Senate
from 1843 to 1862.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 198-9
W. Grandin to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, October 18, 1856
NEW YORK, [N. Y.], October 18, 1856.
MY DEAR SIR: The
glorious results of the elections of the 14th Inst in Pennsylvania, Indiana and
even Ohio have made the calling and election of B[uchanan]
and B[reckinridge] by the people next month "a fixed
fact!"
Permit me to offer
my hearty congratulations to one who will have contributed in such large
measure to such "consummation devoutly to be wished"; not only by a
long and brilliant career as a Statesman, but particularly by his masterly and
profound exposition of national, democratic truths in this State. I sent you a
copy of the Daily News (with which I am now connected)
commenting upon this effort at Poughkeepsie.
Such has been the
inspiriting effect upon the people of New York that truly I should not be
surprised to find them following the example of P[ennsylvani]a and Indiana.
The Herald in its leader gives up the contest!
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 199-200