Sunday, March 31, 2019

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 135. Report of Capt. James W. Berry, Eighth Tennessee Infantry, of operations December 15-16, 1864.

No. 135.

Report of Capt. James W. Berry, Eighth Tennessee Infantry,
of operations December 15-16, 1864.

HDQRS. EIGHTH TENNESSEE VOLUNTEER INFANTRY,    
Near Spring Hill, Tenn., December 22, 1864.

SIR: I have the honor to report that during the operation against the enemy's left, in front of Nashville, on the 15th of December, this regiment, with the others composing the brigade, was held in reserve as support for the Third Brigade, Second Division, Twenty-third Army Corps. During the night of the 15th the latter brigade was withdrawn and our own advanced and occupied the ground, throwing up during the night strong breast-works, which we occupied until about 2 o'clock of the following day. About this hour the brigade was ordered to charge the works in their front, which was successfully done. In this charge this regiment held the extremity of the line of our brigade. In that portion of the works taken by this regiment, in connection with the One hundredth Ohio, were captured four pieces of artillery, which, or at least two of them, were being loaded by the gunners, but they were so closely pressed that they were compelled to abandon them, leaving the charges in the muzzles of the guns. These two regiments also captured two mules and wagon, the latter being loaded with grape and canister. Subsequently this regiment moved forward about 150 yards to the crest of a hill, built temporary works and camped for the night, and the next morning we found the enemy gone.

We lost none in these actions.

Respectfully,
J. W. BERRY,                       
Captain, Commanding Eighth Tennessee Infantry.
Capt. J. H. BROWN,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 423

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 134. Reports of Col. Oscar W. Sterl, One hundred and fourth Ohio Infantry, of operations November 30 and December 15-16, 1864.

No. 134.

Reports of Col. Oscar W. Sterl, One hundred and fourth Ohio Infantry,
of operations November 30 and December 15-16, 1864.

HDQRS. 104TH REGIMENT OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY,                      
Nashville, Tenn., December 6, 1864.

SIR: In obedience to your command, I have the honor to transmit a report of the part taken by the One hundred and fourth Regiment Ohio Volunteer Infantry in the battle at Franklin, Tenn.

The regiment (in connection with the brigade) reached Franklin, Tenn., from Columbia, about 5 o'clock on the morning of the 30th ultimo, and bivouacked in line until about 8 a.m., when the brigade went into position in two lines, on the right of the division — the One hundredth and One hundred and fourth Ohio formed the first line, the One hundredth on the right, its right resting on the Columbia pike, and the One hundred and fourth joining it on the left. The regiment immediately erected in its front a good breast-work, most of the companies putting head-logs upon their works. These were scarcely completed until the rebels advanced in two lines against the Second Brigade of the division, on our left. A curve in the works of the left wing of the regiment enabled the left companies to enfilade the lines of the rebels as they advanced, and the three left companies fired several rounds, doing good execution, when the rebel lines fell back in disorder and confusion. Immediately afterward a brigade of the Fourth Corps, which had been posted on a ridge about 500 yards in front of our works, began falling back, first in good line and order, and afterward in great haste and confusion, when it became apparent that the real charge was being directed against that part of the line occupied by this regiment, the One hundredth Ohio, and the brigade of the Second Division on the right of the pike. As the line of the Fourth Corps fell back from the ridge it was followed at a distance of not over 100 paces by the first line of the rebel infantry, which gained rapidly upon it, so that the men of the Fourth Corps had scarcely crossed our works until the ditches in front were filled with rebels, scrambling to get over the works, and in some instances, upon the right of the regiment and in front of the One hundredth Ohio, many of the rebels passed over the works in company with the rear of the Fourth Corps men. The confusion and hurry of the crossing of this advance line, their officers crying to them, to “get to the rear and reform,” came near throwing our line in confusion, and the three right companies borne back by them, and in doubt as to the commands, fell back a few paces, but in almost a moment afterward rushed back, with fixed bayonets, and regained their works. The Sixteenth and Twelfth Kentucky rushed from the second line simultaneously with them and joined them and the One hundredth Ohio, on the first line, from which (having overcome all the rebels who had crossed the works) they kept up a constant and destructive stream of fire, cutting down by hundreds the rebels who had accumulated and massed in the ditches and immediately in front. The other seven companies to the left, so soon as the Fourth Corps men had crossed, began to pour forth such a severe fire that though the rebels in greater number than their line had gained the ditches, were unable to attempt getting over the works, but were cut to pieces by the destructive fire of the men. The rebels in this charge were seen in three lines at least, but if in more, the smoke of the firing prevented us from seeing their approach. So soon as it became apparent that this charge was repulsed, the firing was stilled, and those of the rebels in the ditches who were not killed or wounded were ordered to ground arms and surrender, when about 300 climbed over the works and were sent to the rear. Then almost immediately a second charge of the rebels followed, equaled only in fierce determination and bravery by that of the first charge; this was again met by a fire equally as true in aim and destruction as before, resulting in the complete repulse of the enemy, when about 200 more prisoners were taken in over the works. By the time the second charge was repulsed night had come, and, though firing was afterward directed at our line from the front, and replied to by our men, yet no subsequent charge was successful in reaching near to our works. The regiment remained in the works until after 11 p.m., when, with their command, retired across the Harpeth River, and took up the line of march toward Nashville.

Eleven rebel battle-flags were taken in front of our lines (two by Color-Corpl. Newton H. Hall,* Company I, who shot their bearers, and crossed over and captured them during the heaviest of the firing); 9 of them were turned over to brigade headquarters; the others are reported as having been sent to friends at home by mail before it was known by the captors that they should be turned over, or orders received requiring it. The slaughter of the rebels was very great, the ditches were filled with them, and the ground for many rods in front was literally covered with their dead and wounded.

The officers and men all did nobly, and when the battle was ended and the rolls called scarcely any were missing.

Our casualties in this engagement were: Killed, 1 commissioned officer, 16 enlisted men; wounded, 2 commissioned officers, 32 enlisted men; missing, 6 enlisted men; total, 3 commissioned officers and 54 enlisted men.

I am, sir, very respectfully,
O. W. STERL,                       
Colonel 104th Ohio Volunteer Infantry.
ACTG. ASST. ADJT. GEN., 1ST BRIG., 3D DIV., 23D A. C.
_______________



HEADQUARTERS 104TH OHIO VOLUNTEER INFANTRY,  
Near Spring Hill, Tenn., December 22, 1864.

CAPTAIN: In accordance with instructions, I would respectfully submit the following report of the part taken by the One hundred and fourth Ohio Infantry Volunteers in the operations of the 15th and 16th of December, in front of Nashville, Tenn.:

Having been relieved from our position in the works to the right of the Franklin pike, in connection with the rest of the brigade, the One hundred and fourth moved to the right of the Granny White pike, in rear of the Fourth Corps; remained there until 1 p.m., when this regiment, in connection with the rest of the brigade, was moved off to the right, through the works, marching in the rear and parallel to the Fourth Corps and Smith's corps until we had gained the extreme right, when, changing direction, we were moved to the front, crossing the Hillsborough pike over the ridge on which the Fifteenth Indiana Battery was in position and into a corn-field, where the brigade was halted in column of regiments, the One hundred and fourth in front. Here we lost three men wounded from gunshots from the enemy posted on the ridge in front of us. The troops in our immediate front being at this time pressed very hard by the enemy the First Brigade was ordered up for support, the One hundred and fourth taking the advance. Moving up under protection of the ridge we obtained position without loss. Remaining quiet until after dark, the brigade was placed in position in line of battle, the One hundred and fourth on the right and flank. The night was passed in throwing up works. December 16, remained in position in our works until between 3 and 4 p.m., when the order came for the First Brigade to charge the works in trout of us. The One hundred and fourth having been placed on the flank in the works at an angle with our main line we were detained some little time in changing front. On reaching their works the enemy were found flying in confusion, having abandoned them without much resistance. The brigade again going into position in line of battle, the One hundred and fourth on the left, temporary works were thrown up during the night.

Very respectfully,
O. W. STERL,                       
Colonel 104th Ohio Volunteer Infantry.
|Capt. J. H. BROWN,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.|
_______________

* Awarded a Medal of Honor.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 421-3

Saturday, March 30, 2019

6th Indiana Independent Battery Light Artillery

Organized at Evansville, Ind., and mustered in at Indianapolis, Ind., September 7, 1861. Left State for Henderson, Ky., October 2. Attached to District of Paducah, Ky., to March, 1862. Artillery, 5th Division, Army of the Tennessee, to July, 1862. Artillery, 5th Division, District of Memphis, Tenn., to November, 1862. Artillery, 1st Division, Right Wing 13th Army Corps (Old), Dept. of the Tennessee, to December, 1862. Artillery, 1st Division, 17th Army Corps, to January, 1863. Artillery, 1st Division, 16th Army Corps, to July, 1863. Artillery, 3rd Division, 15th Army Corps, to December, 1863. Artillery, 1st Division, 16th Army Corps, to June, 1864. 1st Brigade, Sturgis' Expedition, June, 1864. Artillery, 1st Division, 16th Army Corps, to November, 1864. 1st Brigade, Post and Defences of Memphis, Tenn., District of West Tennessee, to December, 1864. Artillery Reserve, District of West Tennessee, to July, 1865.

SERVICE. — Duty at Henderson, Calhoun, South Carrollton, Owensburg and Paducah, Ky.. till March, 1862. Moved from Paducah to Savannah, Tenn., March 6-10. Expedition to Yellow Creek, Miss., and occupation of Pittsburg Landing, Tenn., March 14-17. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. March to Memphis, Tenn., Juno 1-July 21, via Lagrange, Grand Junction and Holly Springs. Action near Holly Springs July 1. Duty at Memphis, Tenn., till November 26. Grant's Central Mississippi Campaign November 26, 1862, to January 10, 1863. Duty at Lagrange, Lafayette and Colliersville, Tenn., till June, 1863. Moved to Memphis, Tenn., June 9; thence to Vicksburg, Miss. Siege of Vicksburg, Miss. Siege of Vicksburg June 12-July 4. Advance on Jackson, Miss., July 4-10. Siege of Jackson July 10-17. Camp at Oak Ridge and Bear Creek till October 14. Expedition to Canton October 14-20. Bogue Chitto Creek October 17. Moved to Memphis, Tenn., November; thence to Lagrange and Pocahontas, and duty there till January, 1864. Veteranize January 1, 1864. Moved to Vicksburg, Miss., January 31-February 3. Meridian Campaign February 3-March 2. Return to Memphis and duty there till June. Sturgis' Expedition to Guntown, Miss., June 1-13. Brice's (or Tishamingo) Creek, near Guntown, June 10. Smith's Expedition to Tupelo, Miss., July 5-21. Camargo's Cross Roads, near Harrisburg, July 13. Harrisburg, near Tupelo, July 14-15. Smith's Expedition to Oxford, Miss., August 1-30. Tallahatchie River August 7-9. Assigned to duty at Memphis, Tenn., as garrison September, 1864, to July, 1865. Mustered out July 22, 1865.

Battery lost during service 1 Officer and 1 Enlisted man killed and 15 Enlisted men by disease. Total 17.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1113

7th Indiana Independent Battery Light Artillery

Organized at Indianapolis, Ind., and mustered in December 2, 1861. Left State for Louisville, Ky., December 6. Attached to Artillery, 4th Division, Army of the Ohio, to June, 1862. Artillery, 1st Division, Army of the Ohio, to September, 1862. Artillery, 5th Division, 2nd Corps, Army of the Ohio, to November, 1862. Artillery, 3rd Division, Left Wing 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. Artillery, 3rd Division, 21st Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to October, 1863. Artillery, 3rd Division, 14th Army Corps, to July, 1864. Artillery Brigade, 14th Army Corps, to October, 1864. Garrison Artillery, Chattanooga, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to April, 1865. 2nd Brigade, 4th Division, District of East Tennessee, Dept. of the Cumberland, to July, 1865.

SERVICE. — Duty at Camp Wickliffe, Ky., till February, 1862. Advance on Nashville, Tenn., February 14-25. Occupation of Nashville, February 25 to March 17. March to Savannah, Tenn., March 17-April 6. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Advance on and siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Pursuit to Booneville May 31-June 12. Buell's Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee June to August. March to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg August 21-September 26. Pursuit of Bragg to Loudon, Ky., October 1-20. Battle of Perryville, Ky., October 8. Reserve. Nelson's Cross Roads October 18. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 20-November 7 and duty there till December 26. Dobbin's Ferry, near Lavergne, December 9. Advance on Murfreesboro December 26-30. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Duty at Murfreesboro till June. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma) Campaign June 23-July 7. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of the Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-20. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Lookout Mountain November 23-24. Mission Ridge November 25. Duty at Chattanooga and Ringgold, Ga., till May, 1864. Reconnoissance from Ringgold toward Tunnel Hill April 29. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May to September. Demonstrations on Rocky Faced Ridge May 8-11. Battle of Resaca May 14-15. Advance on Dallas May 18-25. Operations on line of Pumpkin Vine Creek and battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw Mountain June 10-July 2, Pine Hill June 11-14. Lost Mountain June 15-17. Assault in Kenesaw June 27. Ruff's Station July 4. Chattahoochie River July 5-17. Peach Tree Creek July 19-20. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Utoy Creek August 5-7. Flank movement on Jonesboro August 25-30. Battle of Jonesboro August 31-September 1. Ordered to Chattanooga, Tenn., September 20, and post duty there till December. Old members mustered out December 7, 1864. Veterans and Recruits on duty at Chattanooga, Tenn., till July, 1865. Mustered out July 20, 1865.

Battery lost during service 1 Officer and 6 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 22 Enlisted men by disease. Total 29.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1113

Friday, March 29, 2019

Lucy Chase, December 24, 1863

Norfolk, Va., Dec. 24th, 1863.

We shall continue our school through the holidays. A prospect of rest and vacation wearies us.

My sister went to Newbern for a day or two, a week or so ago. She had, for a few weeks, had the entire superintendence of a school of four hundred children. Small children, too, and raw. It was the reception school of the city. Thirty or forty new scholars came every day. A school that only one with a gift could control, and only one with a body could bear upon her shoulders. It was the school in which we had taught through the summer, giving our extra time to the refugees and to the farms.

Difficulties and delays have blocked the path-way to our own special family schoolhouse; but now we have one, the doors are open; and by New Year's, we shall have a school-house of our own. At present, we are teaching in a church.

Three hundred more refugees came in on Tuesday; seventy wagon “loads” on Saturday; and one hundred and twenty “loads" a day or two ago. The Doctor drops them upon his farms now, that the city may no longer be over burdened.

Lucy Chase.

SOURCE: New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Extracts from Letters of Teachers and Superintendents of the New-England Educational Commission for Freedmen, Fourth Series, January 1, 1864, p. 12

Laura M. Towne: May 13, 1862

St. Helena's, May 13, 1862.

Yesterday was a gloomy day on this island. I have been interrupted by a wedding. Tom and Lucy have just been united in this parlor by Mr. Pierce as magistrate, and we presented the bride with a second-hand calico dress, a ruffled night-gown and a night-cap. She came in giggling and was soon sobered by Mr. Pierce's quiet, serious tones.

To go back to the beginning of my letter. This is a sad time here. On Sunday afternoon Captain Stevens, son of General Stevens,1 who commands here, and is the husband of the Mrs. Stevens we knew at Newport, came here with a peremptory order from General Hunter for every able-bodied negro man of age for a soldier to be sent at once to Hilton Head. This piece of tyranny carried dismay into this household, and we were in great indignation to think of the alarm and grief this would cause among the poor negroes on this place. We have got to calling them our people and loving them really — not so much individually as the collective whole — the people and our people.

We had been talking of going to Hilton Head in Mr. Forbes' yacht, and at tea-time we discussed the whole affair and said we should not go sailing under the circumstances. Miss Walker left the tea-table crying, and we all were sad and troubled. My old Rina and little Lucy were waiting on table and they kept very quiet. After tea Rina came hanging around my room, and asking questions in an offhand but rather coaxing way. She wanted to know why we were going to Hilton Head, and when I said we would not go, she wanted to know what we would do then. I said, “Spend the day in the cotton-house unpacking clothes as usual.” She looked uneasy but did not say much.

Old Robert, the dairyman, went to Miss Winsor and asked the same questions and also what Captain Stevens was here for. She had to say that she did not know, for she did not then.

That night at about eight we saw a company of soldiers of the Seventy-ninth New York Highlanders coming up the road. They marched into the yard and made themselves at home, but very soon were ordered to march again. Meanwhile Captain Stevens was finding out from Mr. Pierce, how to go to the different plantations, and was, moreover, saying that he would resign his commission before he would undertake such work again. That night the whole island was marched over by the soldiers in squads, about six or ten going to each plantation. They were unused to the duty, had to march through deep sand, and some all night, to get to their destination, and without dinner or supper, and so they were grumbling at having to do this kind of thing at all. Besides, the soldiers have always been friendly to the negroes, have given them good advice and gentle treatment and thus are honored and loved all over these islands. So I have no doubt the duty was really repugnant to them.

That night about twelve, after all the soldiers had gone, I thought how alarmed the negroes must be. We were charged not to tell them anything, for fear of their taking to the woods, and so they could only guess at what was going on, and I saw that they believed we were going to fly to Hilton Head and leave them to the “Secests,” as they call their masters. They have a terrible fear of this, and would naturally believe there was danger of the enemy, since the soldiers were about. They could not suppose for a moment the real errand was of the kind it proved to be. I was not undressed and so I went out to the “yard” and to Rina's house, which is in the collection of houses of house-servants which surrounds the “yard.” (This is not the negro quarters.) Every house was shut and I knocked at two doors without getting any answer, so I went home. I concluded that they were not at home at all, and I think they were not, for this morning Rina told me that they kept watch along the creek all night, and the two old women of the place both said they were up and awake all night trembling with fear. Poor “Aunt Bess,” the lame one, told me when I was dressing her leg that she was worst off of all, for she hadn't a foot to stand on, and when the “Secests” came and her folks all took to the woods, she should not have the power to go. “Oh, you be quick and cure me, missus, — dey kill me, — dey kill me sure, — lick me to death if dey comes back. Do get my foot well so I can run away.” She was really in great terror.

After I was undressed and in bed we heard a horse gallop up and a man's step on the porch. I got softly out of our window and looked over the piazza railing. It was Captain Stevens' orderly come back. A bed had been made for Mr. Hooper on the parlor floor, but he had gone with the soldiers to reassure the negroes, who all love him and trust him. He went to let them know that General Hunter did not mean to send them to Cuba or do anything unfriendly. He, a young, slight fellow, marched on foot through the sand six miles or more — indeed, he was up all night. Mr. Pierce had gone over to Beaufort to remonstrate with General Stevens, and the next day he went to General Hunter at Hilton Head to see what he could do to protect the men, forced from their homes in this summary manner. But we did not mind being left alone at all, and felt perfectly safe without a man in the house and with the back door only latched. However, the orderly tied his horse in the yard and slept in the parlor. A horse to fly with was surely a likely thing to be stolen, but it was untouched.

The next day soon after breakfast Captain Stevens and two soldiers came up to the house and we sent for the men whose names he had got from Miss Walker, she being overseer of this plantation. There were twelve of them. Some stood on the porch, some below. Captain S. ordered them all below, and he said to them that General Hunter had sent for them to go to him at Hilton Head, and they must go. The soldiers then began to load their guns. The negroes looked sad, one or two uneasy, and one or two sulky, but listened silently and unresisting. Captain S. said none of them should be made a soldier against his will, but that General Hunter wished to see them all. Miss Walker asked leave to speak to them, and told them that we knew no more than they did what this meant, but that General H. was their friend, that they must go obediently, as we should if we were ordered, and should be trustful and hopeful. I said, “Perhaps you will come back in a few days with free papers.” One or two of the men then made a decided move towards their homes, saying that they were going for their jackets. “Only two at a time,” Captain S. said, and two went, while the others sent boys for jackets and hats, for they were called from their field work and were quite unprepared. The women began to assemble around their houses, about a square off, and look towards the men, but they did not dare to come forward, and probably did not guess what was going on. A soldier followed the two men into the negro street and Captain S. rode down there impatiently to hurry them. They soon came up, were ordered to “Fall in,” and marched down the road without a word of good-bye. I gave each a half-dollar and Miss W. each a piece of tobacco. They appeared grateful and comforted when Miss W. and I spoke to them and they said a respectful, almost cheerful good-bye to us. It was very hard for Miss W., for she knew these men well, and I only a little. Besides, she had set her heart upon the success of the crops, so as to show what free labor could do, and behold, all her strong, steady, cheerful workers carried off by force just in hoeing-corn time. Her ploughman had to go, but fortunately not her foreman — or “driver,” as he used to be called.

After they were gone, and we had cooled down a little, I made old Bess's leg my excuse for going to the negro street and through the knot of women who stood there. They moved off as I came, but I called to them and told them it was better to have their husbands go to Hilton Head and learn the use of arms so as to keep off “Secests;” that they could come back if they wanted to, in a few days, etc. Some of them were crying so that I could not stand it — not aloud or ostentatiously, but perfectly quietly, really swallowing their tears. At Miss Winsor's school the children saw the soldiers coming, and when they saw their fathers marching along before them, they began to cry so that there was no quieting them, and they had to be dismissed. They were terrified as well as grieved. On some of the plantations a few of the men fled to the woods and were hunted out by the soldiers; on others, the women clung to them, screaming, and threw themselves down on the ground with grief. This was when the soldiers appeared before breakfast and while the men were at home. I am glad we had no such scenes here. All the negroes trust Mr. Pierce and us, so that if we told them to go, I think they would believe it the best thing to do; but it is not so with all the superintendents, — some are not trusted.

All day yesterday and to-day one after another of the poor young superintendents have been coming in, saying it was the worst day of their lives and the hardest. I never saw more unhappy, wretched men. They had all got really attached to their hands, and were eager, too, to prove what crops free labor could raise. Mr. Pierce had done what he could to induce the negroes to enlist the other day when the man General Hunter sent came here, but none of the gentlemen approved of this violence. They were afraid the negroes might resist, and they thought it a shame to use force with these men who were beginning to trust to our law and justice. I think General Hunter had an idea, which he got from one of the gentlemen of this Association who went to see him, that the persons in charge of the plantations were so eager for the cotton crop that they prevented the negroes from enlisting, or induced them not to. So he was determined to require the presence of the men and see if they were cowards, or why they did not eagerly take the chance of becoming self-defenders.

Five hundred men were sent from this island to Beaufort yesterday and went to Hilton Head, to-day, I suppose. But not all of the men went who were required. Two from this place have appeared to-day whose names were down as having to go. One had been to Mr. Pierce a few nights ago to say that he wanted to marry our Moll and come here to live. “When?” Mr. Pierce asked. “Oh,” he said, “to-night.” Mr. Pierce said no, he must have a wedding and a good time, and invite folks to see him married — not do things in that style. So Tuesday was appointed, and the man said he would wait. Then on Sunday came this seizure and we all lamented poor Tom's separation from his Moll. To-day he appeared and was married to-night, as I said before. I saw the other man, Titus, in the yard, and said to him, “Why, I thought you went with the soldiers.” “No, ma'am, not me, ma'am. Me at Jenkins',2 ma'am. Ef dey had come dere and axed for me, dey'd had me. But I not here.” He had run, and I was glad of it!

This whole thing looks atrocious and is certainly a most injudicious and high-handed measure, but somehow I trust General Hunter will bring good out of it and meant well. The negroes have such a horror of “Hilty-Head” that nothing would have taken them there but force, I think. It is the shipping-off point, and they have great fears of Cuba. One of the wives who was crying so bitterly the first day, said to me to-day that she was “sick”; she wanted her husband back again too bad.” They say “too” for “very.” They are all still sad and uneasy and are hanging about all the time in a questioning, waiting attitude.

It is late and I have time for no other letter by this mail. Send this around and keep it afterwards; I have no time to write a journal.

One more thing I want to mention was the touching way in which two of the men came to MissW.and begged her to take care of their wives.

I am getting on famously with my unpacking and repacking, and am selling and taking money that it hurts me to take. One woman bought a great bundle of clothes, and I said, “Don't spend all your money.” “All for my chiluns,” she said. “I haven't bought a thing for myself. I had rather have my money in clothes  — my chiluns naked, quite naked — in rags.” The molasses and pork have not yet reached distributing-points, and when they do the people will have no money to buy.
_______________

1 Brigadier-General Isaac I. Stevens.
2 Plantation.

SOURCE: Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 47-54

Governor John A. Andrewto an Officer in One of the First Three Years' Regiments of Massachusetts

Dear ———: I followed the regiment through the streets, and tried hard at the Depot to find you and ——— at the cars last evening to shake hands and say goodbye, but, in vain. I cdnt find in which car was the Company even; and I began and walked through the cars shaking hands along, but the train started and I had to jump off, in motion, before I had finished. . . . Allow me to beg of you all — officers of the field — to have a single eye to the common good, happiness, success and welfare of the whole.

Let no standing on etiquette or dignity, or nice points ever postpone the interests even of the humblest private. Let each one think that the regiment depends on him, as much as if he was the only officer in it. And I pray you regard every little thing that makes for the comfort and convenience of the command, or that promotes its order or safety. A lynch pin out of a cart wheel and not supplied is fatal to the whole load, loses the cargo, and makes the cart and team as useless as if there were none. Every soldier shd be taught and made to care for and save all his property and implements, whether of war or convenience.

I think the regiment, if it fails at all, will fail for the want of that nice and regular discipline and care, which constitutes, in a trader the difference between a bankrupt and a thrifty business man and which in a household marks the odds between the good housekeeper and a disgusting slut. Col. ——— seems to me to think a regiment mainly intended for exhibiting a dress-parade, which is after all, to a regiment, just about what making a handsome bow is to a man. It is a proper accomplishment and properly comes in on receiving or parting with your host or your guest and on occasions of ceremony; but it wont stand in the stead of yr dinner when hungry, nor packing your trunk and getting yr ticket for a journey. . . .

I think Col. ———, under the excitement of battle or great duties is likely to [do] his best. I am more afraid of his failure by the weakness of not comprehending the value of details, and not understanding that all the victories of Life have to be won by preparation long before the battle itself begins. A man must see a thing in his mind, before he can do it with his hand; and unless he has seen every step of the process he has not seen it at all.

Professor Cleaveland1 lectured on chemistry at Bowdoin College for fifty years; and yet, year after year the grand and charming old man whose memory brings tears to my eyes while I write his name, — patiently worked out every experiment in his laboratory before exhibiting it to his class, and would not believe that he could perform it successfully this year, until he had tried it by testing every process and manipulating it anew — though he had done the same thing a hundred times before — today was always given wholly to its own work. And in fifty years the tradition is that he never failed before his class. What an example and what a happiness there is in such a faithful, devoted, dutiful life. Shallow men may think glory is won by showy action, like a vapid actor tearing passion into tatters close to the foot-lights. But you, I know, are not misled by any such folly; though to you as to me it is always possible not to remember that such notions are always hanging at the door of the wisest and may catch even them.

If you ever read through this long and tiresome sermon, you will see, I hope, in it the evidence of the personal interest and watchful, heart-felt affection, which ought to be entertained by a friend, whose acquaintance has been an intimacy of years. — With every good wish and fervent blessings, believe me, faithfully and always

Yours
John A. Andrew.
____________________

1 Parker Cleaveland, professor at Bowdoin from 1805 to 1858.

SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A. Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 229-31

John L. Motley Mary Benjamin Motley, July 24, 1863

Vienna,
July 24, 1863.

Dearest Mary: I wrote yesterday and said that I would write again to-day, thinking you would like to listen to the words of wisdom after I had had time to digest a little of the magnificent news we have just received. But, after all, I haven't much to say. For the details are entirely wanting. The papers only reach to 8th from Boston and 7th from New York; the later is of course by telegraph. We must wait a week to know exactly what has happened, and how large the success is. But isn't it one of the most striking and picturesque things imaginable that Lee's great invading army, after being thoroughly thrashed on the 2d and 3d July, should have moved off in rapid retreat on the 4th July, and that, on the same famous anniversary, Vicksburg, the great fortress and stronghold of the Mississippi, should have surrendered to the United States troops?

Suppose that Lee at the present moment has got 70,000 men at Hagerstown, where we know that he has fortified himself, — and that is the very utmost that one can even imagine him to have, — why, Meade by this time must have at least 150,000, after deducting all his losses in the battles. And the militia are streaming in by thousands a day. Government can send him (and I believe has sent him) every soldier they can dispose of from Washington, Baltimore, Fort Monroe, and the Peninsula. Our resources of food and ammunition are boundless, and I don't see how Meade can help cutting off the enemy's supplies. I pore over the map, and I don't see how Lee can help being in a trap. I will say no more, especially as about the time when you read this you will be getting the telegram to the 15th, which may prove that I have made an ass of myself. I send Sumner's letter, written apparently before hearing of any of these great victories. I also send Holmes's oration, which I haven't yet had time to read. No doubt it is magnificent, and I prefer to read it at leisure. I have another copy in the daily. He sent me this one. I also send a paper or two, which please preserve, as I file them. I went to the D'Ayllons' yesterday and brought home Susie. Love to Mrs. Cleveland and Lillie and my chickens.

Ever lovingly yours,
J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 339-41

Adjutant-General Lorenzo Thomas: General Orders, No. 12, April 27, 1861

General Orders,
No. 12.
WAR DEP’T, ADJT. GEN.'S OFFICE,
Washington, April 27, 1861.

1. The Military Department of Washington will include the District of Columbia, according to its original boundary, Fort Washington and the country adjacent, and the State of Maryland as far as Bladensburg, inclusive. Col. J. K. F. Mansfield, inspector-general, is assigned to the command, headquarters Washington City.

2. A new military department, to be called the Department of Annapolis, headquarters at that city, will include the country for twenty miles on each side of the railroad from Annapolis to the city of Washington, as far as Bladensburg, Md. Brig. Gen. B. F. Butler, Massachusetts Volunteers, is assigned to the command.

3. A third department, called the Department of Pennsylvania, will include that State, the State of Delaware, and all of Maryland not embraced in the foregoing departments. Major-General Patterson to command, headquarters at Philadelphia, or any other point he may temporarily occupy.

4. Bvt. Col. C. F. Smith, having been relieved by Colonel Mansfield, will repair to Fort Columbus, N.Y., and assume the duties of superintendent of the recruiting service; to which he was assigned in Special Orders, No. 80, of March 15. Major Heintzelman, on being relieved at Fort Columbus, will repair to this city, and report for duty to the department commander.

5. Fort Adams, Rhode Island, is hereby placed temporarily under the control of the Secretary of the Navy, for the purposes of the Naval Academy now at Annapolis, Md.

The necessary transfer of property will be made by the departments interested.

By order:
L. THOMAS,
Adjutant-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 2 (Serial No. 2), p. 607; Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 52 which contained an extract (No. 2) of this order mentioning Butler.

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 13, 1861

I have had a long day's ride through the camps of the various regiments across the Potomac, and at this side of it, which the weather did not render very agreeable to myself, or the poor hack that I had hired for the day, till my American Quartermaine gets me a decent mount. I wished to see with my own eyes what is the real condition of the army which the North have sent down to the Potomac, to undertake such a vast task as the conquest of the South. The Northern papers describe it as a magnificent force, complete in all respects, well-disciplined, well-clad, provided with fine artillery, and with every requirement to make it effective for all military operations in the field.

In one word, then, they are grossly and utterly ignorant of what an army is or should be. In the first place, there are not, I should think, 30,000 men of all sorts available for the campaign. The papers estimate it at any number from 50,000 to 100,000, giving the preference to 75,000. In the next place their artillery is miserably deficient; they have not, I should think, more than five complete batteries, or six batteries, including scratch guns, and these are of different calibres, badly horsed, miserably equipped, and provided with the worst set of gunners and drivers which I, who have seen the Turkish field-guns, ever beheld. They have no cavalry, only a few scarecrow men, who would dissolve partnership with their steeds at the first serious combined movement, mounted in high saddles, on wretched mouthless screws, and some few regulars from the frontiers, who may be good for Indians, but who would go over like ninepins at a charge from Punjaubee irregulars. Their transport is tolerably good, but inadequate; they have no carriage for reserve ammunition; the commissariat drivers are civilians, under little or no control; the officers are unsoldierly-looking men; the camps are dirty to excess; the men are dressed in all sorts of uniforms; and from what I hear, I doubt if any of these regiments have ever performed a brigade evolution together, or if any of the officers know what it is to deploy a brigade from column into line. They are mostly three months' men, whose time is nearly up. They were rejoicing to-day over the fact that it was so, and that they had kept the enemy from Washington "without a fight." And it is with this rabblement, that the North proposes not only to subdue the South, but according to some of their papers, to humiliate Great Britain, and conquer Canada afterwards.

I am opposed to national boasting, but I do firmly believe that 10,000 British regulars, or 12,000 French, with a proper establishment of artillery and cavalry, would riot only entirely repulse this army with the greatest ease, under competent commanders, but that they could attack them and march into Washington, over them or with them, whenever they pleased. Not that Frenchman or Englishman is perfection, but that the American of this army knows nothing of discipline, and what is more, cares less for it.

Major-General McClellan — I beg his pardon for styling him Brigadier — has really been successful. By a very well-conducted and rather rapid march, he was enabled to bring superior forces to bear on some raw levies under General Garnett (who came over with me in the steamer), which fled after a few shots, and were utterly routed, when their gallant commander fell, in an abortive attempt to rally them by the banks of the Cheat River. In this “great battle” McClellan's loss is less than thirty killed and wounded, and the Confederate loss is less than one hundred. But the dispersion of such guerrilla bands has the most useful effect among the people of the district; and McClellan has done good service, especially as his little victory will lead to the discomfiture of all the Secessionists in the valley of the Kanawha, and in the valley of Western Virginia. I left Washington this afternoon, with the Sanitary Commissioners, for Baltimore, in order to visit the Federal camps at Fortress Monroe, to which we proceeded down the Chesapeake the same night.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 403-4

Thursday, March 28, 2019

Did The Patriarchs Hold Slaves?

Let us inquire into the fact. On examination of the passages to which you refer for proof that the patriarchs were slaveholders, we find that Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, all had many servants, but no mention whatever is made of slaves. That you are strongly inclined to consider the term servants with exclusive application to slaves, we have evidence throughout your communication. But that this exclusive use is warranted by the sacred writers, we do not allow.
_______________

Continued from: Reverend Silas McKeen to Thomas C. Stuart, August 20, 1839

SOURCE: Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Slavery vs. The Bible: A Correspondence Between the General Conference of Maine, and the Presbytery of Tombecbee, Mississippi, p. 37

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Balloon Ascension, September 29, 1838

One of these presumptuous “quittings of one's sphere,” to “rush into the skies,” was attempted in our little capital city, on Friday, the 21st inst., and with very handsome success. Popular curiosity poured in to witness it, under umbrellas and cloaks, from all the surrounding country. — We wish they would take half the pains to free their country from slavery, that they will to see a great soap-bubble go up into the air, with a gaseous man subjoined to it. It was a novel sight, to be sure, and if it is to be done, perhaps it may as well be seen; though going to see it, is all the occasion of the poor skyman's venturing up. He can have no other. — This aerostation can never, probably, come to any thing useful. We can't navigate, for the purposes of commerce, travel, or discovery, “the brave o'er-hanging firmament,” or explore, in this gas-distended craft, the great orb of day, the waning moon, or those islands of light, that sprinkle at night the boundless Pacific “hung on high.” — No rudder can be invented, that shall steer the light air-ship through the billowy clouds. The compass will not traverse, to point to the celestial pole, and no anchor can fix its crooked fluke in the bottom of the aeronaut's ocean.

The utmost result of a voyage is the escape of the voyager with a whole neck. Science can derive no accessions from it. It cannot promise even the north-west passage to China, to explore which, English audacity has braved the horrors of the polar half-year's night — the formidable ice-islands — and all the terrors of the arctic winter — a passage which commerce of course could not use, if they could find one, without a Parry or a Ross in every merchantman.

Mr. Lauriat went up at Concord. His balloon, made of oiled silk, containing, as was said, seven hundred yards, and covered with a fine netting, was about two hours inflating. The gas was made in hogsheads, passed from them through tin tubes, going out of the tight headings, as the casks stood on end—and leading into reservoirs of lime water, which purified the gas as it passed through it,—out of which it was conducted, in large cloth ducts, into one which entered the throat of the balloon. The balloon, when filled, was about sixty feet high and thirty through. As it filled and struggled to rise, like an overgrown elephant, it was held down by the cords attached to the netting, by a circle of spectators and others standing round it. The car was brought and suspended directly under the centre, by these cords. It was of basket work, about a foot high, and from four to five feet over; a net work connected a hoop with it about eighteen inches above, to keep the navigator from falling overboard. About 5 o'clock, in the midst of a rain, he got on board his frail vessel, and they let him up, by a cord about twenty feet, when he made a short valedictory, cut his cable with his pocket knife, with rather an agitated hand, as we thought, and went up.

The ascent was very graceful and gentle, and reminded us of the ascent of thistle-down. The multitude dismissed him with a good-natured hurrah — and he was soon so high that he looked more like a puppet than a man. He waved a little flag, which, if it was the starred and striped one we sometimes see flapping at liberty poles down here, could be more appropriately unfurled after he had passed beyond the clouds, than this side of them. When his vehicle was reduced to about the size of a hand, he went in behind a cloud-curtain, and disappeared. He went to Canterbury, about a dozen miles distant, and lighted down among the broad-brimmed hats of our friends the Shakers, about twenty minutes after he started, took a drop, as we are told, of their imperial cider, to keep the clouds from striking to his stomach, remounted and rode on, upon the twilight air, to Northfield, and landed near where Samuel Tilton, Esq, once arrested George Storrs for prayer. He was dripping wet, having rode in the rain and among the very springs of foul weather, most of his way — though a portion of his journey was, we understand, above them in clear sky. When he was above the clouds, he said it seemed to him he was stationary, though he knew he must be moving. he knew not whither, with great velocity. He could not see the earth. His greatest elevation was eleven thousand feet.

One of the greatest balloon feats we believe ever performed, was by a Mr. Blanchard and another adventurer, who sailed from Dover cliffs in England, crossed the entire British channel, and landed safely in France. It would have been much safer, however, and quite as rational, to take the Calais packet. The chief end and result of ballooning seem to be, as in the case of the intrepid Samuel Patch, (who ascended the other way,) to show that “some things can be done as well as others.”

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 27-9 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of September 29, 1838.

Dates of Rank for Brevet Brigadier-General Francis Amasa Walker

  • August to September, 1861—Sergeant-major, 15th Mass. Vols.
  • September 14,1861, to August 10,1862, Captain and Asst. Adjutant General, U. S. V.
  • August 11 to December 31, 1862—Major and Asst. Adjutant General, U. S. V.
  • January 1, 1863, to January 12, 1865—Lieut. Colonel, Asst. Adjutant General, U. S. V. Headquarters Second Army Corps.
  • August, 1864—Brevet Colonel, U. S. V.
  • March 13, 1865—Brevet Brigadier General, U. S. V.

SOURCE: James Phinney Munroe, A Life of Francis Amasa Walker, p. 38

George G. Thompson: Fast Day, April 9, 1835

In these days of slavish servility and malignant prejudices, we are presented occasionally with some beautiful specimens of christian obedience and courage. One of these is seen in the opening of the North Bennett-street Methodist meeting-house, in Boston, to the advocates for the honor of God, the salvation of our country, and the freedom of enslaved millions in our midst. As the pen of the historian, in after years, shall trace the rise, progress and glorious triumph of the abolition cause, he will delight to record and posterity will delight to read, the fact that when all other pulpits were dumb, all other churches closed, on the subject of slavery, in Boston, the boasted “CRADLE OF LIBERTY,” — there was one pulpit that would speak out, one church that would throw open its doors in behalf of the down trodden victims of American tyranny, and that was the pulpit and the church above alluded to. The primitive spirit of Methodism is beginning to revive with all its holy zeal and courage, and it will not falter until the Methodist churches are purged from the pollution of slavery, and the last slave in the land stands forth a redeemed and regenerated being.

On Fast Day morning, 9th inst. Mr. Thompson gave a very powerful discourse from the pulpit of the Bennett street meeting-house. The house was thronged to excess at an early hour; and although the crowded auditory had to wait for the appearance of Mr. Thompson, an hour beyond the time appointed for the meeting, (he having had the erroneous impression that the services commenced at 11, instead of 10 o'clock,) yet their attention was rivetted to the end. It is difficult to report Mr. T’s address. We can only present the following skeleton of his lecture.

Mr. Thompson took for his text the 28th chapter of Isaiah, exclusive of the two last verses. He stated that he had made choice of the chapter just read, because of its full, significant, and emphatic bearing upon that grave and interesting topic, to which it was expected he would that day draw the attention of his hearers. The text contained all that was necessary to illustrate the importance of attention to the subject of slavery, and explain the duties connected with that subject. It pointed out the consequences flowing from a faithful discharge of those duties, and moreover, directed us to the means by which we were to bring others to a sense of their sins, and the discharge of their obligations. Thus was the subject in its length and its breadth, brought before us. Founding our remarks upon the word of God, and carefully drawing our directions thence, we should be kept from falling into error, touching our faith and practice.

To whom was this chapter addressed?

The chapter was manifestly addressed, not to the profane, ungodly, and openly irreligious, but to those who professed to serve God — persons scrupulously attentive to the externals of piety. “Declare unto MY PEOPLE their TRANSGREssions — unto the House of JAcoB their sINs.” — unto those who seek me daily, who delight to know my ways, who ask of me the ordinances of justice, who take delight in approaching to God, who fast often, who afflict their souls, who bow down their heads as bulrushes, who spread sackcloth and ashes under them. Shew unto these their transgressions and their sins.

What were the sins of this people?

1. In the day of their fast they found pleasure. It was not a day of inward mortification — of penitent prostration of soul — but of pharisaical and self-complacent attention to outward forms and ceremonies, the observance of which obtained for them amongst men the reputation of superior sanctity.

2. On that day they exacted all their labors. While appearing to serve God, they were robbing the poor — multiplying tasks — growing rich by the labor of their slaves at home.

3. They fasted for strife, and debate, and to smite with the fist of wickedness. Their fasts were too frequently mere political observances — for political ends. To promote the ends of war — animosity — sectarianism — controversy and strife. In a word, these outwardly holy and sanctimonious Jews were HYPocRITEs, SLAVEHoLDERS, OPPRESSoRs, wARLIKE PoliticiaNs, neglectors of the great MoRAL and social duties.

What were this people to do?

1. Loose the bands of wickedness. Dissolve every unrighteous connection. Have no fellowship with sin or sinners, &c.

2. Undo the heavy burdens. Remove every unjust restriction, taxation and disability, &c.

3. Let the oppressed go free. Set at liberty all held in slavery. All innocent captives, &c.

4. Break every yoke. Release from servitude all held by unjust contracts. Abandon compulsory labor.

5. Feed the hungry.

6. Succor the friendless and homeless.

7. Put away pride and prejudice.

8. Refrain from injurious speech.

What effects were to follow!

1. Joy, peace, light, comfort. “Then shall thy light break forth as the morning. What could be more beautiful than the figure here employed? Light-morning light-reviving light-increasing light — strengthening light — welcome light. Light after darkness. Joy after sorrow. The light of morning to the languishing patient The light of morning to the tempest-tost mariner ! The light of the morning to the sleepless captive.

2. Restoration. “Thine health shall spring forth speedily. Bishop Lowth hath rendered the passage, ‘Thy wounds shall speedily be healed over.’ And Dr. Clarke, ‘the scar of thy wounds shall be speedily removed.’”

3. Reputation. “Thy righteousness shall go before thee.” Thy justice shall be made manifest. Thy integrity shall appear to men. The world shall admire thy righteous conduct.

4. Defence. “The glory of the Lord shall be thy rereward [sic].” Or according to Lowth's translation — “The glory of Jehovah shall bring up thy rear.”

5. The spirit of prayer — and the answer of prayer. “Then shalt thou call, and the Lord shall answer; thou shalt cry, and he shall say, “Here I am” — or, “Lo, I am here.”

6. Brightness and light where all had been obscurity and darkness. “Then shall thy light rise in the obscurity, and thy darkness be as the noon day.”

7. Divine direction. “The Lord shall guide thee continually.” By his Word, his Spirit, his Providence.

8. Fertility, culture, beauty, order, freshness, fragrance. “Thou shalt be like a watered garden.”

9. Health, purity, perpetuity, abundance. “Like a spring of water whose waters fail not.”

10. The reparation of national dilapidations. “They that be of thee shall BUILD THE olD wAsTE PLACEs. Thou shalt RAIsE UP THE FounDATIONs of MANY GENERATIONs. Thou shalt be called the repairer of the breach, the restorer of paths to dwell in. Or, according to Lowth, “And they that spring from thee shall build the ancient ruins. The foundations of old times they shall raise up. And thou shalt be called, the repairer, of the broken mounds — the restorer of paths to be frequented by inhabitants.’

Thus, all the desolations of war and wickedness shall be repaired.

Here are promised to a just and obedient people — Light, Health, Glory, Reputation, Defence, Direction, the Spirit of Prayer, the Answer to Prayer, Restoration, Fertility, Beauty and Perpetuity.

To give the subject a present and practical bearing, he should consider generally the nature and advantages of national penitence.

I. The scriptural manifestations of a genuine national repentance.

True penitence did not consist in profession, outward prostration, dejection of countenance, bodily austerities, grievous penances, abounding ordinances, or splendid benevolent enterprises. All these might exist with Slavery, Oppression, Uncharitableness, Persecution, Proscription, and Prejudice. True repentance was a living, active principle, producing righteousness in the life-the abandonment of every wicked way. God detested external humiliations and sacrifices when they were unaccompanied by poverty of soul and practical piety.

Did this nation give forth those proofs of penitence which the scriptures required? Was there not slavery, oppression, the yoke, the putting forth of the finger, and the speaking of vanity, abroad over the whole nation — and amongst professing christians, too, notwithstanding the schools, colleges, churches, Missionary Societies, Bible Societies, and other institutions that had been multiplied without number? Were the fasts of this people such as God had chosen Look at the slave regions of the land How black the gloom! How death-like the stillness! How deep the guilt! How awful the curse resting upon them! Look over the entire face of the country. The general and state governments utterly paralyzed. The churches thoroughly corrupted. The people in guilty indifference. The ministers of religion almost universally dumb — or openly and wickedly vindicating oppression. Mr. Thompson then went on to specify at length the acts necessary to prove the genuine penitence of the nation.

Individuals should emancipate their slaves. The general Government should be forced by the voice of the people to purge the District of Columbia. The States should legislate in accordance with the principles of the constitution and the requirements of the text.

The churches ought to act. Let the churches preach emancipation — warn slaveholders — put them under church discipline — bear with them for a time, and if fruit be not borne, put them out of the church, which they defile by their soul-trafficking pursuits.

II. The distinguished and abounding blessings secured to a truly penitent and obedient nation.

Under this division, Mr. Thompson dwelt largely upon the safety and advantages of immediate emancipation, and illustrated those portions of the text which speak of the blessings consequent upon the adoption of a righteous, merciful and truly obedient course of conduct.

1. The spread of knowledge.

2. The dissemination of the scriptures.

3. The acquisition of national character.

4 Restoration of fertility to a now almost exhausted soil.

5. Augmentation of the wants of the population, and the consequent increased demand for the manufactures of the country.

6. A pouring out the spirit of prayer.

7. A blessing upon the various enterprises to advance the kingdom of Christ at home and abroad.

These, and a multitude of blessings of an infinitely various character, would be the portion of this nation, if the commands of God's word were obeyed, and the oppressed set free.

III. The imperative duty of such as desire to advance the blessedness and prosperity of their country in church and state, by bringing the people to true repentance.

Cry aloud, spare not, &c.”

These words implied the adoption of all proper means of exhibiting, clearly and universally, the transgressions of the people. These means should be open, bold, unsparing, effectual. The drowsiness, deafness, indifference, avarice, and blindness of the people required a fearless and unsparing denunciation of sin.

Not only was it our duty to show the folly, inexpediency, unprofitableness, and impolicy of slavery, but the transgression and the SIN of slavery.

Much fault was in the present day found with the measures of certain Abolitionists, because their measures were strong, bold, and unsparing. Let it be remembered, that crying aloud was God's method — God's command.

Finally — God's promises were invariably connected with obedience to certain commands, having reference either to the outward conduct or the dispositions of the heart. In the case in question, if the duties prescribed were not performed, instead of the blessings promised, their opposites would be our lot. Instead of light, there would be darkness. Instead of reputation, dishonor and infamy. Instead of light and comfort, horror and shame, Instead of moral and physical fertility, all would be barrenness. Instead of advancement, decay. Instead of strength, weakness. Instead of guidance, perplexity. Instead of salvation, dishonor and destruction.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 52-7; “Fast Day,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, April 18, 1835, p. 3

Wednesday, March 27, 2019

In The Review Queue: Upon the Fields of Battle


Edited by Andrew S. Bledsoe
and Andrew F. Lang

Foreword by Gary W. Gallagher

New developments in Civil War scholarship owe much to removal of artificial divides by historians seeking to explore the connections between the home front and the battlefield. Indeed, scholars taking a holistic view of the war have contributed to our understanding of the social complexities of emancipation―of freedom in a white republic―and the multifaceted experiences of both civilians and soldiers. Given these accomplishments, research focusing on military history prompts prominent and recurring debates among Civil War historians. Critics of traditional military history see it as old-fashioned, too technical, or irrelevant to the most important aspects of the war. Proponents of this area of study view these criticisms as a misreading of its nature and potential to illuminate the war. The collected essays in Upon the Fields of Battle bridge this intellectual divide, demonstrating how historians enrich Civil War studies by approaching the period through the specific but nonetheless expansive lens of military history.

Drawing together contributions from Keith Altavilla, Robert L. Glaze, John J. Hennessy, Earl J. Hess, Brian Matthew Jordan, Kevin M. Levin, Brian D. McKnight, Jennifer M. Murray, and Kenneth W. Noe, editors Andrew S. Bledsoe and Andrew F. Lang present an innovative volume that deeply integrates and analyzes the ideas and practices of the military during the Civil War. Furthermore, by grounding this collection in both traditional and pioneering methodologies, the authors assess the impact of this field within the social, political, and cultural contexts of Civil War studies.

Upon the Fields of Battle reconceives traditional approaches to subjects like battles and battlefields, practice and policy, command and culture, the environment, the home front, civilians and combatants, atrocity and memory, revealing a more balanced understanding of the military aspects of the Civil War’s evolving history.

ISBN 978-0807169773, LSU Press, © 2018, Hardcover, 320 pages, Notes at the end of each essay, Index. $48.00.  To purchase this book click HERE.

Gerrit Smith’s Speach at a War Meeting in Peterboro, Massachusets, April 27, 1861

The end of American slavery is at hand. That it is to end in blood does not surprise me. For fifteen years I have been constantly predicting that it would be. . . . The first gun fired at Fort Sumter announced the fact that the last fugitive slave had been returned. . . . And what if, when Congress shall come together in this extra session, the slave States shall all have ceased from their treason, and shall all ask that they may be suffered to go from us. Shall Congress let them go? Certainly. But only on the condition that those States shall first abolish slavery. Congress has clearly no constitutional right to let them go on any conditions. But I believe that the people would approve of the proceedings, and would be ready to confirm it in the most formal and sufficient manner. A few weeks ago I would have consented to let the slave States go without requiring the abolition of slavery, . . . But now, since the southern tiger has smeared himself with our blood, we will not, if we get him in our power, let him go until we have drawn his teeth and his claws. . . .

A word in respect to the armed men who go south. They should go more in sorrow than in anger. The sad necessity should be their only excuse for going. They must still love the south. We must all still love her. Conquer her, and most completely too, we must, both for her sake and our own. But does it not ill become us to talk of punishing her? Slavery, which has infatuated her, is the crime of the north as well as of the south. As her chiefs shall one after another, fall into our hands, let us be restrained from dealing revengefully, and moved to deal tenderly with them, by our remembrance of the large share which the north has had in blinding them. The conspiracy of northern merchants and manufacturers, northern publishers, priests and politicians, against the slaveholders, carried on under the guise of friendship, has been mighty to benumb their conscience, and darken their understanding in regard to slavery.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 257-8

Diary of Amos A. Lawrence: November 3, 1856


The newspapers advertise Mr. Sumner's reception to take place to-day: that he will be received by a committee at my house, thence taken to Boston, where he will be received at the Roxbury line by the Mayor and city authorities and a cavalcade of citizens, and an address to be made to him by Josiah Quincy, Sen. (eighty-six years old), thence to the state house, where he will be welcomed by the Governor.

I went to Boston as usual. Came out at one. Found Mr. Sumner here, with Mr. Longfellow, Rev. Dr. Huntington, Dr. Perry, his physician, and his brother George.

He lunched, conversed with a reporter for the press, and gave him his speech in manuscript, after which I sent the reporter to town. He appears well when sitting, but is feeble when standing. I gave him a parlor to himself, and shut him up to avoid fatigue and enable him to prepare his speeches. He was here an hour and a half. I gave him some wine before starting, then delivered him over to the committee, who were in barouches. They had reserved a seat for me by the side of Mr. Sumner, but I declined to go. I thought the committee were disappointed, and also at seeing a Fillmore flag flying at the side of my house. But they had told me the reception was to be without distinction of party, and I took them on their own ground. After dinner I drove to town with Sarah and the children. Saw the procession from Mr. Appleton's. A long cavalcade, music, then carriages with Mr. Sumner and his friends.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 142-3

Daniel Webster to Ezekiel Webster, October 4, 1821

Boston, October 4, 1821.

Dear Ezekiel, — I like your project of a course of proceeding for the trustees very much. I have no doubt something like that would be very judicious. I think it of great importance that you should come down here before you go to Hanover, if you can possibly. Judge Story and Mr. Mason will probably both be here on the l5th, and they both feel a strong wish that the Board should take a right course. If you can possibly come, I hope you will, in the stage-coach on Saturday, the 13th. I have no doubt, by putting all our heads together, we can do something. I would go up and see you if it were not almost impossible, and if it were not much more advantageous that you should be here, where you can confer with many others. Please let me hear, by the earliest mail, whether you can probably come.

Yours affectionately,
D. Webster.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Volume 1, p. 316-7

Tuesday, March 26, 2019

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, September 3, 1856

Chicago, September 3

Arrived here in safety. I find to my regret that I shall be employed more out of Kansas than in Kansas. They are very glad to have me here, and are in need of efficient agents.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 140

George L. Stearns to Mary Hall Stearns, June 26, 1863

[June 26, 1863.]

Yesterday General Hunter was here on his way to Princeton. I had a long talk with him. He says Montgomery is a natural soldier and a splendid man; indorsed fully all I said of him. That is a good drill officer but in fight fails to take advantage of his position.

Philadelphians are much excited about the raid, or invasion of their state, but it does not penetrate my rooms. We open camp here to-day with our company.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 297