Diary of Colonel William F. Bartlett: Monday, March 16, 1863

Stopped raining this morning and the sun is out very hot. I am sitting in the shade of my tent, writing up my journal. I wonder what the first reports of this affair will be in the Northern papers. They will say nothing about the order to retreat, I imagine. Colonel Clark of Banks' Staff was wounded in the leg day before yesterday, out at the front somewhere.

Over at Augur's quarters in the afternoon. They blame Farragut for stopping to fight their batteries, instead of pushing directly by. Farragut is to wait above Port Hudson until Banks communicates with him, which was the object of the expedition I was selected to command, to cross the river and go up above Port Hudson on the other side.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 78-9

Diary of Colonel William F. Bartlett: March 15, 1863

At two in the morning, I was ordered to get the regiment under arms and into line. It was now Sunday morning, 15th. We expected we were going straight to the front. The cannonading was still going on, but was on the river, down nearer to us. Colonel Chapin came to me and told me that we had been repulsed with great loss. He ordered me to take the advance, to clear the road back, with two regiments of infantry and a section of artillery. They were afraid that our passage back would be disputed at the bridge across the Bayou Montesino, by the enemy's coming down on the Clinton Road, to cut us off.

I was told to make for that bridge as fast as possible, and hold it.

Just after we started, I saw an aide of General Emory's, who told me that we hadn't “got a gunboat left, and the army was all cut to pieces.” I knew this was impossible, for we should have been ordered to the front if there had been any fighting of the land force.

At this time a tremendous report came from the river, a quarter of a mile on our right, and several shells seemed to burst directly over our heads. It was the Mississippi when she blew up, a magnificent sight. Everything seemed to give indication of a panic. Teamsters were frightened, and were rushing and crowding with their teams, blocking up the road.

I sent ahead and ordered the wagon train to be stopped, as there were gaps of a mile in some places, which I had to close up. At last I got the troops and artillery to the front. The Forty-eighth had been ordered to start ahead, and they were in such a hurry that I, not overtaking them, sent Ben ahead to stop them till we came up. When we got to the Bayou we found it all clear, the two bridges still there. The plank bridge needed some repair, and I left the Major with two companies to put it in order and make it safe for the teams. I sent one company across on to the Clinton Road to guard against any attack of cavalry on our flank. After the wagon train was well up, I kept on, intending to feel the way into Baton Rouge. After we had marched a mile or two, an order came from Banks to halt until further orders. I waited two hours, and then had orders to go on to Baton Rouge and go into camp. Meantime I heard from an aide-de-camp that, as I supposed, the report of a repulse was false. That two of our gunboats had succeeded in passing the fort. The Mississippi had got aground, been set on fire, floated down, and blown up. We had got within a few rods of our old camp, the men were tired, having been marching since three A. M., when an order came to me to turn round and march back to the Bayou again.

This was rather discouraging, but there was no help for it. I let the men rest an hour, the artillery feed their horses, etc. We got back to the Bayou about hall past four. We met Banks and his staff going into Baton Rouge as we were coming out. Charley Sargent stopped and told me that they had done what they intended to; get the gunboats by. Banks had sent despatches by Farragut to Grant at Vicksburg. The plan had been to draw the enemy out to fight us at Port Hudson, but he had refused offer. I know however that Banks was frightened in the morning, for I saw the order from him himself, ordering the trains to the rear, and back to Baton Rouge as soon as possible. I felt safe from the first, for Banks has made so many good retreats that he must understand it pretty well. We went into camp on the south side of the Bayou, in a large cornfield. I didn't get off my horse till after five; in the saddle nearly fourteen hours the second day. It began to rain now, and the field was soon two or three inches deep with water and mud. I had just got off my horse when I received an order, saying that the Forty-ninth and Fiftieth Massachusetts regiments would be in readiness to march to-night or to-morrow morning on an important expedition, under command of Colonel Bartlett. I was to report immediately to Banks at Baton Rouge, for instructions. I knew that it was absolutely impossible for the men to march in the condition they were, all used up; no chance for sleep in the night on account of the rain, etc.

I also thought it was rather “rubbing it in,” to make me ride all the way back to Baton Rouge in the rain, for instructions, after I had been on the go since three that morning, and it was by this time dark, and thence back here again, and by the time I got here, start off on this new tramp.

So I sent Ben over to Augur's Headquarters, from whence the order came, to explain that my regiment had just got in, had been marching all day, having been to Baton Bouge and back. He said certainly they need not go, that he “did not know they had been marching.” He “had designated Colonel Bartlett to go in command of the expedition as a compliment,” etc. This of course was all very pleasant, and if it had been at any other time I should have liked nothing better. But the regiment was too much exhausted, and I was tired, to say the least. I got some rails to keep us out of the water, which was two or three inches deep in the tent, and slept on these, like a log, till reveille.

I could hardly realize it when some one mentioned that it was Sunday. So different from the quiet day a week before.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 75-8

Diary of Sarah Morgan: Friday, June 26, 1863

O praise the Lord, O my soul! Here is good news enough to make me happy for a month! Brother is so good about that! Every time he hears good news on our side, he tells it just as though it was on his side, instead of on ours; while all bad news for us he carefully avoids mentioning, unless we question him. So to-day he brought in a budget for us.

Lee has crossed the Potomac on his way to Washington with one hundred and sixty thousand men. Gibbes and George are with him. Magruder is marching on Fort Jackson, to attack it in the rear. One or two of our English ironclads are reported at the mouth of the river, and Farragut has gone down to capture them. O Jimmy! Jimmy! suppose he should be on one of them? We don't know the name of his ship, and it makes us so anxious for him, during these months that we have heard nothing of his whereabouts.

It is so delightful to see these frightened Yankees! One has only to walk downtown to be satisfied of the alarm that reigns. Yesterday came the tidings of the capture of Brashere City by our troops, and that a brigade was fifteen miles above here, coming down to the city. Men congregated at corners whispering cautiously. These were evidently Confederates who had taken the oath. Solitary Yankees straggled along with the most lugubrious faces, troubling no one. We walked down to Blineau's with Mrs. Price, and over our ice-cream she introduced her husband, who is a true blue Union man, though she, like ourselves, is a rank Rebel. Mr. Price, on the eve of making an immense fortune, was perfectly disconsolate at the news. Every one was to be ruined; starvation would follow if the Confederates entered; there was never a more dismal, unhappy creature. Enchanted at the news, I naturally asked if it were reliable. “Perfectly! Why, to prove how true, standing at the door of this salon five minutes ago, I saw two young ladies pass with Confederate flags, which they flirted in the face of some Federal officers, unrebuked!” Verily, thought I, something is about to happen! Two days ago the girls who were “unrebuked” this evening would have found themselves in jail instead.

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 393-4

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 10, 1864

To-day General Chesnut and his staff departed. His troops are ordered to look after the mountain passes beyond Greenville on the North Carolina and Tennessee quarter.

Misery upon misery. Mobile¹ is going as New Orleans went. Those Western men have not held, their towns as we held and hold Charleston, or as the Virginians hold Richmond. And they call us a “frill-shirt, silk-stocking chivalry,” or “a set of dandy Miss Nancy.” They fight desperately in their bloody street brawls, but we bear privation and discipline best.

_______________

¹ The battle of Mobile Bay, won under Farragut, was fought on August 5, 1864.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 319

Diary of Sarah Morgan: Sunday, June 1, 1862

From the news brought by one or two persons who managed to reach here yesterday, I am more uneasy about mother and the girls. A gentleman tells me that no one is permitted to leave without a pass, and of these, only such as are separated from their families, who may have left before. All families are prohibited to leave, and furniture and other valuables also. Here is an agreeable arrangement! I saw the “pass,” just such as we give our negroes, signed by a Wisconsin colonel. Think of being obliged to ask permission from some low plowman to go in or out of our own house! Cannon are planted as far out as Colonel Davidson's, six of them at our graveyard, and one or more on all the other roads. If the guerrillas do not attempt their capture, I shall take it upon myself to suggest it to the very next one I see. Even if they cannot use them, it will frighten the Yankees, who are in a state of constant alarm about them. Their reason for keeping people in town is that they hope they will not be attacked so long as our own friends remain; thereby placing us above themselves in the scale of humanity, since they acknowledge we are not brute enough to kill women and children as they did not hesitate to do.

Farragut pleads that he could not restrain his men, they were so enraged when the order was once given to fire, and says they would strike a few houses, though he ordered them to fire solely at horses, and the clouds of dust in the street, where guerrillas were supposed to be. The dust was by no means thick enough to conceal that these “guerrillas” were women, carrying babies instead of guns, and the horses were drawing buggies in which many a sick woman was lying.

A young lady who applied to the Yankee general for a pass to come out here, having doubtless spoken of the number of women here who had fled, and the position of the place, was advised to remain in town and write to the ladies to return immediately, and assure them that they would be respected and protected, etc., but that it was madness to remain at Greenwell, for a terrific battle would be fought there in a few days, and they would be exposed to the greatest danger. The girl wrote the letter, but, Mr. Fox, we are not quite such fools as to return there to afford you the protection our petticoats would secure to you, thereby preventing you from receiving condign punishment for the injuries and loss of property already inflicted upon us by you. No! we remain here; and if you are not laid low before you pass the Comite Bridge, we can take to the woods again, and camp out, as many a poor woman is doing now, a few miles from town. Many citizens have been arrested, and after being confined a while, and closely questioned, have been released, if the information is satisfactory. A negro man is informing on all cotton burners and violent Secessionists, etc.

Sunday night. The girls have just got back, riding in a mule team, on top of baggage, but without either mother or any of our affairs. Our condition is perfectly desperate. Miriam had an interview with General Williams, which was by no means satisfactory. He gave her a pass to leave, and bring us back, for he says there is no safety here for us; he will restrain his men in town, and protect the women, but once outside, he will answer neither for his men, nor the women and children. As soon as he gets horses enough, he passes this road, going to Camp Moore with his cavalry, and then we are in greater danger than ever. Any house shut up shall be occupied by soldiers. Five thousand are there now, five more expected. What shall we do? Mother remained, sending Miriam for me, determined to keep us there, rather than sacrifice both our lives and property by remaining here. But then — two weeks from now the yellow fever will break out; mother has the greatest horror of it, and we have never had it; dying is not much in the present state of our affairs, but the survivor will suffer even more than we do now. If we stay, how shall we live? I have seventeen hundred dollars in Confederate notes now in my “running-bag,” and three or four in silver. The former will not be received there, the latter might last two days. If we save our house and furniture, it is at the price of starving. I am of opinion that we should send for mother, and with what money we have, make our way somewhere in the interior, to some city where we can communicate with the boys, and be advised by them. This is not living. Home is lost beyond all hope of recovery; if we wait, what we have already saved will go, too; so we had better leave at once, with what clothing we have, which will certainly establish us on the footing of ladies, if we chance to fall among vulgar people who never look beyond. I fear the guerrillas will attack the town to-night; if they do, God help mother!

General Williams offered Miriam an escort when he found she was without a protector, in the most fatherly way; he must be a good man. She thanked him, but said “she felt perfectly safe on that road.” He bit his lip, understanding the allusion, and did not insist. She was to deliver a message from parties in town to the first guerrillas they met, concerning the safest roads, and presently six met them, and entered into conversation. She told them of the proffered escort, when one sprang forward crying, “Why didn't you accept, Miss? The next time, ask for one, and if it is at all disagreeable to you, I am the very man to rid you of such an inconvenience! I'll see that you are not annoyed long.” I am glad it was not sent; she would have reproached herself with murder forever after. I wonder if the General would have risked it?

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 53-7

Diary of Sarah Morgan: May 31, 1862

I was interrupted so frequently yesterday that I know not how I continued to write so much. First, I was sent for, to go to Mrs. Brunot, who had just heard of her son's death, and who was alone with Dena; and some hours after, I was sent for, to see Fanny, now Mrs. Trezevant, who had just come with her husband to bring us news of George. A Mrs. Montgomery, who saw him every day at Norfolk, said Jimmy was with him, and though very sick at first, was now in good health. The first news in all that long time! When the city was evacuated, George went with his regiment seven miles from Richmond, Jimmy to the city itself, as aide to Com. Hollins. This lady brought George's opal ring and diamond pin. Howell and Mr. Badger, who had just joined the guerrillas as independents, spent the day with me. We were all in such confusion that I felt ashamed: every one as dirty as possible; I had on the same dress I had escaped in, which, though then perfectly clean, was now rather — dirty. But they knew what a time we had had.

To return to my journal.

Lucy met mother some long way ahead of us, whose conscience was already reproaching her for leaving us, and in answer to her “What has become of my poor girls?” ran down the road to find us, for Lucy thinks the world can't keep on moving without us. When she met us, she walked by the cart, and it was with difficulty we persuaded her to ride a mile; she said she felt “used” to walking now. About five miles from home, we overtook mother. The gentleman had been obliged to go for his wife, so Mary gave her her seat on the cart, and walked with Lucy three miles beyond, where we heard that Lilly and the children had arrived in a cart, early in the day. All the talk by the roadside was of burning homes, houses knocked to pieces by balls, famine, murder, desolation; so I comforted myself singing, “Better days are coming” and “I hope to die shouting, the Lord will provide”; while Lucy toiled through the sun and dust, and answered with a chorus of “I'm a-runnin', a-runnin' up to glo-ry!”

It was three o'clock when we reached Mr. David's and found Lilly. How warm and tired we were! A hasty meal, which tasted like a feast after our fatigue, gave us fresh strength, and Lilly and Miriam got in an old cart with the children to drive out here, leaving me with mother and Dellie to follow next day. About sunset, Charlie came flying down the road, on his way to town. I decided to go, and after an obstinate debate with mother, in which I am afraid I showed more determination than amiability, I wrung a reluctant consent from her, and, promising not to enter if it was being fired or plundered, drove off in triumph. It was a desperate enterprise for a young girl, to enter a town full of soldiers on such an expedition at night; but I knew Charlie could take care of me, and if he was killed I could take care of myself; so I went. It was long after nine when we got there, and my first act was to look around the deserted house. What a scene of confusion! armoirs spread open, with clothes tumbled in every direction, inside and out; ribbons, laces on floors; chairs overturned; my desk wide open covered with letters, trinkets, etc.; bureau drawers half out, the bed filled with odds and ends of everything. I no longer recognized my little room. On the bolster was a little box, at the sight of which I burst out laughing. Five minutes before the alarm, Miriam had been selecting those articles she meant to take to Greenwell, and, holding up her box, said, “If we were forced to run for our lives without a moment's warning, I'd risk my life to save this, rather than leave it!” Yet here lay the box, and she was safe at Greenwell!

It took me two hours to pack father's papers, then I packed Miriam's trunk, then some of mother's and mine, listening all the while for a cannon; for men were constantly tramping past the house, and only on condition our guerrillas did not disturb them had they promised not to recommence the shelling. Charlie went out to hear the news, and I packed alone.

It seems the only thing that saved the town was two gentlemen who rowed out to the ships, and informed the illustrious commander that there were no men there to be hurt, and he was only killing women and children. The answer was, “He was sorry he had hurt them; he thought of course the town had been evacuated before the men were fools enough to fire on them, and had only shelled the principal streets to intimidate the people.” These streets were the very ones crowded with flying women and children, which they must have seen with their own eyes, for those lying parallel to the river led to the Garrison at one end and the crevasse at the other, which cut off all the lower roads, so that the streets he shelled were the only ones that the women could follow, unless they wished to be drowned. As for the firing, four guerrillas were rash enough to fire on a yawl which was about to land without a flag of truce, killing one, wounding three, one of whom afterwards died.

They were the only ones in town, there was not a cannon in our hands, even if a dozen men could be collected, and this cannonading was kept up in return for half a dozen shots from as many rifles, without even a show of resistance after! So ended the momentous shelling of Baton Rouge, during which the valiant Farragut killed one whole woman, wounded three, struck some twenty houses several times apiece, and indirectly caused the death of two little children who were drowned in their flight, one poor little baby that was born in the woods, and several cases of the same kind, besides those who will yet die from the fatigue, as Mrs. W. D. Phillips who had not left her room since January, who was carried out in her nightgown, and is now supposed to be in a dying condition. The man who took mother told us he had taken a dying woman — in the act of expiring — in his buggy, from her bed, and had left her a little way off, where she had probably breathed her last a few moments after. There were many similar cases. Hurrah for the illustrious Farragut, the Woman Killer!!!

It was three o'clock before I left off packing, and took refuge in a tub of cold water, from the dust and heat of the morning. What a luxury the water was! and when I changed my underclothes I felt like a new being. To be sure I pulled off the skin of my heel entirely, where it had been blistered by the walk, dust, sun, etc., but that was a trifle, though still quite sore now. For three hours I dreamed of rifled shells and battles, and at half-past six I was up and at work again. Mother came soon after, and after hard work we got safely off at three, saving nothing but our clothes and silver. All else is gone. It cost me a pang to leave my guitar, and Miriam's piano, but it seems there was no help for it, so I had to submit.

It was dark night when we reached here. A bright fire was blazing in front, but the house looked so desolate that I wanted to cry. Miriam cried when I told her her piano was left behind. Supper was a new sensation, after having been without anything except a glass of clabber (no saucers) and a piece of bread since half-past six. I laid down on the hard floor to rest my weary bones, thankful that I was so fortunate as to be able to lie down at all. In my dozing state, I heard the wagon come, and Miriam ordering a mattress to be put in the room for me. I could make out, “Very well! you may take that one to Miss Eliza,¹ but the next one shall be brought to Miss Sarah!” Poor Miriam! She is always fighting my battles. She and the servants are always taking my part against the rest of the world.  . . . She and Lucy made a bed and rolled me in it with no more questions, and left me with damp eyes at the thought of how good and tender every one is to me. Poor Lucy picked me a dish of blackberries to await my arrival, and I was just as grateful for it, though they were eaten by some one else before I came.

Early yesterday morning, Miriam, Nettie, and Sophie, who did not then know of their brother’s death, went to town in a cart, determined to save some things, Miriam to save her piano. As soon as they were halfway, news reached us that any one was allowed to enter, but none allowed to leave the town, and all vehicles confiscated as soon as they reached there. Alarmed for their safety, mother started off to find them, and we have heard of none of them since. What will happen next? I am not uneasy. They dare not harm them. It is glorious to shell a town full of women, but to kill four lone ones is not exciting enough.

_______________

¹ Lilly.

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 47-53

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, September 23, 1862

Received a letter from Commodore W. D. Porter stating his arrival in New York after many signal exploits, — capturing the ironclad steamer Arkansas, running Bayou Sara, etc. Charges from Admirals Farragut and Davis, accusing him of misrepresentation and worse, have preceded his arrival. The War Department has sent me an inexcusable letter, abusive of the military, which Porter has written, and which Stanton cannot notice. I have been compelled to reprove him and to send him before the Retiring Board. Like all the Porters, he is a courageous, daring, troublesome, reckless officer.

No news from the army. The Rebels appear to be moving back into Virginia in their own time and way, to select their own resting-place, and to do, in short, pretty much as they please. Am sad, sick, sorrowful over this state of things, but see no remedy without change of officers.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 145

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, August 11, 1862

A busy day, reading and preparing dispatches. State Department is sensitively apprehensive that our naval officers will not be sufficiently forbearing towards Englishmen. The old error, running back to the commencement of difficulties, when the Rebels were recognized as belligerents, and a blockade was ordered instead of closing the ports. We are not, it is true, in a condition for war with Great Britain just at this time, but England is in scarcely a better condition for a war with us. At all events, continued and degrading submission to aggressive insolence will not promote harmony nor self-respect. It is a gratification to me that our naval officers assert our rights. I have no fears they will trespass on the rights of others. Full dispatches received from Admiral Farragut, who has got his larger vessels down the river to New Orleans. I had been under apprehensions that the Mississippi was getting so low he would experience difficulty.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 79

James Russell Lowell to Charles Eliot Norton, August 18, 1864

Elmwood, Thursday, Aug. 18, 1864.

My dear Charles, — The other day Field¹ came to see us, and told me that he was going to Ashfield next Saturday, whereupon I thought we could not do better than come together. He will at least mitigate my dulness, which, for several weeks, has neighboured on idiocy, having had a headache all the time — which makes it lucky ’twas vacation.

I believe Fanny wrote to Jane how (like a fool) I went down East with a notion of exploring the Coast of Maine in the company of a Congressional Committee. I saw the chairman — who seemed amazed to see me — and a roomful of his satellites (of the clean-dicky and dirty-shirt kind); found that we were to be trotted round on show like a menagerie; and came straight home again, wiser, hotter, and headachier. I find that one's ears grow with his growth.

Except this insane escapade, I have not stirred from my study since vacation began — unless I count one dinner at the Club. To-day I am going to help dine Mr. Chase. I shall come home sorry that I went, I know; but hope always gets the better of experience with me. I almost think I should be willing to live over again — though I ought to know better by this time.

O Frances Dobbs!

This life is cobs

Without one grain of corn:

’Tis wake and eat—

Sleep — then repeat,

Since ever I was born!

And yet we fear

Our tread-mill here

May cease its weary round,

And think ’tis not

All one to rot

Above or under ground!

This dining, by the way, is a funny thing. Did it ever occur to mortal man to give a dinner to some one who really wanted it? I think it would be rather a good lark to dine the hungriest man in Boston. Wouldn't I like to dine old Farragut (feragut) though! By Jove! the sea-service hasn't lost its romance, in spite of iron turtles. And isn't wood, after all, the thing? I believe the big guns will bring us back to wooden ships again. For one lucky shot may sink one of these hogs in armour. By the way, Sir Richard Hawkins discusses this very matter of big shot two hundred and fifty years ago, and decides in favour of large bores, because the ball will make a leak that can't be stopped. ...

I believe I was glad to see that Arthur was a prisoner. He is safe, at any rate for the present, which is a comfort. He did all a man could in going. He offered his life, and if Fate will not take it we ought to be thankful. ... As John [Holmes] says (he has dined with us twice this week !), “It's better to suffer from too little bread than from too much lead.” . . .

_______________

¹ The late John W. Field, a man of singular friendliness, of whom Lowell, shortly after making his acquaintance, wrote:

“Few things to charm me more can nature yield

Than a broad, open, breezy, high-viewed Field."”

SOURCE: Charles Eliot Norton, Editor, Letters of James Russell Lowell, Volume 1, p. 380-2

Senator James W. Grimes to Captain Samuel F. Du Pont, June 14, 1862

Washington, June 14, 1862.

Your letter in behalf of two officers in your squadron is at hand.  . . . The difficulty arises from the displacement of those who have been continuously in the service, and the apparent impossibility of stopping restorations with a few of the most worthy ones. About a score of them have been before us, and the Senate has finally disposed of the matter. The officer who in my opinion has the least merit, was the only one who was strongly urged and insisted upon; all the others were made to hang upon the decision in his case. This would not have been fair (though I told the Senate what my opinion was on the subject), had not the question been decided squarely upon its real merits, viz., whether any one ought to be restored, who had resigned and gone into civil life, if the restoration would injure those who had remained all of the time in the service. It is doubtless true that the result was influenced by the fact that we have been besieged during the session by persons in the interest of those who seek to be restored, and whose names would probably have been sent to us, had we acted favorably upon those who were sent in. The number in favor of confirmation was very small indeed, not half a dozen; but you will understand that this decision was not predicated at all upon the merits of the officers themselves.

You are misinformed as to the action of the Senate on the vote of thanks to Farragut's fleet-officers. The President sent two recommendations, one embracing Farragut and his officers and men, which the committee advised the Senate to adopt, and it was adopted; and the other, recommending a vote of thanks to the commander of each vessel, specifying each officer by name. This last the committee has not acted upon, and will probably take no notice of.

We have just had the naval bill under consideration. I had put on amendments:

1. Abolishing spirit-ration after 1st September, and allowing no spirituous liquors to be carried on board, save for medical stores, and giving each man five cents per day in lieu of it.

2. Making board of visitors at Naval Academy a mixed commission from civil and naval life, and making an appropriation for mileage, as in the case of the Military Academy.

3. Authorizing ten naval cadets to be appointed each year, to be selected from the sons of officers and men in the military and naval profession, who have distinguished themselves.

4. Giving commodore's secretary fifteen hundred dollars per annum and one ration. And sundry other amendments in which you probably take no particular interest.

We hope to leave here soon. I shall hope to hear from you often at my Western home.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 200-1

Commander Samuel P. Lee to the Authorities at Vicksburg, May 18, 1862

UNITED STATES STEAMER ONEIDA,

Near Vicksburg, May 18, 1862.

To the AUTHORITIES AT VICKSBURG:

The undersigned, with orders from Flag-Officer Farragut and Major-General Butler, respectfully demand, in advance of the approaching fleet, the surrender of Vicksburg and its defenses to the lawful authority of the United States, under which private property and personal rights will be respected.

Very respectfully yours,

S. PHILLIPS LEE,

U.S. N., Commanding Advance of Naval Division.

T. WILLIAMS,

Brigadier-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 15 (Serial No. 21), p. 6-7

James L. Autry to Commander Samuel P. Lee, May 18, 1862

HEADQUARTERS,

Vicksburg, Miss., May 18, 1862.

S. P. LEE,

Comdg. Advance of Naval Division, U.S. S. Oneida:

SIR: As your communication of this date is addressed “To the authorities of Vicksburg,” and that you may have a full reply to the said communication, I have to state that Mississippians don't know and refuse to learn how to surrender to an enemy. If Commodore Farragut or Brigadier-General Butler can teach them, let them come and try.

As to the defenses of Vicksburg, I respectfully refer you to Brigadier-General Smith, commanding forces at or near Vicksburg, whose reply is herewith inclosed.*

Respectfully,

JAMES L. AUTRY,

Military Governor and Colonel Commanding Post.

_______________

* See Smith’s Report, p. 7.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 15 (Serial No. 21), p. 13

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, July 11, 1863

VlCKSBURG, July 11, 1863.

My Dear Mother:

I have just debarked on my return from Port Hudson and finished my report to General Grant. I am ordered back to Natchez, for which point I shall start at eight o'clock in the morning, so have brief time for communication with you. On the 1st inst., by order of General Grant, I reported to Admiral Porter for transportation to Port Hudson, whither I was going as bearer of despatches and oral communication from General Grant to General Banks. You are probably not aware of what a flagship is or the sort of style they preserve on board of one. The Black Hawk, Admiral Porter's, is probably behind none of them in point of elegance, and the Admiral, who is a special friend of mine, always receives me with all the honors.

From the flagship I reported to General Dennis at Young's Point, and then procured an ambulance to take us around by land to where the gunboat Arizona was lying, the vessel that had been assigned to me. I have had command before of a good many steamboats, but never of a vessel of war. The Arizona is a beautiful little craft, a yacht, elegantly fitted up, trim built, with everything ship-shape in real man-of-war style. She was formerly of the Southern Steamship Line between New Orleans and Galveston, seized by the rebels in 1861, ran the blockade to Havana with a cargo of cotton, recaptured by Admiral Farragut's squadron in 1862 off Mobile—at this time running under Confederate colors and called the Carolina, and commanded by Captain Forbes. On seeing the Admiral, Captain Forbes claimed to be bound to Matamoras, but the Admiral remarked to him, “I do not take you for running the blockade, but for your damned poor navigation. Any man bound to Matamoras from Havana and coming within twelve miles of Mobile light has no business to have a steamer.” Accordingly, she was sent to Philadelphia as a prize, being purchased by the government for 86,000 dollars. She was speedily altered into a gunboat and early in 1863 was put in commission. Leaving Philadelphia she captured a prize of about $140,000 in value on the fourth day out. Arrived at New Orleans on April 1st, she sailed for Brashear City on the 6th, took two regiments of Major-General Banks on board and landed them at Grand Lakes, the next morning fought and destroyed the Queen of the West, and the day after proceeded to the wreck and recovered all the guns, two fine Parrott rifles, and three twelve-pounder Porterfield pieces, brass. On April 20th attacked, in company with the Clifton, the fortifications at Butte La Rose, silenced the battery in twelve minutes, capturing the guns, ammunition, 114 prisoners, and the small arms. On the . . . day of . . ., attacked, in company with the Albatross, and repulsed the enemy's gunboats at Fort de Russy, but owing to some misunderstanding of orders was not permitted to remain and destroy them. The day after proceeded upon the expedition with Admiral Porter towards Alexandria, and on the . . . day of . . ., the city surrendered to Captain Upton, a very wealthy citizen and one of influence there, and a grandson of Putnam of revolutionary memory; he who killed the wolf in the cave, and about that anecdote the boys may read. I have been somewhat prolix in describing the boat and her commander, because my relations with both have been very intimate the last ten days, and because she is again assigned to me to go to Natchez. I lay on her with the fleet under the guns of Vicksburg till the 22d inst.; early in the morning weighed anchor and down stream, destroying all river transportation as we passed along — all boats, skiffs, flats, etc. Met the gunboat Louisville at Grand Gulf, got some news from below, most favorable, touched at St. Joseph, and put off Mrs. Rodgers. Her meeting with her daughter and under such circumstances, was a scene affecting in the extreme. They had not seen each other for more than four years — are ladies of the greatest refinement. Taking advantage of circumstances while the scene was transpiring, ordered the men to load the boat with vegetables, meats and poultry; in other words, foraged extensively. Such is war. Got under weigh, and steamed down to the next plantation, where we stopped all night, it being too dark to move. Here we called at the house and found a pretty and interesting young lady, much chit chat and quarrelling about the war, and while we quarrelled, my men drove brisk trade with the negroes for honey, tomatoes, melons, fowl, etc. Under weigh at eight o'clock, steaming down, still destroying as we go. Touched at Mrs. Duncan's plantation, abandoned, and in the hands of negroes; will endeavor to send with this some memento of the occasion. As we reached Natchez, discovered cattle in large numbers that had just crossed the river; ordered shell from twelve-pound howitzer thrown among them; cattle scattered and drivers fled. Ordered the boat to round to and sent a missive to the civil authorities that if they permitted the transit of cattle or other munitions of war for the use of the enemy, I would burn and destroy the city. To that missive I received the following reply:

Mayor's Office, Natchez, July 3, 1863.

Sir:

Your communication of this date is duly at hand. The city authorities regret that you conceive it necessary to inflict such a penalty as you name upon the defenceless inhabitants of this city for acts of which they are innocent and over which the city authorities have no control. To avert the calamity, however, we will represent your demand to the military authorities without delay. At the same time we would observe with due deference, that we are at a loss to understand how the destruction of the city will accomplish the object you have in view.

Respectfully, your obt. Servant,

W. Dix, Mayor.

Thos. Kilby Smith,

Colonel . . .

Not liking the tone of the above despatch, I proceeded to carry my threat into execution, when down came the marshal and begged like a dog. I gave my opinion and ipse dixit in no very measured terms, and taking a promise, wended my way, destroying, however, some sixty skiffs and fleets at that point. Anchored in stream at nine o'clock, July 4th; under way at twelve o'clock; touched at plantation for wood and forage, vegetables, etc. Nine o'clock reached Port Hudson and reported to Commodore Palmer on board sloop-of-war Hartford, anchored off stream. Commodore stiff old salt of the old school — about as stiff I suppose as Uncle Hunter was on board ship. Took on, however, in behalf of the army, about the same quantity of airs as he took for the navy, and imagine he did not make much by the interview in the way of airs. Next day, July 5th, reported to steamer Albatross, the captain of which sent ashore for horses for me, and about ten o'clock got mounted, with my orderly, on a sorry jade said to have belonged to a Secesh colonel who had been taken prisoner. Set off for General Banks's headquarters, about twenty miles distant. Sun blazing hot, waded swamp, passed by bayou, and lagoon, and through dense forests, heard the alligators barking like young puppies. Saw sugar cane growing for the first time, passed sugar mills, close to enemy's pickets, and just enough of danger to make the jaunt spicy and interesting. Sun broiling; wore cloth cap and felt it; should have been sunstruck, but adopted my old precaution of stuffing the crown with fresh green leaves every now and then — a most cooling application to the head. Glad enough to reach General Banks’s headquarters at two o’clock, after a ride of four hours; dismounted thirsty and exhausted. General met me with great courtesy — bottle of champagne and plenty of ice, cool goblet; oh, how refreshing!  . . . felt sufficiently better to take a nap of an hour, and then the General, by way of amusement, invited me to ride with him and staff over the left of his lines; gave me a good mount, and off we started for a thirty miles’ ride and about five miles’ walk through the saps and mines of his approaches upon the fortifications, back at eleven o'clock, supped and laid down at twelve. Clothes wet through with sweat, did not sleep well, rose, however, early in the morning, July 6th.  . . . Breakfast over, General invited me to ride on the right, horses saddled and off at seven. Rode far and walked through more miles of sap and made close investigation of mines; two men shot through the head by rifle balls close by my side; sharpshooters on both sides vigilant and alert. Called upon one or two generals, back to camp and dinner by two o'clock. Admiral Farragut made his appearance before dinner was through. . . . I imagine rather a clever man and a fine officer. . . .

July 7th received despatches of the fall of Vicksburg, per telegraph, despatch boat Price having got aground on her way down; much enthusiasm. Army fired salutes of an hundred guns; also navy; drank General Grant's health; took good care to have a despatch intercepted by the enemy, and devoted the afternoon to close investigation of saps, mines, and approaches on the right of our lines, in company with General Banks; back to camp, and late to bed; hardly asleep before General Banks made his appearance at my bedside in shirt and drawers to advise me that General Gardner had sent flag of truce, and to ask if what he had heard in reference to the fall of Vicksburg was true. Symptomatic; immediately volunteered to go with flag of truce myself and make proper reply. Rode out at one o'clock, nine miles; passed our pickets, sounded bugle call, and shortly afterwards was met by enemy's flag with lanthorn. Their party consisted of two colonels and their aides-de-camp; had with them much parley; flag returned, to consult with General Gardner; agreed to wait for them two hours. Flag again appeared with despatches for General Banks and overtures for surrender. Back to headquarters at great speed. General Gardiner writes that he has defended his post as long as he considers his duty and offers terms and to appoint commissioners to meet outside of breastworks to arrange conditions. Accordingly, General Banks appointed Brigadier-General Stone, Brigadier-General Dwight, and Colonel Burge commissioners, with instructions to demand unconditional surrender. They were met by Colonel Miles, Col. Marshall Smith, and Colonel Steadman, on behalf of the enemy. All the day passed tediously, waiting the action of the commissioners. Finally, at nightfall, they made their report. Garrison to be surrendered at seven o'clock the following morning, and a rough estimate of results of the Port Hudson capture is as follows:

• Upwards of five thousand prisoners, including one major-general, one brigadier-general, four colonels, and large number of field and company officers.
• Thirty-one field cannon;
• Twenty S. C. and siege cannon;
• Major-Gen. Frank Gardner, formerly U. S. A.;
• Brigadier-General William Beale;
• Colonel Miles;
• Col. Marshall Smith, formerly U. S. Navy;
• Colonel Steadman;
• Major A. Marchent, formerly U. S. Artillery.

Despatches were at once prepared for me, and at nine o'clock, with escort, I set off to ride over the same road. I came to place of hail of gunboats. It was intensely dark and raining hard; some miles of road through dense and muddy swamp; had to search for pathway by aid of lantern; guide at fault and way lost; outside of picket lines, and great danger of capture; found way and reached Mississippi shore at three o'clock in morning. Hailed Hartford, and got aboard; reported to Commodore Palmer; had Arizona assigned me; got aboard of her by the light of the wild-eyed dawn, and at four o'clock laid down with intense headache to court sleep, which had been a stranger to me for two days and two nights. I had been much exposed to sun and feared sickness. I lay still for one hour and am then called upon by naval officers anxious for news; a thousand questions about Port Hudson; no rest; under weigh at eight o'clock, and shortly afterwards breakfast. . . . The captain has a pet, a beautiful doe, with whom I made friends coming down, and as I returned, with her large black dreamy eyes, she was apparently glad to see me and gave me welcome by licking my hand. She walks all over the ship perfectly tame, and it seems strange to me that an animal so wild and timid by nature should become so fond and gentle. The day is calm and perfectly beautiful, the bright blue sky dappled with fleecy clouds, the rapid motion of the boat stirs the atmosphere till it fans the cheek with voluptuous freshness. Fatigue passes away. I am the bearer of glad tidings of great joy, and with heart elate sail triumphant. For the time being, brief as it may seem, I govern on the quarterdeck of the yacht, and save for the presence of Cleopatra, rival Antony. The day wears on, and at six I am invited to dinner. The captain and I mess alone, but with the strictest formality. . . .

Anchored in the stream at eleven o'clock; too dark to run. Friday, July 10th, weigh anchor, and steam up at four o' clock; pass Natchez at 9 A.m. Many cattle on the bank — evidently have been crossed for the use of the rebel army — some two thousand head. Heave a dozen shell and send some rifle balls among them. Crowds of men and women gather on the bluffs of Natchez to see us pass. We take on negroes from point to point as they rush to the river side, stalwart men seeking liberty under the folds of the American flag. We hail a skiff containing six parolled prisoners from Vicksburg; they have floated down the river and are seeking their homes at Natchez and up the river. Much cannon practice from our vessel I propose, to prevent all crossing of the river, and to dismay the inhabitants. I find my hearing much affected by close proximity the past two or three months to heavy guns while being rapidly discharged. We meet many vessels from Vicksburg, seven gunboats; the Mississippi is open.

I hold to-day conversation with captain's Calcutta servant, an Hindostanee; speaks and writes Arabic, is a follower of Mahomet. If my memory serves me right, the first Mussulman I have made acquaintance with, tall, not quite black, straight nose, thin lips, handsome. I hear the Arabic language spoken in its purity, I believe, for he is educated, and also the Hindostanee. He has travelled throughout China; perfectly familiar with Canton, Calcutta, Paris, London, Boston, New Orleans, New York, Philadelphia, Australia, the South Sea and Pacific Islands, San Francisco, and the Havannah, and for the most part North America; was a follower of Nana Sahib, and is not twenty years old.

Saturday, July 11th, anchor at four o'clock, having moved all night opposite Mrs. Fanars, at the town of St. Joseph; called upon the ladies, who are in great distress, husbands and fathers being all under arrest at Alton . . . Comfort the poor women all I can, and here I may say to-night I have got an order from General Grant to release their poor devils of husbands—so that must be set to my credit, if I am a fiend and a " damned Yank." To-day meet more gunboats, more parolled prisoners in skiffs. Day cool and pleasant.

Abner Read was shot and mortally wounded the day I left Port Hudson; he was badly shot, and could not possibly recover. He was commander and a good deal thought of by the navy. Wife will remember him; he was a brother of the judge.

Well, we arrived at Vicksburg about four o'clock this afternoon; reported to the Admiral and to General Grant; both glad to see me back and hear my news, and on the strength of my report am ordered to take some transports and some troops and garrison Natchez. I shall set sail for that point in the morning at eight o'clock, and am writing for dear life to-night in order to get ready.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 315-23

From Washington

WASHINGTON, May 20.

Gen. Saxton arrived at Fort Monroe this morning, and goes to New York, this evening.  Most of the passengers will be in New York on Friday.

Voluminous dispatches were received from the Gulf today.  They related principally to the details of the recent movements connected with the capture of New Orleans.  The vessels of the fleet have been judiciously distributed, under Com. Lee, going up as far as Vicksburg, for purposes which it would be improper to state.  It appears from the documents that Commodore Farragut carried out his instructions to the letter and was ably and cheerfully sustained by all under his command.

On our forces occupying Pensacola, the Mayor promised that the citizens would behave themselves peacefully.  The rebels had evacuated the place on hearing that our steamers, the day before, were going to run into Mobile Bay, and that the squadron and mortar boats would soon follow.

Commander Porter left Ship Island on the 7th, with the steamer belonging to the mortar fleet, and the Rachel, for Mobile bar, for the purpose of fixing a place for the mortar boats to lie and plant buoys for the ships to run in by when they should arrive.

Great excitement is said to exist within the forts at the progress of the fleet. – There was reason to believe that Fort Gaines was evacuated, and that the troops there were leaving to reinforce Fort Morgan.

Special to Herald.

All here are filled with expectations of a great battle at Corinth and Battour’s Bridge before the week ends.  It is expected that these two battles will practically conclude the campaign, and leave nothing else to be done but to put down the guerilla fighting.

The recent proclamation of the President begins to give great satisfaction to all classes.  The conservatives are satisfied, and the ultras do not find fault.  It is manifest to all, that Mr. Lincoln has taken the bit in his teeth and intends to have his own way, Cabinet or no Cabinet.  The general impression here is, since the utterance of the proclamation, there is no one can approach 

Abraham Lincoln in popularity.  It is regarded as an evidence of unalterable firmness and true grit.

Special to Tribune.

A call is soon to be made upon the States for additional volunteers to the number of at least 100,000; careful inquiry has elicited the fact that our army is smaller than has been represented, even in official accounts numbering not 500,000 effective men.  This fresh force is to be mainly used as a reserve, to be stationed at convenient points to meet emergencies.

Times’ Special.

The subject of lake defences and lake commerce was very forcibly and fully presented this morning, at a meeting of the New York delegation in Congress, by the  Hon. Samuel B. Ruggles, who appeared in behalf of the State.  The principal topics discussed were the present undefended condition of the lakes and the great the and rapid growth of the commerce on these waters; also the vital importance of the cereal products of the States surrounding the lakes, in furnishing the elements of foreign commerce, and consequently in swelling the amount of duties on imports to be received in exchange.

The two cardinal measures growing out of these discussions, and which must occupy the attention of Congress, will be the opening of adequate canals from the eastern and western extremities of the lakes; the first to be effected by enlarging the locks in the Erie and Oswego canals, and the other by the enlargement of the canal from Chicago to Illinois river.  It is hoped that these great measures may be united as integral portions of hone harmonious system, permitting the passage throughout the line of mail-clad vessels sufficient for the defense of these great waters.

The World’s correspondence, under date of Baltimore Cross Roads, Va., 16 miles from Richmond, May 18th says: “I make a prophecy that Richmond is abandoned by the enemy without a fight, and that we occupy it within 48 hours.  If not all signs fail.  This is the advance division towards Richmond.

Cavalry are beyond at Bloton Bridge.  The enemy blew it up yesterday.  Little will it impede our progress, for the stream is narrow, the water but three feet deep and we can ford.

An effort will be made in the House to-morrow to adjourn from the 28th inst. Until the 2d of June, in order to enable members to visit their homes and give time for putting the hall in summer trim.  Those who favor the proposition that such arrangements will not delay business, as the house is far in advance of the Senate in this respect.  The House only contemplates a holiday.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 22, 1862, p. 1

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut, April 27, 1862

New Orleans gone¹ – and with it the Confederacy. Are we not cut in two?  That Mississippi ruins us if lost. The Confederacy has been done to death by the politicians. What wonder we are lost.  Those wretched creatures of the Congress and the legislature could never rise to the greatness of the occasion.  They seem to think they were in a neighborhood squabble about precedence.

The soldiers have done their duty.

All honor to the army. Statesmen as busy as bees about their own places, or their personal honor, too busy to see the enemy at a distance. With a microscope they were examining their own interests, or their own wrongs, forgetting the interests of the people they represented. They were concocting newspaper paragraphs to injure the government. No matter how vital nothing – nothing can be kept from the enemy. They must publish themselves, night and day, what they are doing, or the omniscient Buncombe will forget them.

This fall of New Orleans means utter ruin to the private fortunes of the Prestons. Mr. Preston came from New Orleans so satisfied with Mansfield Lovell² and the tremendous steam-rams he saw there. While in New Orleans, Burnside offered Mr. Preston five hundred thousand dollars, a debt due to him from Burnside, and he refused to take it.³ He said the money was safer in Burnside's hands than his. And so it may prove, so ugly is the outlook now. Burnside is wide awake; he is not a man to be caught napping.

A son of Hilliard Judge.⁴  A little more than twenty years ago we saw Mr. and Mrs. Judge on their bridal tour.  A six-foot man has come into existence since then and grown up to this – full length, we would say.  His mother married again, is now Mrs. Brooks – wants to come and live in Columbia.

Live!  Death, not life, seems to be our fate now.

They have got Beauregard – no longer Felix, but the shiftless – in a cul-de-sac.

Mary Preston was saying she had asked the Hamptons how they relished the idea of being paupers.

“If the country is saved none of us will care for that sort of thing.”

Philosophical and patriotic,

Mr. Chesnut came in.

 ''Conrad has been telegraphed from New Orleans that the great iron-clad Louisiana went down at the first shot."

Mr. Chesnut and Mary Preston walked off, first to the bulletin-board and then to the Prestons'.

__________

¹ New Orleans had been seized by the Confederates at the outbreak of the war. Steps to capture it were soon taken by the Federals and on April 18, 1862, the mortar flotilla, under Farragut, opened fire on its protecting forts. Making little impression on them, Farragut ran boldly past the forts and destroyed the Confederate fleet, comprising 13 gunboats and two ironclads. On April 27th he took formal possession of the city.

² A civil servant in New York City before the war.  Lovell was commissioned a major general of the C. S. A. and Assigned to command New Orleans in 1861.

³ John S. Preston sold his extensive La. Sugar plantations to John Burnside, a New Orleans merchant in 1857.  These holdings helped make Burnside the greatest sugar planter in the state during the 1860’s.

⁴ Hilliard M. Judge, Sr., was a Methodist minister in Camden who died in 1857.

SOURCES: Mary Boykin Miller Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, p. 158-9; C. Van Woodward, Editor, Mary Chesnut’s Civil War,  p. 330-1.

Major General William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, January 2, 1865

SAVANNAH, Geo., January 2, 1865.

. . . I am now in a magnificent mansion living like a gentleman, but soon will be off for South Carolina and then look out for breakers. You may count on my being here till the 15th. I have not yet had one word from you since you knew of my having reached the coast, and only know of the death of our little boy¹ by the New York papers of December 22, but was in a measure prepared for it by your letter received at Kingston. I suppose you feel his loss far more than I do because I never saw him, but all the children seemed to be so attached to him that you may be so grieved at his death you cannot write to me. I know by the same source that you are now at South Bend in Mr. Colfax'² house. It must be very cold up there. It is really cold here, though the sun shines warm and the trees have green leaves. Of course no snow, but ice found in the gutters and on the pond. General Barnard got here last night from General Grant with dispatches, which I have answered, and the clerks are copying my letters and as soon as finished I will send a flat steamer to Port Royal whence a sea steamer will go to City Point and thence this letter will be sent you. . . .

I see that the State of Ohio talks of making me a present of a home, etc.³ For myself I would accept nothing, but for you and the children I would be willing, especially if such a present were accompanied as in Farragut's place, with bonds enough to give interest to pay taxes. My pay would not enable me to pay taxes on property. I have received from high sources highest praises and yesterday, New Year, was toasted, etc., with allusions to Hannibal, Csesar, etc., etc., but in reply I turned all into a good joke by saying that Hannibal and Caesar were small potatoes as they had never read the New York Herald, or had a photograph taken. But of course, I feel a just pride in the confidence of my army, and the singular friendship of General Grant, who is almost childlike in his love for me. It does seem that time has brought out all my old friends, Grant, Thomas, Sheridan, etc. All sorts of people send me presents and I hope they don't slight you or the girls. I want little in that way, but I think you can stand a good deal. Thus far success has crowned my boldest conceptions and I am going to try others quite as quixotic. It may be that spite of my fears I may come out all right. Love to all.

_________

¹ Writing from Kingston, Georgia, on June 12, 1864, Sherman had acknowledged the news of the birth of this child.

² Schuyler Colfax, at this time Speaker of the House of Representatives, lived at South Bend, Ind.

³ This present was never received.

SOURCES: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman, p. 322-4.  A full copy of this letter can be found in the William T Sherman Family papers (SHR), University of Notre Dame Archives (UNDA), Notre Dame, IN 46556, Folder CSHR 2/20

Major General William T. Sherman to Thomas Ewing, August 11, 1864

IN THE FIELD, NEAR ATLANTA, Georgia,

August 11, 1864.

I can well understand the keen feelings of apprehension that agitate you, as you sit with mind intent on the fate of a vast machine, like the one I am forced to guide, whose life and success depend on the single thread of rails that for near five hundred miles lies within an hostile or semi-hostile country. I assure you that to the extent of my ability, nothing has been left undone that could be foreseen, and for one hundred days not a man or horse has been without ample food, or a musket or gun without adequate ammunition. I esteem this a triumph greater than any success that has attended me in battle or in strategy, but it has not been the result of blind chance. At this moment I have abundant supplies for twenty days, and I keep a construction party in Chattanooga that can in ten days repair any break that can be made to my rear. I keep a large depot of supplies at Chattanooga and Allatoona, two mountain fastnesses which no cavalry force of the enemy can reach, and in our wagons generally manage to have from ten to twenty days' supplies.

I could not have done this without forethought beginning with the hour I reached Nashville. I found thousands of citizens actually feeding on our stores on the plea of starvation, and other citizens by paying freights were allowed to carry goods, wares and merchandise, to all the towns from Nashville to Chattanooga; also crowds of idlers, sanitary agents, Christian commissions, and all sorts of curiosity hunters loading down our cars. It was the Gordian Knot and I cut it. People may starve, and go without, but an army cannot and do its work. A howl was raised, but the President and Secretary of War backed me, and now all recognize the wisdom and humanity of the thing. Rosecrans had his army starving at Chattanooga, and I have brought an army double its size 138 miles further, and all agree that they were never better fed, clothed and supplied. I think you may rest easy on that score.

My only apprehension arises from the fact that the time of the three year men is expiring all the time, and daily regiments are leaving for home, diminishing my fighting force by its best material; and the draft has been so long deferred, and the foolish law allowing niggers and the refuse of the South to be bought up and substituted on paper (for they never come to the front) will delay my reinforcements until my army on the offensive, so far from its base, will fall below my opponent's, who increases as I lose. I rather think to-day Hood's army is larger than mine, and he is strongly fortified. I have no faith in the people of the North. They ever lose their interest when they should act — they think by finding fault with an officer they clear their skirts of their own sins of misfeasance. . . .

The good news has just come that Farragut's fleet is in Mobile Bay, and has captured the Rebel fleet there; also that Fort Gaines which guards the west entrance to the Bay has surrendered, and some prisoners we took this morning say it was the talk in their camp that the Yankees had the City of Mobile. So all is coming round well, only we should not relax our energies or be deluded by any false hope of a speedy end to this war, which we did not begin, but which we must fight to the end, be it when it may. . . .

SOURCES: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman, p. 306-8

From Tennessee

CAIRO, May 14.

A deserter came on board the flag boat Benton, on the 12th and stated that the rebel rams and gunboats engaged in the encounter of Friday morning were not sunk, as represented in a previous dispatch. – They were terribly shattered, but our gunners undoubtedly fired the most of their shots above the water-line, and they struck where the rams were either heavily plated or protected with a layer of cotton bales.

Experienced naval men are of the opinion that the same number of shots, at the same distance, directed near or below the waterline, would have sent every one of the rebel crafts to the bottom.

The deserter reported that the rebel fleet lay off Ft. Pillow yesterday, busily engaged in repairing the damage received, faithfully promising to return in exactly 48 hours, and whip us most handsomely.  They may for once in their lives prove as good as their word, and come up to-day, and make a second desperate attempt, for no one supposes that anything but a most critical condition on their part could induce them to come out in this manner.  Farragut in the rear, Commander Davis in front, Curtis on the east, and the swamps of Arkansas on the west, are enough to make the most cowardly desperate.

An officer of the Union flotilla went out in a skiff on Friday afternoon, within sight of the rebels, and remained for more than an hour taking observations.  His report to the commander confirms the state of the activity in their fleet, and the fact that their rams were not sunk in the late engagement.

The rebels in the late fight were provided with an apparatus for throwing hot water, and actually tried it on the Cincinnati.  The bursting of their hose only prevented great havoc among the Union crew.  This bursting of the scalding concern probably gave rise to the idea that the rebels had collapsed a flue.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 16, 1862, p. 2

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, May 15.

SENATE. – Mr. Wade presented petitions in favor of confiscation.

Mr. Grimes presented a petition for a ship canal from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi river.

Mr. Wade from the committee on Territories, reported back the House bill to provide for the temporary government of Arizona.

Mr. Wilkinson, from the same committee, reported back a bill to amend the act for the government of Colorado.  The bill makes the Governor’s veto qualified instead of absolute.  The bill was passed.

Mr. Brown, from the same committee, reported back the House bill to secure freedom to the people of the territories, with an amendment which changes the language of the bill to that of the ordinance of 1787.

Report agreed to 24 against 13.

A message was received from the President, recording a vote of thanks to Col. [sic] Farragut and other officers in his expedition.

A resolution was offered calling on the Secretary of the Navy, for the number of iron-clad gunboats under contract, their armaments, and when they will be ready for service.  Laid on the table.

Mr. Harris offered a resolution asking the Secretary of State what were the rights and obligations of the United States and Great Britain, in regard to the maintenance of armament on the Northern lakes.  Laid over.

A message was received from the House announcing the death of G. F. Bailey, of Mass. Mr. Sumner paid a brief tribute to his worth.  The customary resolutions were passed.

Adjourned.

On motion of Mr. Felton the House proceeded to the consideration of the bill introduced by him for the adjudication of claims for loss or destruction of property belonging to loyal citizens and the damaged done thereto by the troops of the United States, during the present rebellion.  The bill provides for the appointment, by the President, of three commissioners, together with a clerk and marshal.  The commissioners are prohibited from taking cognizance of claims for slaves, while the bill is guaranteed to prevent disloyal citizens from being benefited by the act.  The claims ascertained are to be reported to Congress, so that provision may be made for their relief.

Mr. Fenton said this bill had been maturely considered by the committee on claims, and was based on the principles of equity and justice.  While sincerely desirous of indemnifying Union men for the loss they had sustained, he was anxious that Congress should pass a confiscation bill, denouncing special pains and penalties against the leaders of the rebellion, who, having plundered loyal men and sequestered their estates [should] not escape punishment.  Their property and substance should be used to pay the expenses incidental to the suppression of this most wicked and causeless rebellion.

Mr. Webster moved an amendment, making it the duty of the commissioners to take cognizance of the losses of slaves, which the bill as reported prohibits.

Mr. Morrill, of Vermont, moved the postponement of the bill till Monday week. – The bill should be maturely considered, as it involves the expenditure of one hundred thousand dollars, and if passed, might [supersede] the court of claims.

Mr. Fenton explained that all adjudicated claims have to be reported to Congress, which is to control the appropriation.

Mr. Morrill’s motion was adopted.

House passed the senate bill authorizing the appointment of medical storekeepers for the army and hospital chaplains.

Among the measures passed are the following: The Senate bill setting apart ten per cent. of the taxes paid by the colored persons, to be appropriated for the education of colored children of the District; the Senate bill requiring the oath of allegiance to be administered to persons offering to vote, whose loyalty shall be challenged, and the House bill requiring the oath of allegiance to be taken by attorneys and solicitors in courts within the District of Columbia.

Mr. Potter, from the conference committee on the homestead bill, made a report, which was adopted.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, May 16, 1862, p. 1

How New Orleans was Taken

The following graphic account, and the only one we have seen of the taking of the city of New Orleans, was transmitted by telegraph on Monday from Cairo to the Chicago Tribune:–

A gentleman who left New Orleans on the 29th ult., o the last train which departed, under Confederate auspices, arrived at Cairo this evening on the Diligent.  The Federals took possession on Thursday at 2 P. M.  On that morning at half-past 3 the Hartford, Richmond, Brookland, and five gunboats passed Forts St. Philip and Jackson, and steamed to the city without being fired at, except at a point called Chalmetto.  At the time of the passage there were eight or ten Confederate steamers above the fort without steam up, and the crews asleep.  When the Federal boats hove in sight, the Confederates set fire to these and blew up the splendid gunboat Louisiana, without firing a shot.  During the bombardment, several of our vessels were badly damaged.  When they passed the forts three were lashed together, so that if one was disabled the others could cut loose and proceed on their way.  In this manner they succeeded in passing.

As soon as the rumor of the passage of the forts reached New Orleans, there was a tremendous consternation in the city.  The authorities immediately set fire to the transports, and two gunboats lying at the levee, a few steamers belonging to the tributaries of the Mississippi, fled crowded with the citizens, up the Arkansas, Red, White, Ouachita, and Yazoo Rivers.  Every dray and vehicle suitable for the service, was impressed by the authorities to carry cotton, sugar and molasses to the levee, where they were piled and burned.  All military stores where removed to the depot of the New Orleans and Jackson Railroad, except the powder, which was thrown into the river.  The conflagration was tremendous, and the sky for several miles was lurid with flame.  The smoke was so thick as to completely darken the atmosphere.

Disorganized Confederate troops in companies and parts of companies fled in wild disorder to the depot to seek a passage to Ponchartulas, fifty miles in the interior, where the military rendezvous was located.  The negroes stole molasses and sugar from the levee, and women and children could be seen in great numbers rolling barrels of sweets over the pavements to their huts in the suburbs.  The streets were so slippery with the drippings that the cab horses could hardly stand upright.

While affairs were in this confusion, the eight Federal frigates and gunboats in firing trim, topmast, guns shotted and run out of the port holes, and the stars and stripes flying from every masthead, anchored on at the foot of each principal street leading to the river, the Hartford, with Com. Farragut’s blue pennant flying from her foretop, taking her position at the foot of Canal street.  After the ships were in position, Capt. Bayless, second in command of the gulf squadron, in a pinnance, unattended and alone, landed on the levee.  Just before him a man stood at the levee with a loaded pistol, and threatened to shoot him if he stepped his foot upon the shore without a flag of truce.  Capt. B. pulled out a white handkerchief and waving it, stepped upon the levee and proceeded directly to the city Hall through a crowd of full twenty-five-thousand men, women and children.  This act of bravery elicited a shout of admiration form the vast assemblage.  He called upon the Mayor, presented a dispatch from Commodore Farragut, and demanded the surrender of the city.  He required the Louisiana State flag to be lowered, and the Stars and Stripes to be hoisted upon the Mint, Custom House, and all the public buildings.  The Mayor informed him that the city was under martial law, that Maj. Lovell was in command, and that he, the Mayor, had no authority to act in the premises.  At this juncture, Gen. Lovell appeared, refused to surrender the city, but offered to withdraw his forces and surrender his authority to the civil authorities.  The Mayor then told Capt. Bayles that he would convene a session of the Common Council that evening, and send an answer to the Commodore’s dispatch in the morning.  The answer, as promised was returned the next day.

On Tuesday the 28th, 500 marines landed with a few small brass pieces and marched to the City Hall, demanded to be shown to the top of the building, hauled down the State flag, which a marine rolled up and carried off under his arm, and then proceeded to the Custom House, where the remains of two hundred gun carriages were still burning, hoisted the National Emblem, left a guard to protect it, and returned to the gunboat.

The day previous forts St. Philip and Jackson had surrendered, their own men spiking the guns and refusing to fight longer.  In consequence of this mutiny, General Duncan was compelled to raise the white flag and surrender the fort.  Gen. Duncan and all his officers were released upon their parole and allowed to retain their side arms.  The former came up to the City Hall and made a speech in which he counseled the people not to despair, everything would come out right yet.

The fort having surrendered, the way was clear for transports, which at the same time our informant left were expected.  Order was re-established in the city, shops were being opened, but the St. Charles and principal hotels remained closed, more in consequence of the currency and the scarcity of provisions than from any fear of the Federal soldiers.

Considerable apprehension was felt that the lower classes, Spanish, French, Germans, and foreigners generally, taking advantage of the disorganized condition of the city, might commit excess, and plunder the citizens, the inhabitants were more fearful of these than of the Federals.  Confederate scrip was still current, but prices of provisions were enormously high.

The day after the gunboats arrived, two of them steamed up the river to Baton Rouge, hoisted the U. S. flag on the capital building and arsenal, and captured two steamers for transport service.  Thousands of people were constantly on the levee, gazing at the gunboats and soldiers, towards whom they manifested no ill will or bitterness of filling.

Our informant passed through Gen. Lovell’s camp at a point called Songapoa, about 125 miles north of New Orleans, on the New Orleans and Jackson railroad.  Munitions of war, troops, provisions, &c., were lying about on the utmost confusion.  They were intending to join Gen. Beauregard at Corinth.  People by the thousands were leaving Vicksburg and Natchez for Jackson, which place was crowded to over flowing. – There was an alarming scarcity of provisions.  Our informant reached Memphis on the 2d inst., and left on the morning of the 5th, for a point on the Memphis and Ohio Railroad, 14 miles south of Humboldt, just before dispatches were received confirming reports that six thousand troops had landed at New Orleans.  The citizens of Memphis were satisfied that upon the first determined attack on Ft. Pillow it would surrender.  On the Hatchee river, below Ft. Pillow, and twenty-five from its mouth, an Aid-de Camp of Gen. Beauregard is superintending the construction of a pontoon bridge, to facilitate the retreat of troops from the Fort, in case an evacuation becomes necessary.  Our informant thinks, that if, on the consummation of that event a gunboat will run up the Hatchee river, it will be able to destroy the bridge and cut of their retreat.

A mile and a half below Memphis, 4,000 bales of cotton are piled ready for the torch, as soon as the fall of Ft. Pillow is ascertained; there are also several thousand hogsheads of sugar and molasses ready to be rolled into the river.  There is no telegraph from the Fort, and if, on the occupation; a gunboat will steam directly towards Memphis, then anchor opposite the pile, the entire lot can be secured from the station on the railroad.  When our informant left, he went by land to within fourteen miles of the Mississippi, to a point twenty miles above Ft. Pillow.  By this means he evaded the Confederate pickets and reached the river in a dug-out through the backwater.  On his way thither he passed hundreds of deserters from the Confederate army.  On the 10th he reached the encampment of the 47th Indiana, at Tiptonville, and reported to Col. Slack, Commandant.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, May 14, 1862, p. 2