Diary of William Howard Russell: May 12, 1861

I was busy making arrangements to get to Pensacola, and Fort Pickens, all day. The land journey was represented as being most tedious and exceedingly comfortless in all respects, through a waste of sand, in which we ran the chance of being smothered or lost. And then I had set my mind on seeing Fort Pickens as well as Pensacola, and it would be difficult, to say the least of it, to get across from an enemy's camp to the Federal fortress, and then return again. The United States squadron blockaded the port of Pensacola, but I thought it likely they would permit me to run in to visit Fort Pickens, and that the Federals would allow me to sail thence across to General Bragg, as they might be assured I would not communicate any information of what I had seen in my character as neutral to any but the journal in Europe, which I represented, and in the interests of which I was bound to see and report all that I could as to the state of both parties. It was, at all events, worth while to make the attempt, and after a long search I heard of a schooner which was ready for the voyage at a reasonable rate, all things considered.

Mr. Forsyth asked, if I had any objection to take with me three gentlemen of Mobile, who were anxious to be of the party, as they wanted to see their friends at Pensacola, where it was believed a “fight” was to come off immediately. Since I came South I have seen the daily announcement that “Braxton Bragg is ready,” and his present state of preparation must be beyond all conception. But here was a difficulty. I told Mr. Forsyth that I could not possibly assent to any persons coming with me who were not neutrals, or prepared to adhere to the obligations of neutrals. There was a suggestion that I should say these gentlemen were my friends, but as I had only seen two of them on board the steamer yesterday, I could not accede to that idea. “Then if you are asked if Mr. Ravesies is your friend, you will say he is not.” “Certainly.” “But surely you don't wish to have Mr. Ravesies hanged?” “No, I do not, and I shall do nothing to cause him to be hanged; but if he meets that fate by his own act, I can't help it. I will not allow him to accompany me under false pretences.”

At last it was agreed that Mr. Ravesies and his friends, Mr. Bartre and Mr. Lynes, being in no way employed by or connected with the Confederate Government, should have a place in the little schooner which we had picked out at the quayside and hired for the occasion, and go on the voyage with the plain understanding that they were to accept all the consequences of being citizens of Mobile.

Mr. Forsyth, Mr. Ravesies, and a couple of gentlemen dined with me in the evening. After dinner., Mr. Forsyth, who, as mayor of the town, is the Executive of the Vigilance Committee, took a copy of “Harper's Illustrated Paper,” which is a very poor imitation of the “London Illustrated News,” and called my attention to the announcement that Mr. Moses, their special artist, was travelling with me in the South, as well as to an engraving, which purported to be by Moses aforesaid. I could only say that I knew nothing of the young designer, except what he told me, and that he led me to believe he was furnishing sketches to the “London News.” As he was in the hotel, though he did not live with me, I sent for him, and the young gentleman, who was very pale and agitated on being shown the advertisement and sketch, declared that he had renounced all connection with Harper, that he was sketching for the “Illustrated London News,” and that the advertisement was contrary to fact, and utterly unknown to him; and so he was let go forth, and retired uneasily. After dinner I went to the Bienville Club. “Rule No. 1” is, “No gentleman shall be admitted in a state of intoxication.” The club very social, very small, and very hospitable.

Later paid my respects to Mrs. Forsyth, whom I found anxiously waiting for news of her young son, who had gone off to join the Confederate Army. She told me that nearly all the ladies in Mobile are engaged in making cartridges, and in preparing lint or clothing for the army. Not the smallest fear is entertained for the swarming black population.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 197-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 25, 1861

Yesterday Fort Pickens opened fire on our batteries at Pensacola, but without effect. One of their ships was badly crippled.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 95

Diary of Gideon Welles: September 16, 1862

Chase called on me this morning. Wishes a secret concerted attack on Richmond. Says Stanton will furnish 10,000 men. Told him we would do all that could be expected of the Navy in a sudden movement, but doubted if a military expedition could be improvised as speedily and decisively as he supposed. He thought it could certainly be effected in six days. I told him to try. We would have a naval force ready in that tune, though not so large and powerful as I would wish; but we would do our part.

Chase tells me that Harrington, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, was at Fortress Monroe last Thursday and heard Bankhead, who commands the Minnesota, say that the Government was a poor affair, that the Administration was inefficient, that it is time the politicians were cleared out of Washington and the army in power. Harrington called subsequently and confirmed the statement, — less strong perhaps in words but about as offensive. I requested him to reduce his statement to writing.

At the Executive Mansion, the Secretary of State informed us there was to be no Cabinet-meeting. He was authorized by the President to communicate the fact. Smith said it would be as well, perhaps, to postpone the Cabinet-meetings altogether and indefinitely, — there seemed no use latterly for our coming together. Others expressed corresponding opinions. Seward turned off, a little annoyed.

An unfavorable impression is getting abroad in regard to the President and the Administration, not without reason, perhaps, which prompted Smith and others to express their minds freely. There is really very little of a government here at this time, so far as most of the Cabinet are concerned; certainly but little consultation in this important period. Seward, when in Washington, spends more or less of each day with the President, absorbs his attention, and I fear to an extent influences his action not always wisely. The President has good sense, intelligence, and an excellent heart, but is sadly perplexed and distressed by events. He, to an extent, distrusts his own administrative ability and experience. Seward, instead of strengthening and fortifying him, encourages this self-distrust, but is not backward in giving his own judgment and experience, which are often defective expedients, to guide the Executive. A conviction of this state of things stirred up Smith to make his remarks. The President has, I believe, sincere respect and regard for each and every member of the Cabinet, but Seward seeks, and has at times, influence, which is sometimes harmful. The President would often do better without him, were he to follow his own instincts, or were he to consult all his advisers in council. He would find his own opinions confirmed and be convinced that Seward's suggestions are frequently unwise and weak and temporizing. No one attempts to obtrude himself, or warn the President, or even to suggest to him that others than S. should be consulted on some of the important measures of the Government. In fact, they are not informed of some of the measures which are of general interest until they see them in operation, or hear of them from others. Chase is much chafed by these things, and endeavors, and to some extent succeeds, in also getting beside the President, and obtaining information of what is going forward. But this only excites and stimulates Seward, who has the inside track and means to keep it. The President is unsuspicious, or apparently so; readily gives his ear to suggestions from any one. Only one of his Cabinet, however, has manifested a disposition to monopolize his attention; but the discussion of important measures is sometimes checked almost as soon as introduced, and, without any consultation, or without being again brought forward, they are disposed of, the Secretary of State alone having had sometimes certainly a view, or ear, or eye in the matter. He alone has abbreviated general consultation in many cases. With greater leisure than most of the Cabinet officers, unless it be Smith of the Interior, he runs to the President two or three times a day, gets his ear, gives him his tongue, makes himself interesting by anecdotes, and artfully contrives with Stanton's aid to dispose of measures without action or give them direction independent of his associates. Under the circumstances, I perhaps am, latterly, as little interfered with as any one, though the duties of the State and Navy Departments run together; yet I am sometimes excessively annoyed and embarrassed by meddlesome intrusions and inconsiderate and unauthorized action by the Secretary of State. The Navy Department has, necessarily, greater intimacy, or connection, with the State Department than any other, for, besides international questions growing out of the blockade, our squadrons and commanders abroad come in contact with our ministers, consuls, and commercial agents, and each has intercourse with the Governments and representatives of other nations. Mutual understanding and cooperation are therefore essential and indispensable. But while I never attempt to direct the agents of the State Department, or think of it, or to meddle with affairs in the appropriate sphere of the Secretary of State, an entirely different course is pursued by him as regards the Navy and naval operations. He is anxious to direct, to be the Premier, the real Executive, and give away national rights as a favor. Since our first conflict, however, when he secretly interfered with the Sumter expedition and got up an enterprise to Pensacola, we have had no similar encounter; yet there has been an itching propensity on his part to have a controlling voice in naval matters with which he has no business, — which he really does not understand, — and he sometimes improperly interferes as in the disposition of mails on captured vessels. The Attorney-General has experienced similar improper interference, more than any other perhaps; none are exempt. But the Secretary of State, while meddlesome with others, is not at all communicative of the affairs of his own Department. Scarcely any important measures or even appointments of that Department are brought before us, except by the President himself or by his express direction. The consequence is that there is reticence by others and the Government is administered in a great measure by Departments. Seward is inquisitive and learns early what is doing by each of his associates, frequently before we meet in council, while the other Cabinet officers limit themselves to their provided duties and are sometimes wholly unadvised of his.

I have administered the Navy Department almost entirely independent of Cabinet consultation, and I may say almost without direction of the President, who not only gives me his confidence but intrusts all naval matters to me. This has not been my wish. Though glad to have his confidence, I should prefer that every important naval movement should pass a Cabinet review. To-day, for instance, Wilkes was given the appointment of Acting Rear-Admiral, and I have sent him off with a squadron to cruise in the West Indies. All this has been done without Cabinet consultation, or advice with any one, except Seward and the President. The detail and the reserve are at the instigation of Seward, who wished Wilkes, between whom and himself, since the Trent affair, there seems to be an understanding, to have a command, without specifying where. In due time our associates in the Cabinet will learn the main facts and infer that I withheld from them my orders. My instructions to our naval officers, — commanders of squadrons or single ships, — cruising on our blockade duty, have never been submitted to the Cabinet, though I have communicated them freely to each. I have never read but one of my letters of instructions to the President, and that was to Captain Mercer of the Powhatan in command of the naval expedition to Sumter a few weeks after I entered upon my duties, and those instructions were, covertly, set aside and defeated by Seward.

So in regard to each and all the Departments; if I have known of their regulations and instructions, much of it has not been in Cabinet consultations. Seward beyond any and all others is responsible for this state of things. It has given him individual power, but often at the expense of good administration.

In everything relating to military operations by land, General Scott first, then McClellan, then Halleck, have directed and controlled. The Government was virtually in the hands of the General-in-Chief, so far as armies and military operations were concerned. The Administration had no distinct military policy, was permitted to have none. The President was generally advised and consulted, but Seward was the special confidant of General Scott, was more than any one of McClellan, and, in conjunction with Stanton, of Halleck. With wonderful kindness of heart and deference to others, the President, with little self-esteem and unaffected modesty, has permitted this and in a great measure has surrendered to military officers prerogatives intrusted to himself. The mental qualities of Seward are almost the precise opposite of the President. He is obtrusive and never reserved or diffident of his own powers, is assuming and presuming, meddlesome, and uncertain, ready to exercise authority always, never doubting his right until challenged; then he becomes timid, uncertain, distrustful, and inventive of schemes to extricate himself, or to change his position. He is not particularly scrupulous in accomplishing an end, nor so mindful of what is due to others as would be expected of one who aims to be always courteous towards equals. The President he treats with a familiarity that sometimes borders on disrespect. The President, though he observes this ostentatious presumption, never receives it otherwise than pleasantly, but treats it as a weakness in one to whom he attributes qualities essential to statesmanship, whose pliability is pleasant, and whose ready shrewdness he finds convenient and acceptable.

With temperaments so constituted and so unlike it is not surprising that the obsequious affability and ready assumption of the subordinate presumed on and to an extent influenced the really superior intellect of the principal, and made himself in a degree the centralizing personage. While the President conceded to the Secretary of State almost all that he assumed, not one of his colleagues made that concession. They treated his opinions respectfully, but as no better than the opinions of others, except as they had merit; and his errors they exposed and opposed as they deserved. One or two have always been ready to avail themselves of the opportunity. In the early days of the Administration the Cabinet officers were absorbed by labors and efforts to make themselves familiar with their duties, so as rightly to discharge them. Those duties were more onerous and trying, in consequence of the overthrow of old parties and the advent of new men and new organizations, with the great rupture that was going on in the Government, avowedly to destroy it, than had ever been experienced by any of their predecessors.

Whilst the other members of the Cabinet were absorbed in familiarizing themselves with their duties and in preparing for impending disaster, the Secretary of State, less apprehensive of disaster, spent a considerable portion of every day with the President, patronizing and instructing him, hearing and telling anecdotes, relating interesting details of occurrences in the Senate, and inculcating his political party notions. I think he has no very profound or sincere convictions. Cabinet-meetings, which should, at that exciting and interesting period, have been daily, were infrequent, irregular, and without system. The Secretary of State notified his associates when the President desired a meeting of the heads of Departments. It seemed unadvisable to the Premier — as he liked to be called and considered — that the members should meet often, and they did not. Consequently there was very little concerted action.

At the earlier meetings there was little or no formality; the Cabinet-meetings were a sort of privy council or gathering of equals, much like a Senatorial caucus, where there was no recognized leader and the Secretary of State put himself in advance of the President. No seats were assigned or regularly taken. The Secretary of State was invariably present some little time before the Cabinet assembled and from his former position as the chief executive of the largest State in the Union, as well as from his recent place as a Senator, and from his admitted experience and familiarity with affairs, assumed, and was allowed, as was proper, to take the lead in consultations and also to give tone and direction to the manner and mode of proceedings. The President, if he did not actually wish, readily acquiesced in, this. Mr. Lincoln, having never had experience in administering the Government, State or National, deferred to the suggestions and course of those who had. Mr. Seward was not slow in taking upon himself to prescribe action and doing most of the talking, without much regard to the modest chief, but often to the disgust of his associates, particularly Mr. Bates, who was himself always courteous and respectful, and to the annoyance of Mr. Chase, who had, like Mr. Seward, experience as a chief magistrate. Discussions were desultory and without order or system, but in the summing-up and conclusions the President, who was a patient listener and learner, concentrated results, and often determined questions adverse to the Secretary of State, regarding him and his opinions, as he did those of his other advisers, for what they were worth and generally no more. But the want of system and free communication among all as equals prevented that concert and comity which is really strength to an administration.

Each head of a Department took up and managed the affairs which devolved upon him as he best could, frequently without consulting his associates, and as a consequence without much knowledge of the transactions of other Departments, but as each consulted with the President, the Premier, from daily, almost hourly, intercourse with him, continued, if not present at these interviews, to ascertain the doings of each and all, though himself imparting but little of his own course to any. Great events of a general character began to impel the members to assemble daily, and sometimes General Scott was present, and occasionally Commodore Stringham; at times others were called in. The conduct of affairs during this period was awkward and embarrassing. After a few weeks the members, without preconcert, expressed a wish to be better advised on subjects for which they were all measurably responsible to the country. The Attorney-General expressed his dissatisfaction with these informal proceedings and advised meetings on stated days for general and current affairs, and hoped, when there was occasion, special calls would be made. The Secretary of State alone dissented, hesitated, doubted, objected, thought it inexpedient, said all had so much to do that we could not spare the time; but the President was pleased with the suggestion, if he did not prompt it, and concurred with the rest of the Cabinet.

The form of proceeding was discussed; Mr. Seward thought that would take care of itself. Some suggestions were made in regard to important appointments which had been made by each head of Department, the Secretary of State taking the lead in selecting high officials without general consultation. There seemed an understanding between the Secretaries of State and Treasury, who had charge of the most important appointments, of which understanding the President was perhaps cognizant. Chase had extensive patronage, Seward appointments of high character. The two arranged that each should make his own selection of subordinates. These two men had political aspirations which did not extend to their associates (with perhaps a single exception that troubled neither). Chase thought he was fortifying himself by this arrangement, but he often was overreached, and the arrangement was one of the mistakes of his life.

Without going farther into details, the effect, and probably the intention, of these proceedings in those early days was to dwarf the President and elevate the Secretary of State. The latter also circumscribed the sphere of [the former] so far as he could. Many of the important measures, particularly of his own Department, he managed to dispose of, or contrived to have determined, independent of the Cabinet.

My early collision with him in some complications connected with the Sumter and Pensacola expeditions, when he was so flagrantly wrong as to be overruled by the President, caused us to get along thenceforward without serious difficulties, though, our duties being intimate, we were often brought together and had occasional disagreements.

Between Seward and Chase there was perpetual rivalry and mutual but courtly distrust. Each was ambitious. Both had capacity. Seward was supple and dexterous; Chase was clumsy and strong. Seward made constant mistakes, but recovered with a facility that was wonderful and almost always without injury to himself; Chase committed fewer blunders, but persevered in them when made, often to his own serious detriment. In the fevered condition of public opinion, the aims and policies of the [two] were strongly developed. Seward, who had sustained McClellan and came to possess, more than any one else in the Cabinet, his confidence, finally yielded to Stanton's vehement demands and acquiesced in his sacrifice. Chase, from an original friend and self-constituted patron of McC., became disgusted, alienated, an implacable enemy, denouncing McClellan as a coward and military imbecile. In all this he was stimulated by Stanton, and the victim of Seward, who first supplanted him with McC. and then gave up McC. to appease Stanton and public opinion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 130-9

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 10, 1861

To-day I devoted to packing up such things as I did not require, and sending them to New York. I received a characteristic note from General Scott, asking me to dine with him to-morrow, and apologizing for the shortness of his invitation, which arose from his only having just heard that I was about to leave so soon for the South. The General is much admired by his countrymen, though they do not spare some “amiable weaknesses;” but, in my mind, he can only be accused of a little vanity, which is often found in characters of the highest standard. He likes to display his reading, and is troubled with a desire to indulge in fine writing. Some time ago he wrote a long letter to the “National Intelligencer,” in which he quoted Shakespeare and Paley to prove that President Buchanan ought to have garrisoned the forts at Charleston and Pensacola, as he advised him to do; and he has been the victim of poetic aspirations. The General’s dinner hour was early; and when I arrived at his modest lodgings, which, however, were in the house of a famous French cook, I found a troop of mounted volunteers of the district, parading up and down the street. They were not bad of their class, and the horses, though light, were active, hardy, and spirited; but the men put on their uniforms badly, wore long hair, their coats and buttons and boots were unbrushed, and the horses' coats and accoutrements bore evidence of neglect. The General, who wore an undress blue frock-coat, with eagle-covered brass buttons, and velvet collar and cuffs, was with Mr. Seward and Mr. Bates, the Attorney-General, and received me very courteously. He was interrupted by cheering from the soldiers in the street, and by clamors for “General Scott.” He moves with difficulty, owing to a fall from his horse, and from the pressure of increasing years; and he evidently would not have gone out if he could have avoided it. But there is no privacy for public men in America.

But the General went to them, and addressed a few words to his audience in the usual style about “rallying round,” and “dying gloriously,” and “old flag of our country,” and all that kind of thing; after which, the band struck up “Yankee Doodle.” Mr. Seward called, out, “General, make them play the ‘Star-Spangled Banner,’ and ‘Hail Columbia.’” And so I was treated to the strains of the old bacchanalian chant, “When Bibo,” &c, which the Americans have impressed to do duty as a national air. Then came an attempt to play “God save the Queen,” which I duly appreciated as a compliment; and then followed dinner, which did credit to the cook, and wine, which was most excellent, from France, Spain, and Madeira. The only addition to our party was Major Cullum, aide-de-camp to General Scott, an United States' engineer, educated at West Point. The General underwent a little badinage about the phrase “a hasty plate of soup,” which he used in one of his despatches during the Mexican War, and he appealed to me to decide whether it was so erroneous or ridiculous as Mr. Seward insisted. I said I was not a judge, but certainly similar liberal usage of a well-known figure of prosody might be found to justify the phrase. The only attendants at table were the General's English valet and a colored servant; and the table apparatus which bore such good things was simple and unpretending. Of course the conversation was of a general character, and the General, evidently picking out his words with great precision, took the lead in it, telling anecdotes of great length, graced now and then with episodes, and fortified by such episodes as — “Bear with me, dear sir, for a while, that I may here diverge from the main current of my story, and proceed to mention a curious” &c, and so on.

To me his conversation was very interesting, particularly that portion which referred to his part in the last war, where he was wounded and taken prisoner. He gave an account of the Battle of Chippewa, which was, he said, fought on true scientific principles; and in the ignorance common to most Englishmen of reverses to their arms, I was injudicious enough, when the battle was at its height, and whole masses of men were moving in battalions and columns over the table, to ask how many were engaged. The General made the most of his side: “We had, sir, twenty-one hundred and seventy-five men in the field.” He told us how, when the British men-of-war provoked general indignation in Virginia by searching American vessels for deserters in the Chesapeake, the State of Virginia organized a volunteer force to guard the shores, and, above all things, to prevent the country people sending down supplies to the vessels, in pursuance of the orders of the Legislature and Governor. Young Scott, then reading for the bar, became corporal of a troop of these patrols. One night, as they were on duty by the banks of the Potomac, they heard a boat with muffled oars coming rapidly down the river, and soon saw her approaching quite close to the shore under cover of the trees. When she was abreast of the troopers, Scott challenged “What boat is that?””It's His Majesty's ship ‘Leopard,’ and what the d----- is that to you? Give way, my lads!” “I at once called on him to surrender,” said the General, “and giving the word to charge, we dashed into the water. Fortunately, it was not deep, and the midshipman in charge, taken by surprise by a superior force, did not attempt to resist us. We found the boat manned by four sailors, and filled with vegetables and other supplies, and took possession of it; and I believe it is the first instance of a man-of-war's boat being captured by cavalry. The Legislature of Virginia, however, did not approve of the capture, and the officer was given up accordingly.

“Many years afterwards, when I visited Europe, I happened to be dining at the hospitable mansion of Lord Holland, and observed during the banquet that a gentleman at table was scrutinizing my countenance in a manner indicative of some special curiosity. Several times, as my eye wandered in his direction, I perceived that he had been continuing his investigations, and at length I rebuked him by a continuous glance. After dinner, this gentleman came round to me and said, ‘General Scott, I hope you will pardon my rudeness in staring at you, but the fact is that you bear a most remarkable resemblance to a great overgrown, clumsy country fellow of the same name, who took me prisoner in my boat when I was a midshipman in the “Chesapeake,” at the head of a body of mounted men. He was, I remember quite well, Corporal Scott.’ ‘That Corporal Scott, sir, and the individual who addresses you, are identical one with the other.’ The officer whose acquaintance I thus so auspiciously renewed, was Captain Fox, a relation of Lord Holland, and a post-captain in the British navy.”

Whilst he was speaking, a telegraphic despatch was brought in, which the General perused with evident uneasiness. He apologized to me for reading it by saying the despatch was from the President on Cabinet business, and then handed it across the table to Mr. Seward. The Secretary read it, and became a little agitated, and raised his eyes inquiringly to the General's face, who only shook his head. Then the paper was given to Mr. Bates, who read it, and gave a grunt, as it were, of surprise. The General took back the paper, read it twice over, and then folded it up and put it in his pocket. “You had better not put it there, General,” interposed Mr. Seward; “it will be getting lost, or in some other hands.” And so the General seemed to think, for he immediately threw it into the fire, before which certain bottles of claret were gently mellowing.

The communication was evidently of a very unpleasant character. In order to give the Ministers opportunity for a conference, I asked Major Cullum to accompany me into the garden, and lighted a cigar. As I was walking about in the twilight, I observed two figures at the end of the little enclosure, standing as if in concealment close to the wall. Major Cullum said, “The men you see are sentries I have thought it expedient to place there for the protection of the General. The villains might assassinate him, and would do it in a moment if they could. He would not hear of a guard, nor anything of the sort, so, without his knowing it, I have sentries posted all round the house all night. This was a curious state of things for the commander of the American army, in the midst of a crowded city, the capital of the free and enlightened Republic, to be placed in! On our return to the sitting-room, the conversation was continued some hour or so longer. I retired with Mr. Seward in his carriage. As we were going up Pennsylvania Avenue — almost lifeless at that time — I asked Mr. Seward whether he felt quite secure against any irruption from Virginia, as it was reported that one Ben McCullough, the famous Texan desperado, had assembled 500 men at Richmond for some daring enterprise: some said to carry off the President, cabinet, and all. He replied that, although the capital was almost defenceless, it must be remembered that the bold bad men who were their enemies were equally unprepared for active measures of aggression.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 72-5

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: October 16, 1861

We had a pleasant evening. While N. read the papers we were knitting for the soldiers. An account is given of some small successes. Our men, near Pensacola, have broken up the camp of “Billy Wilson's Zouaves,” of which we have heard so much; and Captain Hollins of the navy has broken the blockade at New Orleans, sunk the “Vincennes,” and captured a sloop, without the least damage to himself and men. Rosecranz has retreated before our men at Big Sewell Mountain. For these things we desire to be truly grateful, without rejoicing in the misfortunes of our enemies, except as they tend to the welfare of our invaded and abused country.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 68-9

Diary of William Howard Russell: March 23, 1861

It is announced positively that the authorities in Pensacola and Charleston have refused to allow any further supplies to be sent to Fort Pickens, the United States fleet in the Gulf, and to Fort Sumter. Everywhere the Southern leaders are forcing on a solution with decision and energy, whilst the Government appears to be helplessly drifting with the current of events, having neither bow nor stern, neither keel nor deck, neither rudder, compass, sails, or steam. Mr. Seward has declined to receive or hold any intercourse with the three gentlemen called Southern Commissioners, who repaired to Washington accredited by the Government and Congress of the Seceding States now sitting at Montgomery, so that there is no channel of mediation or means of adjustment left open. I hear, indeed, that Government is secretly preparing what force it can to strengthen the garrison at Pickens, and to reinforce Sumter at any hazard; but that its want of men, ships, and money compels it to temporize, lest the Southern authorities should forestall their designs by a vigorous attack on the enfeebled forts.

There is, in reality, very little done by New York to support or encourage the Government in any decided policy, and the journals are more engaged now in abusing each other, and in small party aggressive warfare, than in the performance of the duties of a patriotic press, whose mission at such a time is beyond all question the resignation of little differences for the sake of the whole country, and an entire devotion to its safety, honor, and integrity. But the New York people must have their intellectual drams every morning, and it matters little what the course of Government may be, so long as the aristocratic democrat can be amused by ridicule of the Great Rail Splitter, or a vivid portraiture of Mr. Horace Greeley's old coat, hat, breeches, and umbrella. The coarsest personalities are read with gusto, and attacks of a kind which would not have been admitted into the “Age” or “Satirist” in their worst days, form the staple leading articles of one or two of the most largely circulated journals in the city. “Slang” in its worst Americanized form is freely used in sensation headings and leaders, and a class of advertisements which are not allowed to appear in respectable English papers, have possession of columns of the principal newspapers, few, indeed, excluding them. It is strange, too, to see in journals which profess to represent the civilization and intelligence of the most enlightened and highly educated people on the face of the earth, advertisements of sorcerers, wizards, and fortunetellers by the score — “wonderful clairvoyants,” “the seventh child of a seventh child,” “mesmeristic necromancers,” and the like, who can tell your thoughts as soon as you enter the room, can secure the affections you prize, give lucky numbers in lotteries, and make everybody's fortunes but their own. Then there are the most impudent quack programmes — very doubtful “personals” addressed to “the young lady with black hair and blue eyes, who got out of the omnibus at the corner of 7th Street” — appeals by “a lady about to be confined” to “any respectable person who is desirous of adopting a child:” all rather curious reading for a stranger, or for a family.

It is not to be expected, of course, that New York is a very pure city, for more than London or Paris it is the sewer of nations. It is a city of luxury also — French and Italian cooks and milliners, German and Italian musicians, high prices, extravagant tastes and dressing, money readily made, a life in, hotels, bar-rooms, heavy gambling, sporting, and prize-fighting flourish here, and combine to lower the standard of the bourgeoisie at all events. Where wealth is the sole aristocracy, there is great danger of mistaking excess and profusion for elegance and good taste. To-day as I was going down Broadway, some dozen or more of the most over-dressed men I ever saw were pointed out to me as “sports;” that is, men who lived by gambling-houses and betting on races; and the class is so numerous that it has its own influence, particularly at elections, when the power of a hard-hitting prize-fighter with a following makes itself unmistakably felt. Young America essays to look like martial France in mufti, but the hat and the coat suited to the Colonel of Carabiniers en retraite do not at all become the thin, tall, rather long-faced gentlemen one sees lounging about Broadway. It is true, indeed, the type, though not French, is not English. The characteristics of the American are straight hair, keen, bright, penetrating eyes, and want of color in the cheeks.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 26-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 23, 1861

To-day the President took the cars for Pensacola, where it had been said everything was in readiness for an assault on Fort Pickens. Military men said it could be taken, and Toombs, I think, said it ought to be taken. It would cost, perhaps, a thousand lives; but is it not the business of war to consume human life? Napoleon counted men as so much powder to be consumed; and he consumed millions in his career of conquest. But still he conquered, which he could not have done without the consumption of life. And is it not better to consume life rapidly, and attain results quickly, than to await events, when all history shows that a protracted war, of immobile armies, always engulfs more men in the grave from camp fevers than usually fall in battle during the most active operations in the field?

To-day I saw Col. Bartow, who has the bearing and eye of a gallant officer. He was attended by a young man named Lamar, of fine open countenance, whom he desired to have as his aid; but the regulations forbid any one acting in that capacity who was not a lieutenant; and Lamar not being old enough to have a commission, he said he would attend the colonel as a volunteer aid till he attained the prescribed age. I saw Ben McCulloch, also — an unassuming but elastic and brave man. He will make his mark. Also Capt. McIntosh, who goes to the West. I think I saw him in 1846, in Paris, at the table of Mr. King, our Minister; but I had no opportunity to ask him. He is all enthusiasm, and will rise with honor or fall with glory. And here I beheld for the first time Wade Hampton; resolved to abandon all the comforts of his great wealth, and encounter the privations of the tented field in behalf of his menaced country.

Arkansas and Tennessee, as I predicted, have followed the example of Virginia and North Carolina; and I see evidence daily in the mass of correspondence, that Missouri and Kentucky will follow in good time.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 40-1

Diary of Josephine Shaw Lowell: November 30, 1861

All has been quiet for the last fortnight, but now we hear reports of a bombardment of Pensacola. They come through the Rebels and so we have no reasons for believing them, and great ones for not believing them. We must wait for reliable information.

An order has been issued by Cameron to Gen. Sherman commanding him to use the negroes at Beaufort to pick the cotton and then to ship it to New York to be sold on account of the Government. Free cotton, I rather think, will be as good as slave. Who one short year ago would have imagined that we should have shiploads of cotton picked by paid negroes?

SOURCE: William Rhinelander Stewart, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell, p. 22

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S. Nealley Grimes, November 24, 1861

Washington, November 24, 1861.

I am now indebted to you for two letters, one of yesterday and one to-day; I am greatly indebted to you for them, and hope you will not fail to “keep up the fire.” I heard to-day the ablest discourse I think that I ever heard. I wish you could have heard it; it would have done your heart good. This evening I have been spending with Mr. Channing. He is a very pleasant man in private as well as in public. He has a full house of very intelligent auditors, and there is no flagging of interest among them.

I had a long letter from Captain Rodgers, of the United States steamer Wabash, giving an account of affairs at Port Royal. He is one of the most accomplished men I ever met, and is said to be the best executive officer in the navy. You remember what I always told you about Captain Du Pont. His success has answered my expectations. Captain Porter goes out shortly in command of an expedition against New Orleans.

Hale and Johnson are both gone, and I am “running the committee”¹ alone.

_______________

¹ Committee to inquire into the abandonment and destruction of tbe public property at Pensacola, Norfolk, and Harper's Ferry.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 159

From Washington

WASHINGTON, May 20.

Gen. Saxton arrived at Fort Monroe this morning, and goes to New York, this evening.  Most of the passengers will be in New York on Friday.

Voluminous dispatches were received from the Gulf today.  They related principally to the details of the recent movements connected with the capture of New Orleans.  The vessels of the fleet have been judiciously distributed, under Com. Lee, going up as far as Vicksburg, for purposes which it would be improper to state.  It appears from the documents that Commodore Farragut carried out his instructions to the letter and was ably and cheerfully sustained by all under his command.

On our forces occupying Pensacola, the Mayor promised that the citizens would behave themselves peacefully.  The rebels had evacuated the place on hearing that our steamers, the day before, were going to run into Mobile Bay, and that the squadron and mortar boats would soon follow.

Commander Porter left Ship Island on the 7th, with the steamer belonging to the mortar fleet, and the Rachel, for Mobile bar, for the purpose of fixing a place for the mortar boats to lie and plant buoys for the ships to run in by when they should arrive.

Great excitement is said to exist within the forts at the progress of the fleet. – There was reason to believe that Fort Gaines was evacuated, and that the troops there were leaving to reinforce Fort Morgan.

Special to Herald.

All here are filled with expectations of a great battle at Corinth and Battour’s Bridge before the week ends.  It is expected that these two battles will practically conclude the campaign, and leave nothing else to be done but to put down the guerilla fighting.

The recent proclamation of the President begins to give great satisfaction to all classes.  The conservatives are satisfied, and the ultras do not find fault.  It is manifest to all, that Mr. Lincoln has taken the bit in his teeth and intends to have his own way, Cabinet or no Cabinet.  The general impression here is, since the utterance of the proclamation, there is no one can approach 

Abraham Lincoln in popularity.  It is regarded as an evidence of unalterable firmness and true grit.

Special to Tribune.

A call is soon to be made upon the States for additional volunteers to the number of at least 100,000; careful inquiry has elicited the fact that our army is smaller than has been represented, even in official accounts numbering not 500,000 effective men.  This fresh force is to be mainly used as a reserve, to be stationed at convenient points to meet emergencies.

Times’ Special.

The subject of lake defences and lake commerce was very forcibly and fully presented this morning, at a meeting of the New York delegation in Congress, by the  Hon. Samuel B. Ruggles, who appeared in behalf of the State.  The principal topics discussed were the present undefended condition of the lakes and the great the and rapid growth of the commerce on these waters; also the vital importance of the cereal products of the States surrounding the lakes, in furnishing the elements of foreign commerce, and consequently in swelling the amount of duties on imports to be received in exchange.

The two cardinal measures growing out of these discussions, and which must occupy the attention of Congress, will be the opening of adequate canals from the eastern and western extremities of the lakes; the first to be effected by enlarging the locks in the Erie and Oswego canals, and the other by the enlargement of the canal from Chicago to Illinois river.  It is hoped that these great measures may be united as integral portions of hone harmonious system, permitting the passage throughout the line of mail-clad vessels sufficient for the defense of these great waters.

The World’s correspondence, under date of Baltimore Cross Roads, Va., 16 miles from Richmond, May 18th says: “I make a prophecy that Richmond is abandoned by the enemy without a fight, and that we occupy it within 48 hours.  If not all signs fail.  This is the advance division towards Richmond.

Cavalry are beyond at Bloton Bridge.  The enemy blew it up yesterday.  Little will it impede our progress, for the stream is narrow, the water but three feet deep and we can ford.

An effort will be made in the House to-morrow to adjourn from the 28th inst. Until the 2d of June, in order to enable members to visit their homes and give time for putting the hall in summer trim.  Those who favor the proposition that such arrangements will not delay business, as the house is far in advance of the Senate in this respect.  The House only contemplates a holiday.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 22, 1862, p. 1

The War News

Pensacola Navy Yard and Forts burnt down!

Fort Pickens Bombards the place during the Conflagration.

North Carolina Seceding back to the Union.

GOV. CLARKE ORDERING HOME ALL N. C. TROOPS.

Brag Commands at Corinth.

Proclamation by President Lincoln.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, May 20, 1862, p. 1

Large Arrival of Memphis Refugees at Cairo

A BAD SCARE AT MEMPHIS

__________

CAIRO, May 17, 1862.

The steamer Shingess has just arrived from below with thirty refugees from Memphis.  It is the same old story of impressments, outrage and flight.  The Union citizens are waiting, hoping and praying for the advent of the Union army.

A large number of the refugees also just arrived here to-day by the steamer Diligent.  They also report there are three or four hundred more on the way.  A number of them are men of families who have always been strong Union men, and have left their families behind rather than bear arms against the Federal Government.

Some of them are men of means, and well known in this community.  Thus they almost became intoxicated with joy when they landed here, saying they once more breathed the pure atmosphere of liberty.  One of them brings Memphis papers of the 13th, which contain the evacuation of Pensacola, also the surrender of Norfolk, and the burning of Memphis, which they say is a military necessity.  The Memphis Appeal has moved its office to Grenada, Miss., and for the present works its edition off on a small hand press, ready to leave whenever our fleet arrives at Memphis, which is momentarily expected.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, May 20, 1862, p. 2

Burning of the Pensacola Navy Yard

BEFORE CORINTH, Miss., May 18.

The Mobile Advertiser and Register contains the following:

PENSACOLA NAVY YARD, May 10.

At 12 o’clock last night the Pensacola Navy Yard and the Forts were set on fire and destroyed.

When the enemy discovered what was going on, Fort Pickens opened a furious bombardment and kept it up during the conflagration, and without doing damage to anybody.  At Pensacola all public property, excepting the Easton House, which was incapable of being burnt, was destroyed; but movable Confederate property has been saved.

The railroad track leading out of the city towards Montgomery was torn up this morning.

A Federal vessel, with a flag of truce, came up to the city, demanding a surrender.

Major Balbe refused to comply with the demand, but as all the military forces had left, he had no power to oppose.

The Federal officer replied they would occupy the city by to-morrow, but that the inhabitants need not be alarmed.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, May 20, 1862, p. 1

From Pensacola

Evacuation of Forts McRae and Barrancas – The People of Florida Coming to their Senses – A Loyal State Government to be Organized.

NEW YORK, March 30. – The Steamer Empire City, from Port Royal, has arrived.  The following is from the New South newspaper of the 22d:

Gen. Sherman visited Jacksonville on the 19th and was waited on by a committee of citizens, who represented that all in town were Unionists.  The rebels, when they left, threatened to hang all who remained.

Guerrilla bands were destroying the property of all suspected Unionists, by the orders of the rebel General Trapier.

The sentiment of eastern Florida is declared to by loyal.  Rebel deserters are numerous. – Many ware willing to take up arms against the rebel tyranny.  Our troops were treated hospitably.

The gunboat Ottowa [sic] has been 120 miles up St. Johns river, beyond Jacksonville, meeting with no opposition.  White flags were displayed and the inhabitants claimed protection.

The steamer St. Mary and the yacht America were found sunk, but we are raising them.

Pensacola has been evacuated, including Forts Barrancas and McRae.  The troops raised in Florida were ordered off by refused to go.

Gen. Sherman issued a proclamation to the people of East Florida, saying he came to protect loyal citizens and enable them to resuscitate a State government.  The sole desire of the Government is to maintain the integrity of the Constitution and laws, and reclaim the revolted States to their allegiance.

At a meeting of loyal citizens of Jacksonville, on the 20th, it was declared that no State has the constitutional right to separate from the United States, and that the act of secession by Florida is void and in conflict with the Constitution, never having been submitted to the people for ratification, and they protested against all acts of the Convention depriving them of their rights as citizens of the United States; the despotism which denied them freedom of speech and the press, and forced contributions of money, labor and enlistments.  They recommended a convention to be called forthwith, to organize a State government, and the United States government be requested to keep a sufficient military force to keep order and protect persons and property.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 4

Rebel News via Norfolk

BALTIMORE, April 2. – The following intelligence is from the special correspondent at Fort Monroe, of the Baltimore American:

The number of rebels in Fort Pulaski, as reported by deserters is five hundred.

Two German regiments at Fort Pulaski, had revolted and were in custody.

Gen. Sherman’s mortars and siege guns were so stationed that the guns of the Fort cold not reach them.

The rebels have withdrawn all their troops from the coast and abandoned their earth works, previously removing their cannon to Savannah.

The city of Savannah, however, is understood to be very strongly fortified, and all the approaches to it.  The force there is variously estimated, by refugees, at from twenty to fifty thousand men, probably 20,000, is more nearly correct.

A great despondency existed among the people and troops at Charleston.  The fall of Newbern created the greatest consternation.  The fire-eaters ridiculed the North Carolina troops, charging them with cowardice.

The shop keepers and bankers in Charleston had refused to receive North Carolina money, and there being two North Carolina regiments there at the time, a revolt was the consequence, and the shops were broken open, and the troops helped themselves.  These regiments refused to serve any longer, and were allowed to return home.

No information of the abandonment of Pensacola by the rebels has yet been received, but it was generally believed that our troops had crossed over from Santa Rosa Island and occupied the place.

The latest advices received from Norfolk by the underground railroad leaves no room to doubt that the Merrimac was thoroughly repaired and in commission and ready for another expedition against the wooden walls of the federal navy and river transports lying in the Roads. – The delay of the Merrimac in towing out is believed to be that she is waiting for ammunition for the heavy guns that have been placed on board her, and also for some infernal machines being constructed by bombasto Mallory.

The rebel steamers Jamestown and Yorktown were also getting strengthened and more thoroughly clad with iron to accompany the Merrimac.  There is also a rumor that two other steamers are being clad with iron at Richmond to join in the expedition.

As to the loss of life on the Merrimac in her conflict with the Monitor, we have now what is claimed to be positive information.  One of the recently arrived contrabands states that he was a nurse in the general hospital in Norfolk, and that before his departure he helped to shroud 32 of the crew of the Merrimac, and that both commander Buchanan and Lieut. Meyer are dead.  There are still a number of the wounded surviving.

The contraband also states that the last two shots of the Monitor were represented to be the only ones that seriously injured the Merrimac; those were thrown under her hold at the moment she attempted to run the Monitor down.

The military stationed at Norfolk from the Gulf States have been very severe on the Virginians.  Since their defeat at Roanoke Island even the Richmond Blues, the very pink of chivalry, have fallen in public estimation too.  All award bravery to Jennings Wise, but his father has so fallen in public estimation that he is proclaimed in Norfolk as a coward and poltroon.  In his escape from Nags Head he rode thirty miles on horse back, notwithstanding he had previously reported himself too ill to remain at Roanoke Island, at the head of his command.  Wise and Floyd now rank as the fleet footed.  My informant says that Wise would be hooted if he were to appear in the streets of Norfolk or Richmond.  He has retired to his farm in Princess Ann county.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 5, 1862, p. 3

Later from Ft. Pickens

NEW YORK, March 25. – The brig Island Blade has arrived from Ft. Pickens, with dates to the 11th inst. And Key West to the 17th.

The impression was that Gen. Bragg had left Pensacola, and parties with glasses say the rebel guns had been turned in-land, probably in expectation of a visit from Gen. Butler.

Four contrabands, who escaped say there are but 3,000 troops at Pensacola, and that they are poorly armed.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4

From Below

ST. LOUIS, March 13. – A special to the Democrat from Cairo, March 11th, says a gentleman who left Memphis on Saturday, arrived here this morning and reports that there are no troops at Memphis.  Many persons were leaving the city.  Cotton, sugar and other articles of merchandise were being shipped down the river.  The Policy of burning the city was still being discussed. – Speeches were made every night.  All means were used to check the increasing demoralization and excite a war spirit.

Bragg had come up from Pensacola with 10,000 men.  They were sent to reinforce New Madrid and Island No. 10.

Bragg and Beauregard were at Jackson, Tennessee, constructing fortifications, and all negroes in the country were called to work on them.

Martial law was proclaimed at Memphis on Last Monday for the purpose of checking incendiaries and those contemplating to turn out and fight.

No defensive preparations were being made at Randolph, nor at the strong position of Fort Pillow, but less formidable than Columbus.

The rebels confess that a reduction of this place will give us all the points on the Mississippi.  Their gunboats are all at Island No. 10, carrying rifled 24 and 34 pounders, under Commander Hollins.

A messenger from New Madrid reports all quiet this morning.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 3

Important News If True

NEW YORK, March 12. – An Elizabeth City letter of March 4th to the Tribune says General Bragg with his forces numbering 7,000 arrived at Norfolk yesterday from Pensacola, which he evacuated after destroying the fortifications, guns, &c.

It is also said the rebels are calling all their spare forces into Norfolk, that they may be ready for any emergency.  The force at New Bern and other points in this State, numbering 20,000 or 30,000 drafted soldiers, together with the Rebel forces at Richmond and other points between Richmond and Norfolk, will, it is thought be thrown in the rear of the Union force attacking Norfolk from this direction.  Therefore the last grand battle of the campaign may be fought in this struggle to save Norfolk should the city be attacked.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 3

Southern News

BALTIMORE, April 2.

The following intelligence is from the special correspondent at Fort Monroe of the Baltimore American: The number of rebels in Fort Pulaski, as reported by deserters, is 500.  Two German companies there had revolted and were in irons.  Sherman’s mortars and siege guns were so stationed that the guns of the fort could not reach them.  The rebels have withdrawn all their troops from the coast, and abandoned their earth works, previously removing all their cannon to Savannah.  The city of Savannah, however is understood to be very strongly fortified, and all the approaches to it.  The forces there is variously estimated by refugees at 20,000 to 50,000; probably 20,000 is more nearly correct.

Great despondency existed among the troops and people at Charleston, the fall of Newberne created the greatest consternation.  The fire-eaters ridiculed the North Carolina troops, charging them with cowardice.  The shopkeepers and bankers in Charleston had also refused to receive North Carolina money, and there being two N. C. regiments there at the time, a revolt was the consequence, and the shops were broken open and the troops helped themselves.

Three regiments refused to serve any longer, and were allowed to return home.

No direct information of the abandonment of Pensacola by the rebels has yet been received; but it was generally believed that our troops had crossed over from Santa Rosa Island and approached the place.

The latest advices received from Norfolk by the underground RR., leave no room to doubt that the Merrimac was thoroughly repaired, and in commission and ready for another expedition against the wooden walls of the Federal navy and river transports lying in the roads.

The delay of the Merrimac in coming out is belived to be that she is waiting for ammunition for the heavy guns that have been placed on board of her, and also for some infernal machies that are being constructed by Bobbust and Mallory.

The rebel steamers Jamestown and Yorktown were also getting strengthened and more thoroughly clad with iron, to accompany the Merrimac.

There is also a rumor that two other steamers are being clad with iron at Richmond, to join in the expedition.

As to the loss of life on the Merrimac, in her conflict with the Monitor, we have now what is claimed to be positive information.

One of the recently arrived contrabands states that he was a nurse in the general hospital at Norfolk and that until the time of his departure he had helped to shroud 32 of the crew of the Merrimac, and that both commander Buchanan and Lt. Mayer were dead.  There were still a number of wounded surviving.  The contraband also states that two shots of the Monitor were represented to be the only ones that seriously injured the Merrimac.  Shots were thrown under her shield at the moment she attempted to run the Monitor down.

The military from the Gulf States, stationed at Norfolk, have been very severe on the chivalry ever since their defeat at Roanoke Island.  Even the Richmond Blues, the very pinks of chivalry, have fallen in public estimation.  All award bravery to O. Jennings Wise, but his father has so fallen in the public estimation, that he is proclaimed, in Norfolk, a coward and poltroon.  In his escape from Nags Head, he rode thirty miles on horse back, notwithstanding he had previously reported himself too ill to remain at Roanoke Island, at the head of his command.  Wise and Floyd now rank as fleet-footed.  My informant says that Wise would be hooted, if he were to appear in the streets of Norfolk or Richmond.  He has retired to his farm in Princess Ann county.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, April 4, 1862, p. 1

From Port Royal and Florida

NEW YORK, March 30.

The steamer Empire City, from Port Royal, has arrived.  The following is from the New South newspaper of the 22d:

Gen. Sherman visited Jacksonville on the 19^th, and was waited on by a committee of citizens, who represented that all in town were Unionists.  The rebels, when they left, threatened to hang all who remained.

The sentiment of eastern Florida is declared to be loyal.  Rebel deserters are numerous.  Many are willing to take up arms against the rebel tyranny.  Our troops were treated hospitably.

The gunboat Ottawa has been 120 miles up St. John’s river, beyond Jacksonville, meeting with no opposition.  White flags were displayed and the inhabitants claimed protection.

Pensacola has been evacuated, including Forts Barrancas and McRea.  The troops raised in Florida were ordered off, but refused to go.

Gen. Sherman issued a proclamation to the people of East Florida, saying he came to protect loyal citizens and enable them to resuscitate a State Government.

At a meeting of loyal citizens of Jacksonville, on the 20^th, it was declared that no State has the constitutional right to separated from the United States, and that the act of secession by Florida is void and in conflict with the Constitution, never having been submitted to the people for ratification.

They recommended a convention to be called forthwith, to organize a State Government, and the United States Government be requested to keep a sufficient military force to keep order and protect persons and property.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, April 1, 1862, p. 1