Sunday, December 16, 2018

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: February 24, 1865

Wilmington ours! Went to Winchester to get some barbering done — Smith and I. Pleasant time. Beautiful day overhead. Roads bad. On board of administration with Barnitz and Easton to make appropriation of Regt's fund for colors. Regt. on picket. Felt most sick. Proposition to go home when A. B. returns with Lissa to Washington.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 144

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: February 25, 1865

Furloughs stopped and pontoon train came up today. The Col.'s leave failed. He was in great trouble, having promised his wife to come home and yet expecting to remain with regt. after leave. Muddy, but pleasant overhead.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 144

Saturday, December 15, 2018

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 119. Report of Col. John C. McQuiston, One hundred and twenty-third Indiana Infantry, of operations December 15-16, 1864.

No. 119.

Report of Col. John C. McQuiston, One hundred and twenty-third Indiana
Infantry, of operations December 15-16, 1864.

HEADQUARTERS 123D INDIANA VOLUNTEERS,    
Near Carter's Creek, Tenn., December 22, 1864.

SIR: I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations and movements of the One hundred and twenty-third Indiana Volunteers in the battles of the 15th and 16th of December, 1864:

On the morning of the 15th of December my command moved from position near Fort Negley, through the works on the Charlotte pike, formed in line of battle on the left of Third Brigade, and advanced in support of Second Brigade to a position near Hillsborough pike, where we remained until 2 p.m., when the command moved about two miles to the right, advanced in line of battle across the Hillsborough pike, taking position on extreme right of division in front of Compton's Hill, where we engaged the enemy, driving him to his works. Barricaded our position, and at 8 p.m., in pursuance to orders, moved to the right of First Brigade, where we built works and remained under fire of enemy until 3 p.m. of December 16, when a brigade of Sixteenth Army Corps charged Compton's Hill, when we moved through the enemy's works, encamping near Granny White pike.

In closing this report I take pleasure in saying that the officers and men of my command acted with coolness and bravery under the fire of the enemy.

Herewith I send a complete list of casualties* of One hundred and twenty-third Indiana Volunteer Infantry.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
JOHN C. McQUISTON,       
Colonel, Commanding 123d Indiana Volunteers.
 Lieut. C. A. VAN DEURSEN,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.
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* Shows 1 officer killed and 6 men wounded.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 394-5

7th Indiana Cavalry

Organized at Indianapolis, Ind., and mustered in October 1, 1863. Left State for Union City, Tenn., December 6, 1863. Attached to District of Columbus, Ky. 6th Division, 16th Army Corps, Army of the Tennessee, December, 1863. Waring's Cavalry Brigade, 16th Army corps, to January, 1864. 1st Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division, 16th Army Corps, to June, 1864. 1st Brigade, 2nd Cavalry Division, District of West Tennessee, to November, 1864. 2nd Brigade, Wilson's Cavalry Corps, Military Division Mississippi, to December, 1864. 1st Brigade, Cavalry Division, District of West Tennessee, to June, 1865. Dept. of Texas to February, 1866.

SERVICE. — Expedition to Paris, Tenn., December 14-23, 1863. Action at Huntington, Tenn., December 27. Expedition from Union City to Trenton January 22-24, 1864. Bolivar February 6 (Detachment). Smith's Expedition to Okolona, Miss., February 11-26. West Point February 20-21. Okolona February 21-22. Ivey's Hill February 22. Hudsonville February 25. Regiment complimented by Generals Smith and Grierson for soldierly bearing and conduct during the Expedition. Near Raleigh, Tenn., April 3. Wolf River April 8. Near Raleigh April 9 (Detachment). Cypress Swamp April 10. Sturgis' Expedition to Ripley, Miss., April 30-May 9. Sturgis' Expedition to Guntown, Miss., June 1-13. Ripley June 7. Brice's Cross Roads (or Tishamingo Creek), near Guntown, June 10. Ripley June 11. White's Station June 20 and 26. Byhalia Road, near Colliersville, July 2. Action at Port Gibson, Miss., July 17. Grand Gulf July 19. Expedition to Oxford, Miss., August 1-30. Tallahatchie River August 7-9. Hurricane Creek August 9-13-14 and 19. Oxford August 9 and 11. Lamar August 14. Colliersville August 28. White Station October 4. Near Memphis October 4 (1 Company). Memphis, Tenn., October 20 and 24. Nonconah Creek October 29 (Co. "F"). March through Arkansas and Missouri in pursuit of Price September-November. Action at Little Blue, Mo., October 21. Independence October 22. Big Blue and State Line October 22. Westport October 23. Mine Creek, Marias des Cygnes, October 25. At the Marmiton, or Battle of Chariot, October 25. Grierson's Expedition from Memphis to destroy Mobile & Ohio R. R. December 21, 1864, to January 15, 1865. Capture of Verona December 25, 1864. Egypt Station December 28. Lexington January 2, 1865. Duty at Memphis and along Memphis & Charleston R. R. till June, 1865. Expedition from Memphis to Marion, Ark., January 19-22 (Detachment). Expedition from Memphis into Northern Mississippi March 3-11, 1865. Moved to Alexandria, La., June 6-16. Consolidated to 6 Companies July 21. March to Hempstead, Texas, August 5-26. Duty there and at Austin, Texas, till February, 1866. Mustered out at Austin, Texas, February 18, 1866.

Regiment lost during service 1 Officer and 47 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 3 Officers and 243 Enlisted men by disease. Total 294.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1108

Remarks of George Thompson: October 9, 1834

The following is a sketch of Mr. Thompson's remarks, delivered at the adjourned meeting of the New England Anti-Slavery Society, held in Boston, October 9, 1834.

I have always found it a peculiarly difficult task to address an assembly like the present. Strange as it may appear, I am generally tongue-tied when in the midst of friends. During my short career, I have had to deal with much opposition. I have had to contend with the foes of human freedom — the upholders and abettors of slavery: but thanks to the goodness of my cause, and the strength and number of those arguments which are always at hand to maintain it, I have seldom failed to find something to say. But I confess that now, when I find myself amongst the earliest friends and foremost champions of this righteous cause — amongst those who have been the pioneers in this glorious campaign, and are, therefore, more intimately acquainted than I can be, with the trials and the tactics of the war, I feel myself reduced to almost dwarfish dimensions, and would gladly take the lowly seat my humble merits assign me. As the representative, however, of a kindred host who have fought and conquered in another department of the same field, I consider myself warranted to address to you a few words; and, speaking of them, I shall be freed from the embarrassment I should experience, if obliged to refer exclusively to myself.

In the name of the abolitionists of Great Britain, then, let me congratulate you upon the noble, the unexampled stand you have made in the cause of freedom. Multitudes on the other side of the Atlantic have watched, with thrilling interest, your progress hitherto. A few years ago, and slavery in this Union rioted in unchecked dominion, unassailed by one bold, vigorous and uncompromising antagonist. I say not that all were then the friends of slavery. No; thousands hated it, and in secret mourned over its multiplied abominations; but there was found no one undaunted enough to proclaim aloud upon the house-top, and in the highways of this people, that it was the duty of America to open the prison doors and let the oppressed go free — in a word, to denounce slaveholding as a foul and heinous crime, and call for immediate, entire, and unconditional emancipation. In the meantime, a plan had been devised to gather up and appropriate the wide-spread sympathies of the nation. In an evil hour, the hand of prejudice opened a channel wide enough to allow the sentiments, feelings and energies of all classes to flow onwards together. This channel was the American Colonization Society, through which flowed, for many years, the mingled waters of oppression, prejudice, philanthrophy, and religion. It passed through the New England States, and many were the tributary streams which helped to swell its tide. It deepened and widened as it went, until at last it had secured the smile of the slave holder — the zealous cooperation of the prejudiced — the warmest wishes of the benevolent — the prayers of the pious — and the contributions of all; — and the high and the mighty, the senator and the clergyman, the infidel and the christian, the slave-oppressor and the slave-defender, the tradesman and the mechanic floated proudly and self-complacently upon its bosom, upborne and wafted onwards by elements as heterogeneous and delusive as any ever assembled together. What, however, appeared a sea of glory and a gale of prosperity to the white man, was viewed by the colored man as the whirlwind of oppression, and the vortex of destruction. During this reign of prejudice and oppression, there arose a man bold enough to undertake the perilous work of contending with the insidious foes and mistaken friends of the colored race. The work was gigantic, and all but hopeless; but he was not appalled. Much was to be undone, and much to be done, ere the public mind could be disabused of error, and brought to view the great question in the light of Truth. The scheme of Colonization pleased all. It gratified prejudice — soothed the conscience — left slavery uncondemned and unmolested — while it professed to promote the freedom and happiness of the free colored population, and at the same time advance the interests of Africa, by preventing the slave-trade along her coast, and diffusing the blessings of the gospel amongst her benighted tribes. On the contrary, the doctrines of immediate emancipation, without expatriation, and the admission of the colored man into the unabridged privileges of the constitution, were calculated to offend all — and raise the outcry of “ROBBERY!” “AMALGAMATION!” “THE UNION Is IN DANGER!” &c. &c. And it was so. It was soon seen that if these doctrines obtained, not only was the “craft” of the slaveholder “in danger,” but also the temple of the great goddess Diana (alias the American Colonization Society) would “be despised, and her magnificence destroyed, whom all America” and “the world worshipped.” “When they heard the sayings of this man, they were full of wrath, and cried out, saying, ‘Great is Diana of the Ephesians!’” “And the whole city was filled with confusion.” And “they rushed with one accord into the theatre.”* “Some cried one thing, and some another; for the assembly was confused: and the more part knew not wherefore they came together.” But they all agreed in shouting for “about the space of two hours, Great is Diana of the Ephesians!” Notwithstanding all this fury, the cause of Truth and Justice went foward gloriously, and we are witnesses this day of the marvellous revolution which has been effected in public opinion. The “craft” is indeed, “in danger.” the great “goddess is already “despised,” “and her magnificence destroyed.” The subject of immediate emancipation which once might not be discussed — no, not even in a whisper, is now the topic of conversation and debate from one extremity of your Union to the other. A spirit of enquiry is abroad, and vain as well as wicked are the attempts to extinguish it. It will increase and continue until the whole truth is investigated, and the investigation will infallibly lead to a conviction of the practicability, safety and necessity of Immediate Emancipation. Your present position is a splendid and encouraging proof of what may be done by one man, when he boldly asserts the principles of eternal rectitude.

The events which have transpired in this country during the last four years, have been regarded in Great Britain with the deepest interest. At first, many were dazzled and beguiled by the specious representations given of the principles and operations of the Colonization Society, but the exposures of that Society by Capt. Stuart, and Mr. Cropper, and lastly, by our devoted brother Mr. Garrison, during his visit to our country, have caused its doctrines to be almost universally repudiated. There is every disposition among British abolitionists to extend to you their sympathy, their counsel, and their contributions. My presence amongst you to-day is a proof and a pledge of their desire and determination to be associated with you, in your hallowed enterprize. In thus tendering you our help, we disclaim the remotest intention of interfering to an unwarrantable extent in the political questions of your country. Ours is a question of morals, humanity, and religion. . We are the friends of mankind universally, and have made an appeal to christians throughout all the world, to join with us in abolishing slavery and the slave-trade, wherever they exist. In doing so, we believe we have a sanction and commission from Heaven, and we long for the day, when in this country there shall no longer be heard the clank of fetters and the moan of the oppressed; but freed from the guilt of slavery and prejudice, you will be united with us in the blessed work of carrying the tidings of redemption to the ends of the earth.

Mr. Thompson proceeded to give an account of the formation in London of a “British and Foreign Society for promoting the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade throughout the world,” and read several extracts, explanatory of its principles and proposed plans of operation. “I have thus (said Mr. T.) very briefly glanced at what has been done, and is still doing, both here and in Great Britain. We stand, however, but upon the threshold of the great work of universal freedom. In this country, you have but barely commenced. Take courage, however, and go forward. The hottest part of the battle is to come. Colonizationism is not yet dead. Follow up your blows until it gives up the ghost, and its mis-shapen trunk is buried from your sight. You have yet to contend with slaveholders, their kindred, friends, agents and mercenaries; with those who supply the south; with the haters of the colored population; with a fierce and malignant press; with mistaken philanthropists; with fearful abolitionists; with thousands of christians who apologize for slavery; and with ignorance and apathy, in every direction. Let none of these things dismay you. Let your measures be bold and uncompromising, yet governed by wisdom and charity. The struggle will be hard, but victory is certain. A few short years will sweep away the frail fabrics which ignorance, prejudice, and dim-sighted expediency have reared upon this blood-bought soil; but your principles, like a foundation of adamant, will remain unsullied and unmoved, and the lapse of ages will only reveal to the world, in the light of a clearer demonstration, the divinity of their origin, and the immutability of their duration.”
_______________

* The appositeness of Mr. Thompson's quotation from Acts, 19th chapter, will be seen in reference to the published accounts of the disturbances in New York in December last, when Chatham-street Chapel (once a theatre) was attacked and broken into by the mob.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 6-10

Friday, December 14, 2018

Gerrit Smith to Wendell Phillips, 1855

Considerable as have been the pecuniary sacrifices of abolitionists in their cause, they fall far short of the merits of that precious cause. It is but a small proportion of them who refuse to purchase the cotton and sugar and rice that are wet with the tears and sweat and blood of the slave. And when we count up those who have sealed with their blood their consecration to the anti-slavery cause, we find their whole number to be scarcely half a dozen.

In none of the qualities of the best style of men — and that is the style of men needed to effectuate the bloodless termination of American slavery — have the abolitionists shown themselves more deficient than in magnanimity, confidence, charity. They have judged neither the slaveholders nor each other, generously. . . . The quarrels of abolitionists with each other, and their jealousy and abuse of each other would be far less had they more magnanimity, confidence, charity. Many of them delight in casting each other down, rather than in building each other up. Complain of each other they must; and when there is no occasion for complaint, their ill-natured ingenuity can manufacture an occasion out of the very smallest materials. Were even you, whose trueness to the slave is never to be doubted, to be sent to Congress, many of your abolition brethren would be on the alert to find some occasion for calling your integrity in question.

. . . It is no wonder that slaveholders despise both us and our cause. Our cowardice and vacillation, and innumerable follies have, almost necessarily, made both us and it contemptible. The way for us to bring slaveholders right on slavery is to be right on it ourselves. The way for us to command the respect, ay, and to win the love of slaveholders, is to act honestly, in regard to slavery and to all things else. Do I mean to say that slaveholders can be brought to love abolitionists? Oh yes! and I add, that abolitionists should love slaveholders. We are all brothers; and we are all sinners too; and the difference between ourselves, as sinners, is not so great, as in our prejudice on the one hand and our self-complacency on the other, we are wont to imagine it to be.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 230-1

Amos A. Lawrence, May 1857

The family of Captain John Brown of Osawatomie has no means of support, owing to the oppression to which he has been subjected in Kansas Territory. It is proposed to put them (his wife and five children) in possession of the means of supporting themselves as far as possible for persons in their situation. The undersigned, therefore, will pay the following sums, provided one thousand dollars shall be raised. With this sum a small farm can be now purchased in the neighborhood of their late residence in Essex County, New York.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 374; William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 128; Franklin B. Sanborn, “The Early History of Kansas,” Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Series 3, Vol. 1, February Meeting, 1908, p. 336 for the date of this document.

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Louisa Storrow Higginson, July 10, 1859

July 10, 1859
Dearest Mother:

Emerson says, “To-day is a king in disguise”; and it is sometimes odd to think that these men and women of the "Atlantic Monthly," mere mortals to me, will one day be regarded as demi-gods, perhaps, and that it would seem as strange to another generation for me to have sat at the same table with Longfellow or Emerson, as it now seems that men should have sat at table with Wordsworth or with Milton. So I may as well tell you all about my inducting little Harriet Prescott into that high company.

She met me at twelve in Boston at Ticknor's and we spent a few hours seeing pictures and the aquarial gardens; the most prominent of the pictures being a sort of luncheon before our dinner; viz., Holmes and Longfellow in half length and very admirable, by Buchanan Read (I don't think any previous king in disguise ever had his portrait so well painted as this one, at any rate); also, by the same, a delicious painting of three Longfellow children — girls with their mother's eyes and Mary Greenleaf's coloring, at least three different modifications of it. . . .

In the course of these divertisements we stopped at Phillips's and Sampson's, where we encountered dear, dark, slender, simple, sensitive Whittier, trying to decide whether to "drink delight of battle with his peers" at the dinner-table, or slide shyly back to Amesbury in the next train. To introduce him to Harriet was like bringing a girl and a gazelle acquainted; each visibly wished to run away from the other; to Whittier a woman is a woman, and he was as bashful before the small authoress as if she were the greatest. Cheery John Wyman was persuading him to stay to dinner, and on my introducing him to my companion turned the battery of his good-nature upon her, pronouncing her story the most popular which had appeared in the magazine — “Oh, sir,” she whispered to me afterwards, “he spoke to me about my story — do you suppose anybody else will? I hope not.”

Duly at three we appeared at the Revere House. You are to understand that this was a special festival — prior to Mrs. Stowe's trip to Europe — and the admission of ladies was a new thing. Harriet was whirled away into some unknown dressing-room, and I found in another parlor Holmes, Lowell, Longfellow, Whipple, Edmund Quincy, Professor Stowe, Stillman the artist, Whittier (after all), Woodman, John Wyman, and Underwood. When dinner was confidentially announced, I saw a desire among the founders of the feast to do the thing handsomely toward the fair guests, and found, to my great amusement, that Mrs. Stowe and Harriet Prescott were the only ones! Nothing would have tempted my little damsel into such a position, I knew; but now she was in for it; to be handed in to dinner by the Autocrat himself, while Lowell took Mrs. Stowe I Miss Terry was at Saratoga and Mrs. Julia Howe suddenly detained; so these were alone. But how to get them downstairs — send up a servant or go ourselves? — that is, were they in a bedroom or a parlor; an obsequious attendant suddenly suggested the latter, so Lowell and I went up. In a small but superb room the authoress of “Uncle Tom” stood smoothing her ample plumage, while the junior lady hovered timidly behind. . . . Mrs. Stowe was quietly dressed in a Quakerish silk, but with a peculiar sort of artificial grape-leaf garland round her head which I could not examine more minutely; she looked very well, but I thought Harriet looked better; she had smoothed down her brown .curls, the only pretty thing about her, except a ladylike little figure, robed in the plainest imaginable black silk. . . .

Down we went: Dr. Holmes met us in the entry; each bowed lower than the other, and we all marched in together. Underwood had wished to place Edmund Quincy by Harriet, at his request, she being on Dr. Holmes's right — the Autocrat's right, think of the ordeal for a humble maiden at her first dinner party! but I told him the only chance for her to breathe was to place me there, which he did. On Dr. Holmes's left was Whittier, next, Professor Stowe, opposite me, while Mrs. S. was on Lowell's right at the other end.

By this lady's special stipulation the dinner was teetotal, which compulsory virtue caused some wry faces among the gentlemen, not used to such abstinence at “Atlantic” dinners; it was amusing to see how they nipped at the water and among the ban mots privately circulated thereupon, the best was Longfellow's proposition that Miss Prescott should send down into her Cellar for some wine, since Mrs. Stowe would not allow any abovestairs! This joke was broached early and carefully prevented from reaching the ears of either of its subjects, but I thought it capital, for you remember her racy description of wine, of which she knows about as much as she does of French novels, which I find most people suppose her to have lived upon — she having once perused “Consuelo”!

Little Dr. Holmes came down upon her instantly with her laurels. “I suppose you meet your story wherever you go,” said he, “like Madam d'Arblay" (and indeed the whole thing reminded me of her first introductions into literary society). . . . I seized the first opportunity to ask whether she and Mrs. Stowe had any conversation upstairs. “Yes,” said she meekly; “Mrs. Stowe asked me what time it was and I told her I didn't know. There's intellectual intercourse for a young beginner! . . .

When the wife of Andrew Jackson Davis, the seer, was once asked if her husband, who was then staying at Fitzhenry Homer's, was not embarrassed by being in society superior to that in which he was trained, she replied indignantly that her husband, who was constantly in the society of the highest angels, was not likely to be overcome by Mrs. Fitzhenry Homer. And when I reflected on the entertainments which were described in “In a Cellar,” I felt no fear of Harriet's committing any solecism in manners at an “Atlantic” dinner, which she certainly did not, though a little frightened, occasionally, I could see, at the obsequiousness of the waiters and the absurd multiplicity of courses. . . .

I don't care so very much for " Atlantic " dinners — Professor Felton says they are more brilliant than London ones, but I think that Mary and I get up quite as good ones in Worcester — but Dr. Holmes is always effervescent and funny, and John Wyman is the best story-teller the world ever saw, and indeed everybody contributed something. The best thing Holmes said was in discoursing on his favorite theory of races and families. “Some families,” he said, “are constitutionally incapable of doing anything wrong; they try it as boys, but they relapse into virtue; as individuals, they attempt to do wrong, but the race is too strong for them and they end in pulpits. Look at the Wares, for instance; I don't believe that the Wares fell in Adam!


SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 106-10

Martin F. Conway to George L. Stearns, August 18, 1861

An attack by the Southern force is daily expected on Fort Scott, which has been made the depot recently of large supplies of provisions. The place is but poorly defended, and will probably fall into the hands of the enemy. We have not arms enough. The Government has been too slow. Our military is in a very backward state. Lane is at work, doing his best to hasten their organization. He is now on his way to Fort Scott. Many persons charge Governor Robinson with having thrown obstacles in the way of the organization of Lane's brigade, which I think quite likely.*
_______________

* Appendix A.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 256

Samuel Gridley Howe to Horace Mann, January 21, 1852


Boston, January 21st, 1852.

My Dear Mann: — It seems an age since I have seen you and long since I have had a word about you. There was a saying about “icicles in breeches” reported of some member of the House, and of course we knew it was aut Mann aut Diabolus who originated it. Was there never any report of your remarks upon that occasion? if there was pray send it to me.

I have little to say to you that will be new or interesting. Of matters personal — first and foremost, my babies are well and beautiful and good; I hope yours are ditto. These little banyan branches of ours that are taking root in the earth keep us tied to it, and keep us young also. My wife is well; we are passing the winter at South Boston; and between Blind and Idiots and my chicks, the time flies rapidly away.

I have luckily secured Dr. Seguin, formerly the life and soul of the French school for idiots. . . .

As to politics, I know little of them. Alley1 was in here just now and asked me what I thought of the present position of the Free-soil party; I replied that in my opinion it was so much diluted that it would not keep; that the most active Dalgetties had got comfortably placed in office, and did not trouble themselves much about Free-soil; that at the State House, among the Coalitionists, the first article of the creed was preservation and continuation of the Coalition as a means of retaining power — and that the 39th or 339th was Free-soil — just enough to satisfy outside impracticables like myself: in a word we were sold. He laughed and said — “You are more than half right.”

Alley is shrewd and honest, I think. Boutwell goes in for Davis's place [in the Senate] and will have to fight with Rantoul for it.

I told I. T. Stevenson the other day that there was one man whom the Lord intended to lift up to the State House and into the Gubernatorial Chair, in his own good time, and that was you. He replied he did not doubt the intention, but that you had been doing everything in your power to defeat it.

With kind regards to Mrs. M—.
Ever yours,
S. G. Howe.

_______________

1 John B. Alley of Lynn, afterwards Congressman.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 361-3

William T. Sherman, December 28, 1859

Seminary, Wednesday, Dec. 28, 1859.

. . . I was disappointed the two last mails at not hearing from you, but to-morrow I feel certain. I will go to town myself and take this. The time is now near at hand for opening the Seminary. I have the mess started in the building, all the carpenters are out, all the furniture ready, a pretty good stock of wood on hand and generally all things are about as far advanced as I could expect. Still I am the only one ready. The steward is sick on his plantation twelve miles off, his son and niggers are here, a good for nothing set. He has a white under steward who has some work in him and another white boy to help, and I have three negro women scrubbing out from top to bottom.

The weather is rainy, sloppy, warm and misty, everything is wet and uncomfortable, yet I have pushed things so that I at least am ready. Smith is sleeping on the floor in my room on a bed I bought for the cadets and he is waiting for his furniture from New Orleans. None of the other professors are here excepting Mr. Vallas whom I have told you about. There have been forty-three pay appointments and sixteen public, so we may expect fifty or sixty this year, which is a reasonable number as this is no time to begin. Everybody has made arrangements for this winter. Had we begun in November it would have been better. Still as this affair is designed to last forever it may be well to commence moderately first.

I had rather a lonely Christmas, nobody here but my poor drummer and myself. The three negro women rushed to my room at daylight and cried “Christmas gift, Massa,” and the negro boy Henry that chops wood and the old negro woman Amy that cooks in an outhouse for the carpenters all claimed Christmas of me thinking I am boss and as rich as Croesus himself. I disbursed about $5 in halves as each of them had done me some service uncompensated.

The old cook Amy always hid away for me the last piece of butter and made my breakfast and dinner better than the carpenters’, always saying she “knowed” I wasn't used to such kind of living. She don't know what I have passed through. Negroes on plantations are generally allowed holiday the whole week, but we can't give it here, as this week is devoted to cleaning up after the dirt of plastering, painting and tobacco spitting over seventy-two rooms, halls and galleries. An immense quantity of dirt is cleaned away, but enough yet remains to find fault with.

As to Christmas I had invitation to General Graham's, to a Mr. Henarie's in Alexandria and Professor Vallas, all declined, because of the property exposed here, which it was not prudent to leave unprotected. Soon all these things will be distributed, others will be here and sentinels to guard when I take my holiday. . .

SOURCES: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 93-5

Thursday, December 13, 2018

John Brown to his sisters Mary Hand and Martha Davis, November 27, 1859

Charlestown, Jefferson Cottnty, Va.,
Nov. 27, 1859 (Sabbath).

My Dearly Beloved Sisters Mary A. And Martha, — I am obliged to occupy a part of what is probably my last Sabbath on earth in answering the very kind and comforting letters of sister Hand and son of the 23d inst., or I must fail to do so at all. I do not think it any violation of the day that God made for man. Nothing could be more grateful to my feelings than to learn that you do not feel dreadfully mortified, and even disgraced, on account of your relation to one who is to die on the scaffold. I have really suffered more, by tenfold, since my confinement here, on account of what I feared would be the terrible feelings of my kindred on my account, than from all other causes. I am most glad to learn from you that my fears on your own account were ill founded. I was afraid that a little seeming present prosperity might have carried you away from realities, so that “the honor that cometh from men” might lead you in some measure to undervalue that which “cometh from God.” I bless God, who has most abundantly supported and comforted mo all along, to find you are not ensnared. Dr. Heman Humphrey has just sent me a most doleful lamentation over my “infatuation and madness” (very kindly expressed), in which, I cannot doubt, he has given expression to the extreme grief of others of our kindred. I have endeavored to answer him kindly also, and at the same time to deal faithfully with my old friend. I think I will send you his letter; and if you deem it worth the trouble, you can probably get my reply, or a copy of it. Suffice it for me to say, “None of these things move me.” Luther Humphrey wrote me a very comforting letter.

There are things, dear sisters, that God hides even from the wise and prudent. I feel astonished that one so exceedingly vile and unworthy as I am should even be suffered to have a place anyhow or anywhere among the very least of all who, when they come to die (as all must), were permitted to pay the debt of nature in defence of the right and of God's eternal and immutable truth. Oh, my dear friends, can you believe it possible that the scaffold has no terrors for your own poor old unworthy brother? I thank God, through Jesus Christ my Lord, it is even so. I am now shedding tears, but they are no longer tears of grief or sorrow; I trust I have nearly done with those. I am weeping for joy and gratitude that I can in no other way express. I get many very kind and comforting letters that I cannot possibly reply to; wish I had time and strength to answer all. I am obliged to ask those to whom I do write to let friends read what I send as much as they well can. Do write my deeply afflicted and affectionate wife. It will greatly comfort her to have you write her freely. She has borne up manfully under accumulated griefs. She will be most glad to know that she has not been entirely forgotten by my kindred. Say to all my friends that I am waiting cheerfully and patiently the days of my appointed time; fully believing that for me now to die will be to me an infinite gain and of untold benefit to the cause we love. Wherefore, “be of good cheer,” and “let not your hearts be troubled.” “To him that overcometh will I grant to sit with me in my throne, even as I also overcame and am set down with my Father in his throne.” I wish my friends could know but a little of the rare opportunities I now get for kind and faithful labor in God's cause. I hope they have not been entirely lust.

Now, dear friends, I have done. May the God of peace bring us all again from the dead!

Your affectionate brother;
John Brown.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 607-9

Rebecca Jones to William Still, October 18, 1856

PARKER House, School street, Boston, Oct. 18th, ’56.

MY DEAR SIR: — I can hardly express the pleasure I feel at the receipt of your kind letter; but allow me to thank you for the same.

And now I will tell you my reasons for going to California. Mrs. Tarrol, a cousin of my husband, has sent for me. She says I can do much better there than in Boston. And as I have my children's welfare to look to, I have concluded to go. Of course I shall be just as likely to hear from home there as here. Please tell Mr. Bagnale I shall expect one letter from him before I leave here.

I should like to hear from my brothers and sisters once more, and let me hear every particular. You never can know how anxious I am to hear from them; do please impress this upon their minds.

I have written two letters to Dr. Lundy and never received an answer. I heard Mrs. Lundy was dead, and thought that might possibly be the reason he had not replied to me. Please tell the Doctor I should take it as a great favor if he would write me a few lines.

I suppose you think I am going to live with my husband again. Let me assure you ’tis no such thing. My mind is as firm as ever. And believe me, in going away from Boston, I am going away from him, for I have heard he is living somewhere near. He has been making inquiries about me, but that can make no difference in my feelings to him. I hope that yourself, wife and family are all quite well. Please remember me to them all. Do me the favor to give my love to all inquiring friends. I should be most happy to have any letters of introduction you may think me worthy of, and I trust I shall ever remain

Yours faithfully,
Rebecca Jones.

P. S — I do not know if I shall go this Fall, or in the Spring. It will depend upon the letter I receive from California, but whichever it may be, I shall be happy to hear from you very soon.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 327-8

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, October 16, 1862

(Private and Unofficial)

New Orleans, October 16th, 1862.

Dear Sir: My last letter was in reference to trade with the enemy.

After Gen. Butler's return from Pensacola — for the purpose of discussing the matter, Gen. B. asked me to his house, where I met also Gov. Shepley. In a long conversation, I stated to them fully my own views, and it was understood that there should be no more trade with the enemy — that no supplies of any kind or in any quantity, should pass into insurrectionary districts not even supplies for loyal residents of such locality, because Guerillas would in most cases, take away such supplies for their own use.

Gen. Butler and Gen. Shepley each said, however, that he had given one permit to cross the Lake, not yet carried into effect. The goods were bought and vessels loaded, but that I had stopped them. It was insisted that these vessels should be allowed to proceed. I said that the permission of the Secretary of Treasury ought first to be obtained.

The next morning Gen. Butler sent me the list of cargo for the vessel, on the second leaf of which was endorsed his request that she be allowed to proceed. Gen. Shepley sent me a note to the same effect in regard to the other. A copy of the list of cargo, with Gen. Butler's original endorsement on second leaf, is herewith enclosed, marked A. A copy of the list of cargo of second vessel, with Gen. Shepley's note, is herewith enclosed, marked B.

It is inexpedient that I should have a controversy with the military authorities, and I let these two vessels go, with the distinct understanding however, that nothing more was to go out.

Gen. Butler's permit was to Judge Morgan, a good Union man, who has lost much by the Rebellion.

Gen. Shepley's was to one Montgomery, who has previously taken over, among other things, 1,200 sacks salt. Gen. S. says he granted this permit at the earnest solicitation of Mr. Bouligny — formerly in Congress from this state, but now in Washington — and that Montgomery told him Bouligny was part owner of the cargo with him (Montgomery).

I think there will be no more of this trade. Gen. B. has always carried out (so far as I know) the wishes of the Gov't. when distinctly made known, and I believe he will fully carry out (in future) your views respecting this matter.

Gen. B. has more brains and energy than any other three men in New Orleans. He does an immense amount of work, and does it well. He knows and controls everything in this Department. I regret that it was necessary to write my last letter — or rather, that the statements therein made were facts. Besides, no other officer appreciates, like Gen. Butler, the importance of freeing and arming the colored people — and he is not afraid to do it. All the pro-slavery influence in this State cannot change him in this matter.

When Weitzel's expedition (spoken of in a late letter) goes out, Gen. B will send the 1st. Colored Regiment right into the heart of the section of the country to be taken. They will move nearly west from here, on the line of the Opelousas Railroad. I think they will do a great work. The expedition is expected to start in about two weeks. Late New York papers indicate the adoption of some plan for getting out cotton from Rebeldom. I hope it will not be done by means of trade with the enemy, which is objectionable for many reasons.

It will benefit the enemy ten times as much as the Government — it demoralizes the army, who imagine themselves fighting for speculators — officers will be interested, directly or indirectly, in the trade, and they and other speculators, will wish the war prolonged for the sake of great profits — the Rebels will not keep their engagements nine cases out of ten — the rebels are terribly in want, and now is the time to deprive them of supplies. There are other objections besides those enumerated.

The greatest distress prevails in insurrectionary districts all around us. The Guerilla system injures Rebels more than the Government, and the people are becoming heartily tired of it.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 326-7

Wednesday, December 12, 2018

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, Tuesday, October 29, 1861 – 9 a.m.

[Written in pencil in Fox's writing: “Before capture of Port Royal.” — EDS.]

Wabash under Steam 
Tuesday, 9 AM. 29. Oct 61
My Dear Sir

Please inform Mr. Welles that we are off — and the Pilot will soon leave — There seems but one opinion now as to having waited for such a start—and I trust our present prospects & hopes will be realized.

Twenty Eight days ago this Expedition though long meditated by the wisdom of the Department, had in reality no form or substance. In my judgment nothing more could well have been added in that time. I felt at the time of the final decision at Mr. Sewards house, 1. Oct that the embarkation at Annapolis was an error — the troops have been too long on board and are too raw — but the Generals are able.

The ships of my squadron are in as high condition as I can expect — and I am thankful to the Department for its endeavors to make it as efficient as possible, & to your practical, intelligent & personal supervision & zeal I shall ever recur whatever the results in store for us may be.

We have considerable power to carry on an offensive warfare, that of endurance against forts is not commensurate. But in so righteous a cause as ours, & against so wicked a rebellion, we must overcome all difficulties.

Please give my highest regards to Mr. Welles and believe me My Dear Sir

Yours faithfully
S. F. Dupont

Hon. G. V. Fox
Ass. Sec. Navy
Washington D.C.

9.30 Pilot leaves.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 64-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, April 1, 1864

The Chronicle of this morning contains my letter with some errors, to the Senate in response to a call relating to transfers.  It makes some commotion among the members of congress, and will cause some in the War Department I presume.

There was nothing of special interest to day in the cabinet.  Stanton was not present, nor was Blair. Chase calls for largely additional taxes which I have no doubt are necessary.  There should have been heavier taxes the last two years.  At least double what have been collected.  Undoubtedly demagogues will try to prevent this necessary measure for party ends, but I believe the good sense and intelligence of the people will prevail over the debasing abuse of party.  I apprehend that Chase is not making the most of his position, and think he has committed some errors.  No one could have altogether avoided them.

Seward spoke to me concerning the case of the Sir William Peel, captured at the mouth of the Rio Grande.  Had carried contraband ostensibly to Matamoras, but portions had gone direct to Brownsville, and cotton brought direct from that place in return.  It is claimed, however that she was captured in Mexican waters though near the U. States, and therefore Seward says she must be given up.  I asked him to whom.  If captured in Mexican waters, no power but Mexico could make the claim.  This he undertook to deny, provided the government of Mexico was enfeebled by revolution and not able to sustain itself.  But, I told him, if able to assert and maintain neutrality, then she, and she alone could intervene.  If not able to maintain her claim of neutrality, no other one could make a claim of Mexican jurisdiction.

I am fearful he will make a miss-fire on this question.  He has never looked into maritime law, and will make any sacrifice of national or individual rights to keep in with England.

SOURCES: William E. Gienapp & Erica L. Gienapp, Editors, The Civil War Diary of Gideon Wells: Lincoln’s Secretary of the Navy, p. 383-4; *Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 3-4 which reprinted the entry of March 30, 1864 under the date of April 1, 1864.

Tuesday, December 11, 2018

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: October 7, 1863

A rain a few days ago gave us a rise of two or three feet in the Kanawha River. It is falling again, but is raining today again with prospects of water.

Another order to give no passes and take up all old ones. Funny business, this pass business. “Finds something still for idle hands to do.”

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 438-9

James C. Dobbin* to Howell Cobb, June 15, 1848

Fayetteville [N. C], June 15th, 1848.

My Dear Sir: Your esteemed favour in reply to my first communication was duly received, and its perusal gave me no little pleasure, awakening, as it did, pleasing recollections of incidents during my brief political career in Washington.

I think, my dear sir, I am not deceived in inferring from the spirit and tenor of your letter that an occasional correspondence will not be unacceptable, and will serve but to keep alive that kindly attachment which I trust neither time nor separation will extinguish. Still, plunged as I have been for many months in the laborious practice of the law, I cannot but occasionally abandon the courthouse and stroll into the avenue of politics. They have rather forced me to consent to become a candidate for our Legislature. I have no opposition, and of course will have a quiet time, and a little dish of Legislative politics may not be disagreeable. Well, the agony is over and Cass and Butler are nominated, and Taylor and Fillmore; and although it has produced some sensation, the tickets seem to have been anticipated by the popular mind. We have had a large Democratic meeting here and responded very zealously to the nomination of Cass and Butler. Judge Strange and myself addressed them. The meeting was large, enthusiastic, and everything passed off well.

I struggled hard to prove Cass orthodox on the slavery question, and I would not have done [so] had I suspected him. And his letter to Nicholson is certainly liberal and magnanimous for a Northern man. I was provoked at Yancey's conduct in the convention. The introduction of his resolution1 was unnecessary. The resolution reported by the committee was comprehensive. There was no evidence that Cass had wrong views, and the adoption of Yancey's resolution squinted very much towards a suspicion of Cass and looked too much like pressing nice, hair-spliting distinctions on the subject upon our Northern democratic friends, whose liberality should be appreciated but not abused. My own notion is that the Territorial Legislature while legislating as such and for the Territory and for territorial purposes has no right to pass a law to prohibit slavery. Because if we adopt that doctrine we at once practically exclude the slaveholder forever. The Territory acquired is filled at the time of acquisition with non-slaveholders. The Legislature meets and a law excluding slavery is enacted. This will exclude the slaveholder, for he can't get there to repeal the law. I regard the Territory as the common property of the States. And the people of each State have a right to enjoy it with or without their peculiar property. But when the people are meeting to pass a fundamental law, to adopt a Constitution and to ask admission into the Union as a State, then the prohibition or establishment of slavery becomes a subject for legitimate action. It will not do for us to admit that the first Legislature in New Mexico can pass a law immediately and exclude every slaveholder from the territory — if we do, are we not admitting that it is not the property of each and all the States? But I do not think Cass has publicly — certainly not in his Nicholson letter — expressed any opinion contravening my position. He says “leave to the people affected by the question” its regulation. He does not say that he thinks the Territorial Legislature can prohibit it. I hope he will not say so. Because it may never in all probability become a practical question on which he as President could act. Yet the expression of such an opinion would prejudice him in the South with many, very many.

But enough of this. When you write me give me your views. I can not express to you my feelings about the Whigs' nomination. If they succeed, my confidence in popular virtue and intelligence will be a little shaken. I know much virtue and much intelligence will vote the ticket. I regard it as evidence that the Whigs are afraid of their principles. They know the people are against them. They put up “Old Zac” and surround him with a blaze of military glory, and just behind him is Fillmore lurking, holding ready to fasten upon the country all the odious and rejected measures of the Whig Party. Can they succeed? What do our friends think of it? I was pleased to see that yourself and distingue were on the tour, lionizing. That is right. I have given up South Carolina and am afraid of Georgia and Louisiana. Massachusetts will bolt. Ohio will vote for Cass, so likewise Pennsylvania. But for those miserable Barnburners, New York would be all right. The South will have a hard fight. The slavery question and “Old Zac” being a slaveholder may for a moment shake some of the faithful — but I have faith in our Principles and in Providence.

I can't say much to please you about North Carolina. Reid is doing his best. I don't think he will succeed, although he has sprung up a suffrage question which is taking well. I do think we will carry the legislature. There is a strong probability of it.

But enough of politics. Tell Stephens I heartily appreciate his remembering me so kindly and assure him that the feeling is cordially reciprocated. I like Stephens. With all his bad politics he is a generous hearted fellow and of brilliant genius.

By the by, lest I forget it, in confidence, a friend of mine wishes to go abroad. Do you know of a vacancy — Naples, Rome, Belgium, etc., etc. Remember this when you write . . .
­­­­_______________

* Member of Congress from North Carolina, 1845-1847.

1 Proclaiming the doctrine of congressional non-intervention with slavery in the Territories. See footnote 1, p. Ill, infra.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 107-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 23, 1863

Gen. Lee has retired to the south side of the Rappahannock again, while Meade remains in the intrenchments at Centreville. Gen. Imboden occupies Winchester.

From the West we have only newspaper reports, which may not be true.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 80

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: December 16, 1864

Another adventure, and a red hot one. Started down the river in our dug-out boat somewhere near midnight. Ran down all right for an hour, frequently seeing rebel pickets and camp fires. Saw we were going right into the lion's mouth, as the farther down the more rebels. All at once our boat gave a lurch and landed in a tree top which was sticking out of the water, and there we were, swaying around in the cold water in the middle or near the middle of the Ogechee. Dave went ashore and to a negro hut, woke up the inmates, and narrated our troubles. A negro got up, and with another boat came to the rescue. Were about froze with the cold and wet Said not more than a mile farther down we would have run right into a chain boat, with pickets posted on it. It really seems as if a Divine providence were guiding us. After getting a breakfast of good things started off toward the Big Ogechee River, and have traveled three or four miles. Are now encamped, or rather laying down, on a little hillock waiting for evening, to get out of this vicinity which is a dangerous one. In our river escapade lost many of our things, but still hang to my coverlid and diary. There are three or four houses in view, and principally white residences, those of the poor white trash order, and they are the very ones we must avoid. Have caught cold and am fearfully out of traveling condition, but must go it now. A mistake in coming down the river  Am resting up, preparatory to traveling all night up the country. No chance of getting out by the coast. Have enough food to last all day and night, and that is a good deal. Can't carry more than a day's supply. Have now been out in the woods, this is the fourth day, and every day has been fresh adventures thick and fast. If I could only travel like my comrades, would get along. Bucks praise me up and encourage me to work away, and I do. For breakfast had more of those imported sardines. Storm brewing of some sort and quite chilly. Saw rebel infantry marching along the highway not more than eighty rods off. Hugged the ground very close. Dogs came very near us, and if they had seen us would have attracted the rebels' attention. Am writing with a pencil less than an inch long. Shall print this diary and make my everlasting fortune, and when wealthy will visit this country and make every negro who has helped us millionaires. Could not move from here half a mile by daylight without being seen, and as a consequence we are feeling very sore on the situation Don't know but I shall be so lame to-night that I cannot walk at all, and then the boys must leave me and go ahead for themselves. However, they say I am worth a hundred dead men yet, and will prod me along like a tired ox. Dave goes now bareheaded, or not quite so bad as that, as he has a handkerchief tied over his head. The programme now is to go as straight to Mr. Kimball's as we can. He is probably twenty miles away; is a white Union man I spoke of a day or so ago in this same diary. Wil stick to him like a brother. Can hear wagons go along the road toward Savannah, which is only thirteen or fourteen miles away.  Later — Most dark enough to travel and I have straightened up and am taking an inventory of myself. Find I can walk with the greatest difficulty. The boys argue that after I get warmed up I will go like a top, and we will see.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 143-4