Saturday, January 11, 2020

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, February 8, 1863

(Private)
New Orleans, February 8th, 1863.

Dear Sir: I received to-day a letter signed by you, of date Jan. 22nd, whereby I am appointed Special Agent and Acting Surveyor.

Your unofficial letter of 19th January, offered me the place above mentioned, or that of “Commissioner of Internal Revenue,” directing me to choose that which I best liked. I chose the latter, and informed you by letter written yesterday. I do not want to be Acting Surveyor unless you particularly desire it.

The Commissioner of Customs also sends me a bond to be given by myself as Acting Surveyor, in the sum of Five Thousand Dollars. I have just given a bond for Fifty Thousand, as Acting Collector. I shall avoid troubling my friends by asking their names upon so many bonds, and shall, therefore defer compliance with the commissioner's directions until I hear directly from you again.

I did not expect to receive the letters of to-day, because you had given to me the choice. My letter of yesterday was in reply to yours of the 19th. Jan. Wherever I am I shall give Mr. Bullitt all the assistance in my power, and continue, as well as possible, to keep you informed of events occurring here.

Enclosed is an order, and printed statement of a plan regulating the relations between planters and negroes.1 The documents have not been officially issued, and the plan is under consideration. These copies are only proof sheets which I privately obtained from the printing office, to send to you.

There is no news to-day, and I cannot learn positively whether Weitzel's great expedition has started. The troops for the expedition have been collected in the Lafourche Country and have been ready several days.

Mr. Gray, Dy. Collector, should remain here by all means.
_______________

1 General Orders No. 12, January 29, 1863, Rebellion Records, Series I, Vol. XV, pp. 666ff. Ci'. also, letters of March 14, 1863, and March 31.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 357

John M. Forbes to William Bathbone, Jr. of Liverpool, October 31, 1863

Boston, 31 October, 1863.

Your note about Sumner's speech was duly received and has been used so that it will do good. Being marked private, I could not show it to Sumner, but I read it to him without giving your name. I have also sent a copy of its substance to one of our campaign orators who was disposed to pitch into your government and people too!

Sumner was much disturbed at it, and at other similar letters; but insists that he was right in telling the truth, and that he thus best served the interests of Peace. He does not shine in the perceptive faculties; has eloquence, scholarship, high principle, and many other good qualities, but he has not the faculty of putting himself in the position of an opposing party, and conceiving of how things look from a different standpoint than his own.

Nobody can appreciate the extreme sensitiveness of the English mind to anything which can, however remotely, be construed into a threat, unless he has been in the little island within the past year. When to this honest sensitiveness you add the many causes for taking offense in the selfishness of certain parties and the prejudice of others who wish to see our experiment fail, there is an array of dangers against speaking out which will deter most men from doing so. Sumner claims to be, par excellence, the friend of Peace and of England, and therefore thinks he can best sound the alarm when he sees war threatening.

He says that all the arguments you and I use against plain speaking were used with even more force against speaking the truth against slavery. It would irritate the South, would hurt our friends, would strengthen the hands of our enemies, etc., etc., and if he had listened then we should now be the supporters of a mighty slave empire. There is something in this, but analogies are not conclusive, and I shall continue to do my best to keep people's tongues quiet! The more I think and know of the whole subject, however, the more sure I am that the only safeguard against a war, if not now, certainly the first time you get into war when we are at peace, is your prescription, — a radical change of your and our law. I am sure, although I cannot prove it, that if Mr. Adams's whole correspondence were published you would see that we accepted the proposal to modify our laws (and yours) although we had found ours sufficient to protect you up to this time.

But the experience of the doings of the Alabama, etc., has shown that steam changes the practical effect of the law, and that the right to sell ships of war, even if sent out honestly for sale, is incompatible with friendly neutral relations. Moreover, the irritation caused by your privateers will surely change the practical mode of executing our law.

You will then go to war with us for doing precisely what your government have done, — unless you abstain from the same motives we do, expediency. No maritime nation will hereafter see its commerce destroyed and its people irritated by steamers doing such widespread mischief as any steamer can, without going to war about it. Hence the need of new treaties modifying the present construction of the law of nations permitting outfit of vessels adapted to war purposes, whether bona fide for sale or the property of belligerents.

You and I know very well how easy it is to pass over a bill of sale the moment a vessel is three miles from the shore; and that when the law is once fully established that warships may legally be exported for sale, the rebels or any other belligerents can get them delivered at convenient points without the builders or anybody else breaking the letter of the law.

As you told me the day I landed in Liverpool, your law is, under your practice, radically defective. Ours did well under our practice, but you can never for a moment count upon our continuing the same practice in the face of your precedents. You hit the nail on the head when you told me that your law was worthless for our protection. Accept my assurance that ours will be worthless for your protection in your next war. Our mutual safety is to change it, and that promptly, while you are strong and can do it with a good grace, and while we are still in danger from its defects. It is absurd to say that your navy would have been much more efficient than ours in catching the Alabama, etc. All naval ships are loaded down with guns and stores and trash. Our mercantile warships are better for speed than either your or our warships.

I was only yesterday talking with one of our old clipper captains whom I got appointed two years ago volunteer lieutenant, and who has a merchant steamer bought and armed by government. He has been very successful in catching blockade runners and assures me that the Clyde and other trials of speed are perfectly illusory. He has taken several vessels that were going sixteen knots, his ship beating them at ten knots.

It is not the Alabama's or Honda's speed; but the ocean is a big place, and we shall always have numerous light-built, fast steamers that can repeat the Alabama feats even with the whole British navy divided between blockading ports and chasing privateers!

Depend upon it, we can export for sale to any belligerent as many Alabamas as he can pay for. It is for merchants and statesmen to look ahead and avert the mutual danger.

With best regards to your father and all your circle.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 2, p. 59-63

Gustavus V. Fox to Flag Officer Samuel F. Dupont, February 28, 1862


Navy Department
March 6” 1862.
My dear Commodore:

I had a long talk with McClellan to-day to see if he had any objections to giving Sherman orders to go ahead with the first programme. I was rather surprised to find that he did not know why it had not been carried out, and upon comparing notes more freely, we both found that we were entirely ignorant of what was going on or intended. Meigs was with us, and he had a letter from Sherman one month old, which seemed to intimate that the other expedition was about to move. Under these circumstances, an order will be given by both Departments, suggesting that the matter go forward at once, unless incompatible with some operation now on hand. I do not think, as I have several times written you, that the Government place much importance upon the acquisition of Savannah, beyond the possession of Pulaski, but the recovery of a whole state is a moral victory that cannot be too highly estimated. The people expected Sherman to march at once upon Savannah or Charleston, which was ridiculous, and impossible, though I think he could have cut the railroad. He and his compeers, expected the gun boats to go directly into the Savannah river, and dash up to the city, which was impossible, so that a month ago he seemed to be waiting for the Navy to go South. In the meantime there is an immense force and the sickly season almost upon us. I look forward to it with dire apprehension. The Nashville has got into Wilmington, Southern accounts say by hoisting the American flag and going through our ships. A regular trade seems to be carried on from Nassau and Havana to some parts of our Southern coasts in small vessels. I suppose it cannot be entirely prevented, of course, but I do not believe they use Charleston and Fernandina as they pretend. There are eight steamers fitting out in England for the Southern coast, and the blockade would give us very serious trouble were it not for the desperate condition of the rebels, owing to their sudden reverses in the west. I think Europe will now withdraw their material aid. The Vermont, having met with serious losses, the extent of which are yet unknown, the Relief is now loading for Port Royal. I hope Lenthall and Harwood keep you well up in ammunition and coal. The resolution for you went through unanimously and I trust we shall obtain for you higher honors yet. The Maratanza “double Ender” is nearly ready at Boston and we will send her down for Rodgers. The Miami steered badly but it was the fault of the constructor at Philadelphia. The Octorara is a gem. We shall get off the Vermont again at the earliest possible moment, but she is not yet saved, and I hear has lost her masts. Any little trophies from your district would be most gratefully received by the members of Congress, and as they constantly ask me for such, I have ventured to ask you to make up a box of the most trifling things. One word more, and good night. Don't write confidential letters upon a former flag officer to your short friend.

Yours most truly,
G. V. FOX.
Flag Officer S. F. DuPont, G. V. FOX.
Comd’g So Atlantic Blockd’g Squadron
Port Royal

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 109-11

Friday, January 10, 2020

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, May 16, 1864

I yesterday took a steamer with a small company, consisting among others of Postmaster-General Blair, Senators Doolittle and Grimes, Messrs. Rice and Griswold of the Naval Committee, Count Rosen of the Swedish Navy, Mr. Hale (the newly selected Consul-General to Egypt), G. W. Blunt and Assistant Secretary Fox, Commander Wise, Dr. Horwitz, and two or three others, and went down the Potomac to Belle Plain. The day was pleasant and the sail charming. We reached Belle Plain about two P.M. and left a little past five. Is a rough place with no dwelling, — an extemporized plank-way from the shore some twenty or thirty rods in the rear. Some forty or fifty steamers and barges, most of them crowded with persons, were there. Recruits going forward to reinforce Grant's army, or the wounded and maimed returning from battle. Rows of stretchers, on each of which was a maimed or wounded Union soldier, were wending towards the steamers which were to bear them to Washington, while from the newly arrived boats were emerging the fresh soldiers going forward to the field. Working our way along the new and rough-made road, through teams of mules and horses, we arrived at the base of a hill some two or three hundred feet in height, and went up a narrow broken footpath to the summit, on which were the headquarters of General Abercrombie and staff. The ascent was steep and laborious. We had expected to find the prisoners here, but were told they were beyond, about one and a half miles. The majority were disposed to proceed thither, and, though tired and reluctant, I acquiesced. The prisoners, said to be about 7000 in number, were encamped in a valley surrounded by steep hills, the circumference of the basin being some two or three miles. Returning, we passed through the centre of this valley or basin. The prisoners were rough, sturdy-looking men, good and effective soldiers, I should judge. Most of them were quiet and well-behaved, but some few of them were boisterous and inclined to be insolent.

One of the prisoners, a young man of some twenty-five, joined me and inquired if I resided in the neighborhood. I told him at a little distance. He wished to exchange some money, Rebel for greenbacks. When I told him that his was worthless, he claimed it was better than greenbacks though not current here. I asked him if they had not enough of fighting, opposing the Union and lawful authority. He said no, there was much more fighting yet to be done. Claimed that Lee would be in Fredericksburg before the Union army could get to Richmond. Would not believe that J. E. B. Stuart was killed, news of which I received just as I came on board the boat this morning. He was earnest, though uninformed, and said he was from western North Carolina. Returning, we reached Washington at 9 P.M.

To-day I have been busy in preparing two or three letters and matters for Congress.

Governor Morgan called on me relative to abuses in cotton speculations, and malconduct of Treasury agents and others. Some of the malpractices which are demoralizing the army and the officials and disgusting the whole people in the lower Mississippi are becoming known, and will, I trust, lead to legislative correction. As Morgan introduced the subject and thought proper to consult me, I freely gave him facts and my views, which conflict with Chase and the Treasury management. A bill which Morgan showed me is crudely drawn but introduces, or makes, an entire change. It is not, in some of its features, what I should have proposed, but it will improve on the present system.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 31-3

Thursday, January 9, 2020

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: May 9, 1864

Battle of Cloyd's Mountain, or as Rebs call it "Cloyd Farm." Lasted one hour and a half. The Twenty-third and Thirty-sixth, under the immediate direction of General Crook, charged across a meadow three hundred yards wide, sprang into a ditch and up a steep wooded hill to Rebel breastworks, carried them quickly but with a heavy loss. Captain Hunter killed. Lieutenant Seaman ditto. Abbott's left arm shattered. Rice a flesh wound. Eighteen killed outright; about one hundred wounded — many mortally. This in [the] Twentythird. [The] Thirty-sixth less, as the Twenty-third led the column. Entered Dublin Depot, ten and one-half miles, about 6:30 P. M. A fine victory. Took some prisoners, about three hundred, [and] five pieces [of] artillery, many stores, etc., etc. A fine country; plenty of forage. My loss, two hundred and fifty [men].

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 456-7

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Tuesday, May 10, 1864

Went to New River Bridge. They shelled the woods filled with our men killing three or four. A fine artillery duel between our guns on the high ground on the west side of the river, theirs on the east. The Rebel effort was to keep our men from firing the bridge. It was soon done. A fine scene it was, my band playing and all the regiments marched on to the beautiful hills hurrahing and enjoyed the triumph. Marched thence to Pepper's Ferry and spent the afternoon and night fording and ferrying the river. Sixteen miles.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 457

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Wednesday, May 11, 1864

Blacksburg, nine miles, through a finely cultivated country; constant pursuit of mounted videttes. We caught Colonel Linkus, formerly of [the] Thirty-sixth [Virginia], as he was leaving town. Camped about 2 P. M. on a fine slope in a fierce rain-storm. No comfort.

I protect all the property in my vicinity. I take food and forage and burn rails, but all pillaging and plundering my brigade is clear from. I can't say as much for the Pennsylvania regiments, Third and Fourth, etc. Their conduct is most disgraceful. An officer may be excused for an occasional outrage by some villain in his command, but this infamous and universal plundering ought to dispose of shoulder-straps. Camped on Amos' farm — engaged in the Rebellion.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 457

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Thursday, May 12, 1864

A most disagreeable rainy day. Mud and roads horrible. Marched from Blacksburg to Salt Pond Mountain. My brigade had charge of the train. I acted as wagon-master; a long train to keep up. Rode all day in mud and rain back and forth. Met "Mudwall" Jackson and fifteen hundred [men]—a poor force that lit out rapidly from near Newport. Got to camp — no tents—[at] midnight. Mud; slept on wet ground without blankets. A horrible day, one of the worst of all my experience. Fifteen miles.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 457-8

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Friday, May 13, 1864

From Salt Pond Mountain to Peters Mountain. A cold rainy morning. Afternoon, weather good. Bivouacked on east side of Peters Mountain very early. Sun and rest make all happy. Caught a Rebel train and a cannon at the foot of the hill. [At] 3 P. M. ordered to cross Peters Mountain to get forage for animals. A good little march — fifteen miles. Bivouacked at foot of Peters Mountain northeast side.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 458

John A. Quitman to James K. Cook, August 28, 1832

Monmouth, August 28th, 1832.

On my return from the eastern section of the state, I read in your paper of the 10th inst. an editorial suggestion of the names of several citizens as electors for President and Vice-president of the United States, who are known to be in favor of a renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States, with a request that the individuals named should signify to you their acceptance or rejection of the proposed nomination. My name having been suggested, I conceive it a duty to state that, although I have long considered the Bank of the United States a valuable institution, well calculated to promote the general good by its tendency to lessen the price of exchange, and to produce and preserve a uniform and sound paper currency throughout the Union, and would be pleased to see its charter renewed for a limited period, with such modifications as would prevent an abuse of its powers, yet, without wishing to underrate its consequence, I do not consider the question of rechartering it the only or most important one which is likely to be involved in the election of the first and second officers of the government.

In the present important crisis there are, in my opinion, several great questions of constitutional construction and national policy, much more vitally interesting to the people of the United States, and particularly to the citizens of the South, than any which can arise out of the bank question. I can not, therefore, consistently with these views, agree to become a candidate for elector for President and Vice-president, solely with reference to their opinion on the renewal of the charter of the Bank of the United States.

SOURCES: John F. H. Quitman, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Volume 1, p. 131

Wednesday, January 8, 2020

Henry Clay to John J. Crittenden, May 11, 1826

Washington, May 11, 1826.

Dear Crittenden,—I have received your acceptable favor of the 27th. The affair with Mr. R[andolph], to which you refer with so much kindness, was unavoidable (according to that standard, my own feelings and judgment, to which its decision exclusively belonged). I rejoiced at its harmless issue. In regard to its effect upon me, with the public, I have not the smallest apprehension. The general effect will not be bad. I believe it is the only similar occurrence which is likely to take place here. As to McDuffie and Trimble, the general opinion here is that Trimble obtained a decided advantage, and in that opinion I understand some of the friends of McDuffie concur. You will not doubt it when you read Trimble's speech, who really appears on that occasion to have been inspired. Mr. Gallatin is appointed to England, and there is general acquiescence in the propriety of his appointment. Our senator, Mr. R., made a violent opposition to Trimble's nomination, and prevailed upon four other senators to record their negatives with him. He is perfectly impotent in the Senate, and has fallen even below the standard of his talents, of which, I think, he has some for mischief, if not for good. The judiciary bill will most probably be lost by the disagreement between the two Houses as to its arrangements. This day will decide. My office is very laborious. Amidst sundry negotiations and interminable correspondence, I have, nevertheless, found time during the winter and spring to conclude two commercial treaties,—one with Denmark and one with Guatemala, which have had the fortune to be unanimously approved by the Senate. Publication deferred till ratified by the other parties. I am rejoiced at the prospect you describe of the settlement of our local differences. It will be as I have ever anticipated. I think, with deference to our friends, there has been all along too much doubt and despair. On the other hand, you should not repose in an inactive confidence. I believe with you, that some of the Relief party have been alienated from me. Not so, however, I trust with Blair, to whom I pray you to communicate my best respects.

Yours, faithfully,
Henry Clay.

SOURCES: Mrs. Chapman Coleman, The Life of John J. Crittenden, Volume 1, p. 65; C. N. Feamster, Calendar of the Papers of John Jordan Crittenden, p. 32

Sunday, January 5, 2020

Robert Toombs to John J. Crittenden, November 9, 1848

Atlanta, Ga., Nov. 9th, 1848.
Dear Crittenden,

The telegraff being out of order, you may get our glorious news by this before you receive it otherwise.

I am on my way to my plantation, having passed thro' the lower portion of the State last night.

The thing is settled, Io triumphe, Georgia will give Old Zach 2,000 majority. I have worked hard and feel amply rewarded—now “whatever sky is above me, I have a heart for every fate.”

I leave in five minutes for the West.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 135-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 8, 1863

The President's message was sent to Congress to-day. I was not present, but my son Custis, who heard it read, says the President dwells largely on the conduct of foreign powers. To diminish the currency, he recommends compulsory funding and large taxation, and some process of diminishing the volume of Treasury notes. In other words, a suspension of such clauses of the Constitution as stand in the way of a successful prosecution of the war. He suggests the repeal of the Substitute law, and a modification of the Exemption act, etc. To-morrow I shall read it myself.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 112

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: December 9, 1863

The President's message is not regarded with much favor by the croakers. The long complaint against foreign powers for not recognizing us is thought in bad taste, since all the points nearly had been made in a previous message. They say it is like abusing a society for not admitting one within its circle as well as another. The President specifies no plan to cure the redundancy of the currency. He is opposed to increasing the pay of the soldiers, and absolutely reproaches the soldiers of the left wing of Bragg's army with not performing their whole duty in the late battle.

Mr. Foote denounced the President to-day. He said he had striven to keep silent, but could not restrain himself while his State was bleeding—our disasters being all attributable by him to the President, who retained incompetent or unworthy men in command, etc.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 112-3

Saturday, January 4, 2020

Private Daniel L. Ambrose: 7th Illinois Infantry Roster of Officers


The Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry now commences its three years' service with the following roster of officers.

Colonel.—John Cook.
Lieutenant Colonel.—A. J. Babcock, late Capt. Co. "I."
Major.—Richard Rowett, late Gapt. Co. "K."
Adjutant.—Leroy R. Waller.
Quartermaster.—William Brown.
Surgeon.—Richard L. Metcalf.
First Assistant Surgeon.—James Hamilton.
Chaplain.—Jesse P. Davis.

Company A.

Captain.—Samuel G. Ward.
First Liuetenant.—Jonathan Kimbal.
Second Lieutenant.—-William Renwick.

Company B.

Captain.—James Monroe.
First Lieutenant.—Hector Perrin.
Second Lieutenant.—0. D. Ells.

Company C.

Captain.—Samuel E. Lawyer.
First Lieutenant.— Leroy R. Waller.
Second Lieutenant.—Edward R. Roberts.

Company D.

Captain.—Beuj. M. Munn.
First Lieutenant.—Ira A. Church.
Second Lieutenant.—James M. Munn.

Company B.

Captain.—Geo. H. Estabrook.
First Lieutenant.—John A. Smith.
Second Lieutenant.—H. N. Estabrook.

Company F.

Captain.—Jas. T. Cummings.
First Lieutenant.—Wm. Mathie.
Second Lieutenant.—A. D. Knowlton.

Company G.

Captain.—Henry W. Allen.
First Lieutenant.—Geo. W. Tipton.
Second Lieutenant.—Adam E. Vrooman.

Company H.

Captain.—Clifford Ward Holden.
First Lieutenant.—Leo W. Myers.
Second Lieutenant.—Jacob L. Ring.

Company I.

Captain.—Noah E. Mendell.
First Lieutenant.—E. S. Johnson.
Second Lieutenant,—Thomas N. Francis.

Company K.

Captain.—George Hunter.
First Lieutenant.—Joseph Rowett.
Second Lieutenant.—Thomas B. Rood.

SOURCES: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 11-2

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 11, 1863

The raid on the fence before going into camp.

We drew two days' rations and marched till noon. My company, E, being detailed for rear guard, a very undesirable position. General Logan thinks we shall have a fight soon. I am not particularly anxious for one, but if it comes I will make my musket talk. As we contemplate a battle, those who have been spoiling for a fight cease to be heard. It does not even take the smell of powder to quiet their nerves—a rumor being quite sufficient.

We have no means of knowing the number of troops in Vicksburg, but if they were well generaled and thrown against us at some particular point, the matter might be decided without going any further. If they can not whip us on our journey around their city, why do they not stay at home and strengthen their boasted position, and not lose so many men in battle to discourage the remainder? We are steadily advancing, and propose to keep on until we get them where they can't retreat. My fear is that they may cut our supply train, and then we should be in a bad fix. Should that happen and they get us real hungry, I am afraid short work would be made of taking Vicksburg.

Having seen the four great Generals of this department, shall always feel honored that I was a member of Force's 20th Ohio, Logan's Division, McPherson's Corps of Grant's Army. The expression upon the face of Grant was stern and care-worn, but determined. McPherson's was the most pleasant and courteous—a perfect gentleman and an officer that the 17th corps fairly worships. Sherman has a quicker and more dashing movement than some others, a long neck, rather sharp features, and altogether just such a man as might lead an army through the enemy's country. Logan is brave and does not seem to know what defeat means. We feel that he will bring us out of every fight victorious. I want no better or braver officers to fight under. I have often thought of the sacrifice that a General might make of his men in order to enhance his own eclat, for they do not always seem to display the good judgment they should. But I have no fear of a needless sacrifice of life through any mismanagement of this army.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 13-5

Friday, January 3, 2020

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: January 6, 1862

Reveille beat at 6 o'clock this morning, and all hands turned out in the midst of a driving snow storm, elated at the prospect of getting away. I cannot say I was very exuberant in spirit as there was work in it and things began to look like a reality. An hour or so sufficed to pick up our traps and load our camp equipage on the wagons, drink a cup of hot coffee and declare ourselves ready to march. The companies were formed in their company streets; the rolls called, and we marched out on the parade ground and formed the regimental line. Col. Upton said he should like to fire a few rounds as a parting salute to old Camp Hicks, and gave the order to load. The firing over, there came the order, “By companies right wheel! forward march!” and we turned our backs on our old home. Passing the camp of the 27th Massachusetts, we halted, and, wheeling into line, honored them with a salute of a few rounds, which was responded to with hearty cheers. We then marched to the Naval academy, where seven companies, with the field and staff, their horses, band and all the camp equipage, went aboard the steamer New York. Two companies, D and H, went aboard the gunboat Zouave, and company I aboard the schooner Skirmisher. All aboard, the New York steamed out into the harbor a short distance and anchored till further orders.

AN INCIDENT.

A little incident here occurred showing the good nature of Col. Upton. While waiting for the baggage to be got aboard, a small party of us thought we would go up to the academy grounds, and see the 4th Rhode Island boys who had just arrived. We had not been there fifteen minutes before we saw the boat leaving the wharf, and the way we put for it was a caution to travelers a little too late for the cars. We readied the wharf all out of breath, and the first man we saw was Col. Upton. He appeared a little cross at first, and then putting on one of his good-natured looks, asked us where we had been. We replied we had been up to see the Rhode Island boys. “Well,” he said, “yonder goes the boat, what are you going to do?” Some one suggested that under the circumstances we had better stand by the colonel and take our chances. “Ah!” he replied, “I will soon have you fellows where I shall know where to find you.” He then procured a boat and crew, told us to get aboard and put for the steamer. As we pushed away from the wharf, we left the colonel standing there, looking as good-natured and happy as though it was Sunday afternoon and he had just heard a good sermon.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 17-8

Captain Charles Wright Wills: August 29, 1864

August 29, 1864.

I would much like to know what the Chicago Convention is doing to-day. We hear there is a possibility they may nominate Sherman. How we wish they would. He would hardly accept the nomination from such a party, but I would cheerfully live under Copperhead rule if they would give us such as Sherman. Sherman believes with Logan, “that if we can't subdue these Rebels and the rebellion, the next best thing we can do is to all go to hell together.”

We have already thrown our army so far to the right that our communications are not safe, but yet we can't quite reach the Montgomery or Macon railroads. It is determined to leave the 20th Corps at Vinings to guard the railroad bridge, and I think to move all the rest to the right. The army has just moved its length by the right flank. Looks easy and simple enough, but it took three days and nights of the hardest work of the campaign. The whole line lay in sight, and musket range of the enemy, not only our skirmishers, but our main line, and half a dozen men could, at any point, by showing themselves above the works, have drawn the enemy's fire. A gun, a caisson, or a wagon could hardly move without being shelled. On the night of the 25th, the 20th Corps moved back to the river to guard the railroad bridge seven miles from Atlanta; and the 4th moved toward the right.

Night of the 26th the 15th, 16th and 17th moved back on different roads toward the right. The wheels of the artillery were muffled and most of them moved off very quietly. One gun in our division was not muffled, and its rattling brought on a sharp fire, but I only heard of two men being hurt. Our regiment was deployed on the line our brigade occupied, and remained four hours after everything else had left. At 2:30 a. m. we were ordered to withdraw very quietly. We had fired very little for two hours, and moved out so quietly that, though our lines were only 25 yards apart in one place, the Rebels did not suspect our exit. We moved back three-quarters of a mile and waited an hour, I think, for some 17th Corps skirmishers. We could hear the Johnnies popping away at our old position, and occasionally they would open quite sharply as though angry at not receiving their regular replies. When we were fully two miles away they threw two shells into our deserted works. We did not lose a man, but I give you my word, this covering an evacuation is a delicate, dangerous, and far-from-pleasant duty. There was a Johnnie in the "pit" nearest us that got off a good thing the other day. A newsboy came along in the ditch, crying, "Heer's your Cincinnati, Louisville and Nashville papers." Crack! Crack!! went two Rebel guns, and a Johnnie holloed “There is your Atlanta Appeal! We caught up with the brigade just at daylight, it was raining, but our watch, the hard march, the wear and tear of such duty, made some sleep a necessity, so we tumbled down in the rank smelling weeds, and I was sleeping equal to Rip Van Winkle in half a minute. In half an hour we were awakened, took breakfast and marched a couple of miles to where the train was. Here somebody got Rebel on the brain, and we were run out a mile to investigate. We stopped in a nice, fine grove, and I didn't want to hear any more about the Rebels, but went to sleep instanter. That sleep did me a world of good. I woke about 4 p. m., and found the whole regiment with scarce a half-dozen exceptions, sound asleep. Finally the rear of the train started and we followed. At just midnight we came up to the train corral and laid down for the remnant of the night. At 6 a. m., we left the train and rejoined the division. At dark we camped on the Montgomery and Atlanta railroad, where the mile post says 15 miles to Atlanta. The march has been through a miserable rough country.

We have now been more than half-way around Atlanta, and I have not yet seen a country house that would more than compare favorably with the Coleman Mansion, or a farm that would in any respect vie with the stumpiest of Squire Shipley's stump quarter, or the most barren and scraggiest of Copperas creek barren or brakes. At 12 p. m. they aroused our regiment to tear up railroad track. In one and one-quarter hours we utterly destroyed rails and ties for twice the length of our regiment.

We, by main strength with our hands, turned the track upside down, pried the ties off, stacked them, piled the rails across and fired the piles. Used no tools whatever. On the 29th the 16th Corps moved down and destroyed the railroad to Fairburn. On the 30th the army started for Macon railroad, Kilpatrick's cavalry in advance. He did splendidly. Had hard skirmishing all the day. Took at least a dozen barricades, and went about as fast as we wanted to. He saved the Flint river bridge, and our corps crossed it, and by 12 p. m., were in good position with works within one-half mile of Jonesboro and the railroad.

Darkness kept us from taking the road that night. The enemy had a strong line of pickets all around us and we built our works under their fire. At daylight the 31st, we found the Rebels in plain sight in front of our regiment. I never saw them so thick. Our regiment is on the extreme right of the division.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 291-4

Sunday, December 29, 2019

Brevet Major Luman Harris Tenney: In Memorium

From the Red River Valley News, Glyndon, Minn., Feb. 12, 1880.
Luther Osborn, Editor.

MAJOR TENNEY OF GLYNDON.
HIS DEATH TUESDAY MORNING AT THE AGE OF 38.

We have this week to write of the most impressive event in Glyndon's history which has transpired during the life of the News. Luman H. Tenney, who has been ill for a month, grew rapidly worse on the night of Saturday, was thought to be dying through Sunday, hovered between life and death all the following day, and on Tuesday at 10:30 A. M. quietly breathed out his life.

Although he died as many another man has died with admonition of the approach and progress of disease, after time enough had passed to give warning to friends and the community about him, and in the presence of full preparation on his part, yet a shock is felt among us almost as if he had been taken at a blow. Communities are never ready for the death of such men as Major Tenney! few communities have such men to lose.

The illness which has been apparent to his friends and neighbors has been but five weeks’ duration, and confinement to the house was continuous for three weeks only. He was of the never-give-up type of men who have little tolerance for the idea of sickness in the ordinary sense. His latest planning and anticipating which have been arrested and put aside by his final sickness were of a visit to Florida for rest and health-getting during the remaining weeks of winter; the starting of himself and Mrs. Tenney on this journey was set for the second week in January. February sees him laid to his last rest beside Northern oaks and elms and lindens that grow strong on winds and frosts, instead of breathing soft airs where oranges grow and magnolias bloom and cypress boughs wave. Yet we have his own word for it that it is well with him to take God's disposing in place of his own proposing.

A due estimate of Mr. Tenney’s character this hand cannot pen on this day of his burial; and although the heart that moves the hand be wrung with the task, yet it would not for a world barter the privilege of laying an offering upon the tomb of one who was close as any brother and who has borne a brother's part without the impulse of natural kinship. The village children mourn him as one who seemed to be of them, young men learned of him and will venerate his memory and know why they do so, men of his own age will miss the fit object of their glad deference in daily counsel and action, and grayer and graver men will keenly know that their peer in ripe knowledge and a greater in wise doing has gone out from them forever.

The world knew Major Tenney for his character first, next for his talent, and third for his deeds. Those close to his friendship knew the Christian mainspring that moved him, saw the golden thread of conscience running through his days and years of sunshine and cloud, and were sure of the faith that kept him high-minded, that made him patient in labors whose end other good men sometimes could not see.

In mental characteristics he was obedient to heaven's first law of order, clear, simple, strong. In ways personal and social he was gentle, refined, unstudied, nobly human, and at large liberty as respects mere conventionalities. Sincerity marked his every going out and in before friend or stranger. In business he was a very engine of energy and precision, industrious we fear to rashness, conservative, enterprising, adhering to time-tested methods while teachable in the midst of the new events of a new country, of high integrity and faithfulness, requiring good faith in return from the party of the second part, be he lofty or lowly, employee or customer. For the community he had aspirations beyond the majority of his fellows. In holy fear of the calamities possible to follow the use of rum, he exercised the power he held in colony times to make legal stipulation that it should not be made or sold within the bounds of land conveyed. School and church and society all have felt his elevating influence. Ambitious to do excellent things, he was singularly free even from the willingness to have his excellences told. It would be like him, if he could, to restrain the hand that writes this much in his praise.

Men dying at life's meridian need not be counted lost. Though his mantle may not find a single pair of shoulders on which to fall, yet shall we not find among us here one and there another upon whom its several folds shall rest and who shall finish his work?

This word shall be “The News” memorial of him.
_______________

MILITARY ORDER
OF THE
LOYAL LEGION OF THE UNITED STATES.

MINNESOTA COMMANDERY.

BREVET MAJOR LUMAN HARRIS TENNEY, U. S. V.
(Deceased)

Brevet Major Luman Harris Tenney, of the Second Regiment Ohio Volunteer Cavalry, was born in North Amherst, Lorain County, Ohio, October 1, 1841. His father, Luman Tenney, M.D., formerly of Vermont, was a leading physician of the place. On the side of his mother, Emeline C. Harris, he was descended from a family of sturdy pioneers, who were among the earliest to remove from Massachusetts and settle on the Western Reserve, then almost an unbroken wilderness.

Removing to Oberlin, Ohio, at fourteen years of age, he prepared for college, and in 1859 entered the class of 1863. The disastrous battle of Bull Run was to him, as to many, an imperative call to duty, and in September of that year he left his classes and enlisted as a private soldier in the Second Ohio Cavalry, then organizing at Camp Wade, in Cleveland. He shortly went to the front with his regiment in the capacity of commissary sergeant of his battalion, and thereafter served in the field until two months after the surrender of the Confederate armies. He was successively promoted for merit to the grade of second lieutenant, first lieutenant, and captain in the line, and was subsequently brevetted major by the President, “for gallant service in the campaigns of the Shenandoah Valley in 1864.” He was present in over fifty battles and lesser engagements with the enemy, including Grant’s campaign of the Wilderness, Sheridan's battles of Winchester, Cedar Creek, and Waynesborough, the siege of Petersburg, and the closing campaign about Richmond, culminating with the surrender of Lee's army at Appomattox. At the bloody battle of Five Forks, April 1, 1865, Major Tenney especially distinguished himself for gallantry, coolness, and efficiency, winning the unstinted commendation of his superior officers. In this engagement, his brother, Theodore A. Tenney, fell at his side, fatally hurt by a shell from the enemy's artillery.

Returning to private life, he engaged in business pursuits. On April 16, 1867, he was married to Miss Frances D. Andrews, of Ohio. Later he removed to Minnesota. In 1871 and 1872 he was connected with the work of constructing the Northern Pacific Railroad. Settling at Glyndon, in the Red River Valley, he founded there an agricultural colony of European and American settlers. Here he made his home, engaged on a large scale in growing grain and handling the wheat crop of the Northern belt. Naturally a leader of men, he took a prominent and influential part in every movement that promised a betterment of existing conditions.

On February 10, 1880, Major Tenney died of heart-failure, meeting death as courageously as he had so often faced it on the field of battle.


MAJOR TENNEY'S COMRADES.

The surviving members of the 2nd regiment Ohio cavalry held their annual reunion at Chippewa Lake on Aug. 26th, 1880. A part of the exercises was an eulogistic address on the life and character of the late Luman H. Tenney of Glyndon, Minn., delivered by Capt. H. W. Chester, and a few extracts are here given.

On the morning of the 9th day of September, 1861, five young men, full of love of country and running over with patriotism, left Oberlin for Cleveland, and determined to “go to the war.” They selected as their comrades the boys of the Second Ohio Cavalry— Wade and Hutchins' pet regiment—then being organized at Camp Wade. They cast in their lot with the determined men of Wellington. As in the fall of 1858 Oberlin and Wellington joined hands in their efforts to help the oppressed, so now her sons joined their swords to drive the oppressor from the land, and compel him to let the captive go free; although it would not have been admitted at that time that such was the object, yet the issue was forced upon us, and I am proud of the fact that it was accepted at last, and that in consequence victory perched upon our banners.

Our departed comrade was one of the Oberlin boys. Upon the organization of the Regiment he was appointed Battalion commissary sergeant. While in that position his executive ability was noticed, and promotion followed. It was while in the commissary department that his devotion to duty first appeared. Although he was not expected to take a very active part on the skirmish line, yet he never was known to shield himself behind his position and leave the fighting to others, but where the greatest danger and the greatest need of help was, there he was sure to be found. All of you who were in our first serious fight, at Steubenville, Ky., will remember it not so much for the numbers engaged as for the fierceness of the attack, and the determined resistance made by our colonel, August V. Kautz. It was in this engagement, where Captain Case was so severely wounded and several of our brave men killed, that our comrade acted as aide to our colonel and displayed his coolness and bravery under fire. This was only a faint indication of the spirit that controlled him and became more conspicuous during the following years.

During 1862 and 1863 he was to be found at his post of duty doing faithfully and well whatever was assigned to him. In the summer of 1863 our comrade was commissioned to second lieutenant, after passing a rigid examination before Colonel Kautz. In November, 1864, he was promoted from second to first lieutenant, and in December commissioned captain, and assigned to duty in command of company C. Under his command that company did its full share of fighting, and I have no doubt but that the members of that excellent company present with us today would testify that in Captain Tenney they had a commander who would lead them wherever their bravest would dare to go, and I know that he found in that company men who would go wherever he would lead the way. Many of you probably remember instances where our comrade displayed his unswerving devotion to duty and where he was conspicuous for his bravery. I will give you one or two only: I well remember his action at Five Forks on the first day of April, 1865. How in that terrible ordeal he appeared to be just as cool and self-possessed as though his command was on dress parade; how he passed along the line encouraging his men and instructing them to take advantage of every opportunity to protect themselves, at the same time unmindful of the danger to which he exposed himself. It was during this engagement that his brother Theodore was mortally wounded by a piece of shell from the enemy's battery in our front. Our comrade was standing near him at the time. I shall not soon forget the evidence of a struggle between his sense of duty as a soldier, and his love for his brother, as to whether he should carry him from the field or remain at his post. Just then the enemy's fire slackened so that he was enabled to accompany his brother to the rear, and receive his dying message to his mother, which was: “Tell mother I only wish I had been a better boy.” He soon came back to his command, and was with them to the end. It was the 6th day of April, five days after the battle at Five Forks, at the battle of Sailor's Creek, that our comrade, in company with four others, formed a line of battle across a forty-acre field, and charged a wagon train guarded by five times their number. They deployed their line so as to present a long line of battle, and made a gallant charge, leading on their pretended battalions, driving the enemy from the field, and cutting their wagon train, which resulted in the capture of a train two miles long, with a loss of one-fifth of the charging party wounded. It was just after this charge that another fifth of this party was killed—Lieut. Stearns, whom you will remember as the gallant commander of company B.

At Appomattox Court House, Harper's Farm (Sailor's Creek), and High Bridge our comrade distinguished himself as a commander that could meet and overcome obstacles that would appal a less resolute spirit. He was in command of a battalion, I believe, at the surrender of Lee's army on the 9th day of April, and returned with his regiment to Washington, and participated with it in the grand review. Again at Cincinnati, when the regiment was en route for St. Louis, he displayed his control over men during great excitement, and succeeded in quieting a disturbance that might have resulted in a blot on the fair name of our regiment had it been managed with less skill. Soon after this he was commissioned major in recognition of his services to his country. It is well to remember the valorous deeds of the defenders of our country, and crown them with wreaths of laurel, and tell of their heroic acts to our children, and children's children. Still it is in civil life where most of us must fight the battles that make us heroes, or defeat us in all our efforts for the good of mankind; so with our comrade, although distinguished in war, it was in civil life that he found scope for his nobler traits of character.

It is quite remarkable how, in the ten short years that he was connected with the growth of northern Minnesota, he impressed his character upon that whole region. I cannot better describe his influence and the respect in which he was held than by §§§ some of the many testimonials culled from the press of that State.

DULUTH NEWS.

“This news will bring sadness to the hearts of hundreds, who have recognized in the one who is so suddenly gone, a noble, Christian man, anxious to do what he believed to be right. We mourn for him as a brother, as those sad words, whose meaning is so hard to realize, force themselves upon us, “We shall see his face no more.”

For ten years he has been a leading spirit in Minnesota, and the town of Glyndon is largely his creation.

He leaves his wife and four children in comfortable circumstances, and leaves them also the remembrance of a devoted husband and father, and the record of a useful life.”

MINNEAPOLIS TRIBUNE.

“The news of the death of Major L. H. Tenney, formerly of Minneapolis, which occurred this morning at his home in Glyndon, will be received with general and undisguised regret. Major Tenney was an estimable man in every relation of life, an active, energetic business man, an excellent citizen.

He dies in the prime of vigorous manhood, and his loss will be deeply felt along the line of the Northern Pacific, where he transacted a large grain business, was widely known and highly esteemed.”

Hon. A. McCrea, State Senator from this district, writes:

“It causes a feeling of sadness to hear of the death of Major Tenney.

Well can I remember the talk we had of our future prospects.

He has gone to realize the facts, while I still remain in a world of uncertainty.

I have no doubt his Christian fortitude held him up in his last moments. Although not intimately acquainted, I entertained great respect for him as a man, a very useful man of business, and one who will be missed not only in your village but all along the lines of railroad in this section of our state. His amiable wife and her family have my heartfelt sympathy. If I had been home in time I would have attended the funeral.”

Then follow the few remaining lines of Capt. Chester's address.

We who are still on the battle-field of life would lay upon his grave our offering of love, our tribute of respect. Having done what we may for the dead, let us remember that devoted wife and the four fatherless children who must wait in vain for the return of the fallen soldier, and renew our expressions of sympathy, and invoke for them the tender care of our great Commander-in-Chief.


HEADQUARTERS 
SECOND OHIO CAVALRY ASSOCIATION,


CLEVELAND, Feb. 21st, 1880.

Whereas, This Association has learned with deep regret of the death of our former comrade in arms

MAJOR LUMAN H. TENNEY,

which occurred at his home in Glyndon, Minn., on the tenth day of February, therefore.

Resolved, That while we bow in humble submission to the will of the Great Captain who has called him from among us, our grief is none the less poignant; our sorrow none the less deep; and we do and ever will cherish the memory of Comrade Tenney as that of one of the best, bravest and most patriotic soldiers of our old command; one who hesitated at no danger when duty called; and whose courage, devotion and Christian character was an example worthy to be imitated by us all. In his death the country has lost one of its noblest defenders, society an honored and useful member; each and all of us a generous friend; and his family has sustained a loss we find no words to express. To them in this hour of great sorrow we can only extend our warmest sympathies. Resolved, That these resolutions be spread upon the records of the Association, and a copy be sent to the family of our dead comrade.

ALBERT BARNITZ,            
Brevet Col. U. S. Army,         
Pres. of Association.
WALTER R. AUSTIN,
Acting Secretary.


LETTER FROM COL. ALBERT BARNITZ TO MRS. LUMAN H. TENNEY.

Cleveland, Ohio, March 1, 1880.
Mrs. Luman H. Tenney,
Glyndon, Minn.

Dear Madam:

Having just signed in the capacity of President of the Association, the engrossed copy of the resolutions passed at a recent meeting of surviving members of the old 2nd Ohio Cavalry, I have thought it not inappropriate, although personally a stranger to yourself, to add a few words, as testifying my personal regard and attachment for your late husband. I knew him scarcely otherwise than as a soldier, and did not indeed, become well acquainted with him until the vicissitudes of the service threw upon me the command of the regiment, in the closing campaign of the war, and then it was that I came to admire his unflinching courage and his soldierly ability; at Five Forks, especially, he rendered distinguished service in command of his squadron—or battalion perhaps. I was near him through a considerable portion of the engagement, and well remember his valorous conduct upon that trying occasion. It was there, too that his brother, a handsome and noble boy, was shot down and instantly killed by a shell from the enemy's battery, as he stood in the act of firing his carbine, and just as I was admonishing him to shelter himself behind a tree near which he stood. I am perhaps the only living eye-witness of the occurrence, and unstrapped from my saddle the talma in which he was carried from the field; and the circumstance is as vivid in my mind as if it had occurred but yesterday and all the other marked events of the engagement, and of the subsequent battles in which your husband participated.

And so it is that although the war has been long ended, “And our great deeds are half-forgotten things,” yet I remember vividly my intimate associates of the war, and think of them always as I knew them in the field; and I think of your late husband only as the faithful comrade, the prompt, energetic and ever-reliable soldier; and you—you who in your cruel bereavement will, more than another, mourn his untimely death, will remember him only in the peaceful and tender relations of domestic life, and may even deem it strange that. by reason of the past, whereof you know not except dimly, and as by tradition, a train of bronzed and weatherbeaten men should come across the intervening years, bearing myrrh and incense, and ask to lay upon a soldier's bier some tribute from his comrades of the war.

Respectfully and sincerely yours,
ALBERT BARNITZ,
Brevet Col. U. S. Army.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 179-86

Brevet Major Luman Harris Tenney: Chronology

THE TENNEY FAMILY
TAKEN IN MINNEAPOLIS, MINNESOTA IN 1879


Luman Tenney, N. Amherst, O. Born Oct. 1, 1841.

1860    Very pleasant arrangement with F. (first). Went to Vermont in September. Taught school in Sudbury. Success. Visited Will at Williams. Stood by B. F.

1861    Maple sugar in Spring; foot tramp to Canada; returned through Pennsylvania; arrived August in Oberlin. Enlisted in 2nd O. C. Sept. 9th.

1862    With regiment in Missouri, Indian Territory, Fort Scott, and back to Ohio in December

1863    Promoted to 2nd Lieutenant.  East Tennessee Campaign.  Morgan raid.  Summer furlough in Oberlin.  More Pleasant relations.

1864    Furlough in March. Virginia Campaign. Promoted to Captain. B. F. shoulder-straps Christmas.

1865    Five Forks and Appomattox. Brevetted Major. Mustered out in July, St. Louis. Was in Washington Review. Few enjoyments—enjoyments ceased. In Sept. came to St. Louis. Blind Asylum. In December to Alabama. Cotton at Demopolis.

1866    Cotton crop and missionary works. Went Sandusky in May; local on Register. Oberlin excursion. Engagement July 11. Pleasant relations rest of year. First congregational Sunday-School.

1867    Happily married Apr. 16. Trip to New York; entertained by C. G. Stave business in Sandusky with Dorsey. Everything went merry as a marriage bell.

1868    Still happy and in every way prosperous. B. F. boy born May 4. The next important event was the B. F. reunion in Sandusky. Visited by Delos and Fred. B. F. cup presented; speech by W. N.

1869    Organized Sandusky Tool Co.; dissolved partnership with Dorsey. Visit from Delos, Carlie and Fannie Hudson. Profanity and repentance.

1870    Sought new worlds to conquer. Explored Lake Superior. Discovered the N. Pac. railroad enterprise and the foundations of a wondrous city at the head of the Lake. Invited Delos to come and drive a corner-stake with me. He came and I went east to sell N. Pac. bonds. Theodore Edward born Feb. 16.

1871    Continued work at bonds much of time. Real estate business in Duluth not successful. Made trip to Salt Lake and did the Mormons. Delos took the public schools. Visited Charley in spring and fall. Fannie in Oberlin part of year.
1872    Delos returned to St. Louis. Associated myself with H. Turner in Red River Colony scheme, which promised well, but turned out poorly. Mary Emeline born Aug. 27. Visited Ohio and Phila.

1873    Continued colony enterprise with varying success till the panic in fall, when the enterprise was abandoned—failure. Will visited me in the summer. Visited mother and Melissa in Philadelphia.

1874    Moved to Glyndon in the spring, combining wheat-farming, merchandizing and landselling. Store profitable; lost crop of grain by grasshoppers. Superintendent of Clay County schools.

1875    Business continued prosperous. Crops destroyed by grasshoppers. Organized Teachers' Institute for Northern Minnesota. Visited Fort Garry. Brother Arthur and Charley with us.

1876    Aug. 1st removed to Minneapolis, continuing business at Glyndon. Fairly prosperous. Eddy Williams' Church. Young Ladies' Bible Class. More at home than for several years. Visit from father Andrews.

1877    Business in safes and scales at Minneapolis, also old business at Glyndon. The event of the year was B. F. reunion at Delos'. Visited Ohio.

Note—Luman Harris Tenney was born in Minneapolis, Minn., May 18, 1877, after this last entry was written. Died in Sanford, Florida, Dec. 25, 1882.

FRONT VIEW OF THE ANDREWS-TENNEY HOME
TAKEN IN 1912
THE TENNEY FAMILY RESIDED HERE AFTER 1882


SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 174-8