Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, December 28, 1864

I received a dispatch last evening about midnight, from Lieutenant-Commander Preston on board the Santiago de Cuba at Fortress Monroe, having been sent off from Wilmington by Admiral Porter. The information is not altogether satisfactory. The powderboat was blown up about three hundred yards from Fort Fisher. No mention is made of results. I apprehend nothing serious. Have had no faith in this experiment at any time. I fear Porter relied too much upon it, and should not be surprised if the expedition would have done better without than with it. The troops are said to have disembarked above Fort Fisher, to have taken some earthworks and prisoners, and then to have reëmbarked. This reads of and like Butler. I will not prejudge the men or movements.

Mr. Seward sent me to-day a line from Thurlow Weed, who wanted the pardon or release of Stover. I sent Mr. Seward word how I had disposed of a similar application from the opposite party, viz. declining to furnish copies to outside parties who were in controversy. Mandates from the court must be respected. He made a second application with similar result, and directly after the second call I received an application from Mr. Brown, agent for the opposite parties, stating the court had granted a commission which would be here to-morrow with interrogatories to examine me and the Assistant Secretary. Calling on Mr. Seward in the afternoon, I showed him Brown's letter. He advised me not to testify nor to give any copies of any record. I told him there might be some difficulty or complaint. He said no, he always refused; told of their sending an officer on one occasion to arrest him, [and that] he applied to and got from the War Department a guard. It was all under the authority of the President, who would refuse to give copies of the record and restrain the heads of Department from acting as witnesses in such cases. I told him I had received no such authority from the President and should prefer to have it in writing from the President himself. I added that if he knew what was the President's order or position, he could put it in writing on the back of the paper of Brown, and I would stop and get the President's signature. He took up a pen, but dropped it and said it had better not be in his handwriting.

After being out a little time, he returned, followed soon after by Mr. Hunter with a paper a little longer than seemed to me necessary, and with an unfinished sentence. I remarked that the President might say if he thought proper the public interest required this testimony should be withheld. But this did not suit S., who directed how the paper should be finished.

Returning, I called on the President, who had a large crowd in attendance, chiefly females. I stated briefly the case and handed him the paper, which he carefully read, but said he should want to think of the subject some before putting his name to the paper. I told him I was glad of it, and would leave the paper with him and would call at ten to-morrow for an answer, provided he should then be ready to give one. This met his approval.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 210-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, December 29, 1864

I called at the Executive Mansion at precisely ten this A.M. The President was not in. Mr. Attorney-General Speed came in soon after, and, while waiting for the President I stated to him the case. He said he had heard something from Mr. Seward concerning it last evening. On the question of giving exemplified copies of public records and trial by court martial he was partly decided that copies should be furnished. The President came in while we were discussing the subject, and said he had not fully determined, but his opinion from the consideration he had given it coincided with that of Mr. Speed, but he proposed to send for Mr. Seward, who shortly came. On hearing that the President had hesitated in signing the paper prepared by him and doubted its correctness, he was very much surprised, not to say chagrined; but when Speed joined in those doubts, Seward was annoyed, indeed quite angry. He denied that the public papers of any Department were to be subjected to private examination, and most emphatically denounced any idea of furnishing copies on the claim or demand of any State court or any court in a private suit. If it was conceded in a single instance, it must be in all. “And,” said he, pointing to the private shelves of the President, which he keeps locked, “they will demand those papers.” “But those,” said the President, “are private and confidential, a very different affair.'' “Call them,” said Seward, “what you please, you cannot retain them from Congress or the court if you concede the principle in this case. You cannot discriminate on their call; they will not admit the rectitude of your judgment and discrimination, if you give up to them the right of the demand now made on the Secretary of the Navy. He must not furnish them copies nor must he testify."

Without being convinced, the President was an attentive listener, and I think his faith was somewhat shaken. “We will look at this matter fully and carefully,” said he. “If the Secretary of State is right, we shall all of us be of his opinion, for this is a big thing, and this question must have been up and passed upon before this day.”

He then decided he would have a legal opinion from the Attorney-General, and framed questions for him to answer. Some modifications were suggested, and the matter closed for the present by the President instructing me not to give my evidence or copies till this question was decided.

Lieutenants-Commander) Preston arrived this P.M. with dispatches from Rear-Admiral Porter off Wilmington. The expedition has proved a failure. The powder-ship was a mere puff of smoke, doing no damage so far as is known. In this I am not disappointed. The Navy silenced the batteries and did, so far as I can learn, all that we had a right to expect. From Lieutenants-Commander] Preston's oral account, as well as from the dispatches, the troops appear to have behaved well. It was a mistake that General Butler, a civilian without military knowledge or experience in matters of this kind, should have been selected for this command. He is not an engineer, or an artillerist. He did not land. General Weitzel is wholly under his influence, and the two did nothing. Had the military been well commanded the results would, in some respects, have been different, and, I think, a success. General Butler has won laurels under the smoke and fire and fight of the Navy, — as at Hatteras or at New Orleans, — and he flattered himself that he should in like manner be favored at Wilmington.

General Grant ought never to have given him this command. It is unfortunate that Butler is associated with Grant, for he has great mental power which gives him undue ascendancy over his official superior. Certainly General Grant must have known that Butler was not the proper officer for such an expedition. Why did he give B. this command?

Fox says Grant occasionally gets drunk. I have never mentioned the fact to any one, not even to my wife, who can be trusted with a secret. There were such rumors of him when in the West.

Went with Fox to the President with Admiral Porter's dispatches. He read them carefully through, and after a very brief conversation I asked what was now to be done. The President said he must refer me to General Grant so far as the military part was concerned. He did not know that we wanted any advice on naval matters.

I said we had a large squadron there which we could not retain on that station unless something was to be effected, for it was wasting our naval strength. He said he hoped we had at this time enough vessels to close the ports to blockade-runners, and again said, “I must refer you to General Grant."

We left the President about 3.30 P.M. I had then much of my mail to get off. Did not leave the Department until ten. After dinner, took my usual walk. Fox called at my house, and a dispatch was framed to Grant as the President had directed. I said to Fox that it ought to go through Stanton, or that he should see it. When he was leaving and after he had got the door open, Fox said Stanton might not be at the Department, and would be likely to oppose if he was, and he doubted if it was best to say anything to him. Inconsiderately I assented, or rather did not dissent.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 212-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, December 31, 1864

Mr. Stanton sent, informing me he had a private telegram from General Grant which he would submit. I had last night word from General G. informing me of the fact.

Stanton I found in a very pleasant mood, not at all disposed to defend or justify Butler, whose course he commented on and disapproved. In doing this, however, he censured Porter as being indiscreet and at fault; but when I dissented and asked wherein he was to blame, Stanton made no attempt to specify, but spoke of him as blatant, boisterous, bragging, etc. The dispatch of General Grant stated he had received my telegram, that he should immediately organize another expedition secretly, which he hoped to get off by Monday, would give sealed orders not to be opened until outside, and that no one but himself, the quartermaster, and telegraphic operator in cipher should have the contents. Stanton said no one but himself and the telegraph-operator knew the contents. I told him I should inform Fox, for I must have some one to assist and with whom alone I would consult.

Commodore Rodgers came up from the fleet and entered just after I returned from the War Department. He is very indignant that the military part of the expedition should have been such a total failure, and is indignant towards Butler, who, he says, has defeated the whole expedition, which, with a military commander of courage and skill, would have been a success. I went with the Commodore to the President, who read Admiral Porter's dispatch and listened calmly to the statements of Rodgers denouncing Butler and his failures, at Petersburg, at Richmond, and now at Wilmington.

Sent Fox to Stanton to detain the steamboat at Baltimore until a special messenger, Lieutenant-Commander Preston, could arrive and proceed in her to Hampton Roads and there take a boat for Wilmington. Telegraphed to Norfolk to have a boat ready for Preston to go immediately on board. The Newbern was ready, Barry telegraphs this evening. Preston bore dispatch to Porter to hold his own, for Grant promises to send a military force by Monday or at farthest by Tuesday.

Butler has a well-prepared article in the Norfolk Régime, written by Clark, the editor, a creature of his but a man of some ability. The general himself undoubtedly assisted in its concoction. But military as well as naval men, without a single exception that has come to my knowledge, censure the general and commend the admiral. My own convictions are decidedly with the Navy, and I believe I can judge impartially, notwithstanding my connection with the Navy. I do not think Grant entirely exempt from blame in having permitted such a man as Butler to have command of such an expedition. I so told Stanton this morning, and recommended to him that they should be dissociated,— that Butler should be sent to some distant position, where he might exercise his peculiar and extraordinary talent as a police officer or military governor, but not to trust him with any important military command. I am not certain we should have been able to engage the army in this expedition but for Butler, and we could not have enlisited Butler had we not assented to the powderboat. That was not regular military, and had it been a success, the civilian General would have had a triumph.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 215-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Sunday, January 1, 1865

The date admonishes me of passing time and accumulating years. Our country is still in the great struggle for national unity and national life; but progress has been made during the year that has just terminated, and it seems to me the Rebellion is not far from its close. The years that I have been here have been oppressive, wearisome, and exhaustive, but I have labored willingly, if sometimes sadly, in the cause of my country and of mankind.

What mischief has the press performed and is still doing in the Rebel States by stimulating the people to crime by appeals to their manhood, to their courage, to all that they hold dear, to prosecute the war against the most benignant government that a people ever had! Violent misrepresentation and abuse, such as first led them to rebel, are still continued. The suppression for a period of the Rebel press in Richmond, Charleston, and one or two other points would do more than armies in putting an end to this unnatural war.

Mr. Solicitor Chandler, who has charge of the cases of fraud at the Philadelphia Navy Yard, made a report and spent some time with me this morning.

Had some talk with Mr. Merritt,¹ Fox, and Faxon concerning Osborn, the reporter for Sunday newspapers of naval matters. Merritt thinks he is misapprehended in regard to late publications. Fox thinks not, and claims he has facts showing Osborn to be an unmitigated rascal. I am inclined to think him a bad fellow, but am not altogether satisfied with the course pursued in his arrest.

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¹ M. F. Merritt of Connecticut, a personal friend of Secretary Welles.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 218-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, December 17, 1864

Admiral Dahlgren writes me that Sherman is with him in his cabin (14th inst.).

Mr. Chandler,¹ employed by the Department to attend to alleged frauds in the Philadelphia Navy Yard, arrived here this morning. Discloses great rascalities, of which we shall have more hereafter. Among others he mentions the facts connected with young Clandaniels, who was seduced by Scofield. Living on a salary of $750, pinched for subsistence, the serpent Scofield approached him, gave him in friendly kindness $50. He made further gratuities, then proposed to him, he being clerk of the storekeeper, to pass short weights and measure. To receipt for 70,000 pounds when there were but 50,000. His share in these villainies, C. says, is about $5000. He restores $3600 and his gold watch.

I directed Fox to go and request the President to be present in order that he might hear Chandler's statement, for, as I anticipated, the President had sent for Fox yesterday to inquire respecting Scofield. The President came, and on hearing Chandler's statement, seemed glad to know the facts. Says Thurlow Weed first came to him in behalf of Scofield; that he was disposed to act from representations then made, two or three months ago (it was before election); that he had communicated with me at that time, and sent the papers to Governor Morgan, who had given them over to Anthon, Judge-Advocate-General, to make a summary; that Anthon had done so and said Scofield was rightly convicted. Yesterday Mr. Spencer and others had pressed him very hard to release Scofield on his paying the fine, but he remarked he had some other matters pending. He therefore had sent for Fox to know how matters were.

I hardly think they will get Scofield released, after today's interview. But the President does not rightly appreciate Weed & Co., who are concerned in this business. He says Weed, on seeing Judge Anthon's report, said he had nothing further to say. Nor has he. But Raymond and Darling and others have been pushed forward, Raymond willingly, and doubtless under the expectation of high fees, for Scofield and others bid high.

This is one of the cases that has caused the malevolent intrigues of Raymond, Weed, and others against me. I have been in the way of their greed and intrigues. They could not use me but they have secretly slandered me, had their insinuations, flings, and contrivances through the press and social circles to injure me in public estimation. The work has been very adroitly done, but the President, while standing firmly by me, is not aware, I think, of the real motives that move them.

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1 William E. Chandler, subsequently Secretary of the Navy under President Arthur and Senator from New Hampshire.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 200-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, December 21, 1864

Wrote Gilpin, District Attorney at Philadelphia, in answer to his private letter as to prosecution for frauds in Philadelphia Navy Yard.

The papers are publishing the details of the expedition to Wilmington, and disclosing some confidential circumstances which ought not to be made public. One of the Philadelphia editors says the facts were ascertained and given to the press by Osborn of New York, a prowling mercenary correspondent of the newspapers who buys blackmail where he can, and sells intelligence surreptitiously obtained. I wrote to the Secretary of War, giving him the facts for such action as he may be disposed to take. He informed Fox that he would arrest and try by court martial.

Intelligence of the death of Mr. Dayton, our Minister to France, creates some commotion among public men. The event was sudden and his loss will be felt. . . . I had a light and pleasant acquaintance with him when in the Senate some fifteen or eighteen years ago, and we had some correspondence and one or two interviews in the Frémont campaign in 1856, when he was pleased to compliment me, on comparing Connecticut and New Jersey, with having done much to place my own State in a right position. We met again in the spring of 1861. He was a dignified and gentlemanly representative, not a trained diplomat, and unfortunately not acquainted with the language of the French Court. A numerous progeny has arisen at once to succeed him. John Bigelow, consul at Paris, has been appointed Chargé, and I doubt if any other person will be selected who is more fit. Raymond of the Times wants it, but Bigelow is infinitely his superior.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 205

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 23, 1864

Being a little late at Cabinet, found the President, Seward, and Stanton with my letter before them in relation to Osborn. Stanton was evidently not satisfied with my presentation of the case, and yet was not prepared to specify his objections. He spoke of the publishers as equally deserving arrest, which I did not controvert, but expressed an opinion that all implicated should be attended to. I furnished proof as to the complicity of Osborn. On this further proceedings might be had. Seward was interested in a late singular decision of Judge Wylie of the District Court against Baker, for false arrest and imprisonment at the instigation of the late Secretary of the Treasury, the present Chief Justice Chase. Under this decision, he said, no Cabinet officer was safe. Stanton said he would be imprisoned a thousand years at least.

This proceeding of the court had evidently caused Stanton to hesitate in the matter of Osborn, and hence he wanted me to make special request for the arrest, not only of O. but the different editors, who, he thought, should be punished. I did not incline to that view. O. had surreptitiously obtained information and sold to editors. The President remarked that he thought an example of Osborn might answer without a squabble with the editors. Both he and Stanton dwelt on the disinclination of General Dix to have a fight with newspapers.

An investigation as to the true condition of matters with Judge Wylie in the Baker and Gwin case was directed. The President suggested a difference in this and arrests under the military department.

I have had much difficulty in regard to the Dictator and the Puritan. The large balance due falls heavily on the contractors, who claim they are losing interest at the rate of about two hundred and fifty dollars per day. It is very hard that they should thus suffer, but the law for their relief is very bungling in its phraseology. I have delayed action, and consulted with several. Admiral Smith, Fox, and Faxon advise payment. Lenthall objects. I requested Senator Grimes to examine the papers and the law yesterday, and had intended to associate Mr. Rice with him, so as to have an opinion from the Chairman of each naval committee; but Rice had gone to Boston. Grimes advised payment, so I ordered half a million to be paid towards the Puritan, but none to the Dictator until we had a more satisfactory and full report.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 206-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, December 26, 1864

 Received a letter from Osborn denying that he furnished information concerning operations against Fort Fisher. At the same time Mr. Faxon tells me that Hart, a correspondent of the Rochester Democrat, says that paper was informed a fortnight previous.

Mr. Fox presses for further and more earnest application to Stanton for the punishment of O. Says Stanton thinks and asserts that I am not very anxious on the subject. In other words he desires me to importune him to harsh and general measures against O. and others. As O. is doubtless already arrested, I wrote Stanton transmitting his denial, also the letter of the Philadelphia Press, stating besides the assertion of Hart, and recommended a speedy trial.

Three hundred guns were fired by order of the Secretary of War on Vermont Avenue on account of the capture of Savannah. I felt as joyful as any one, perhaps, over Sherman's success, but I should have dispensed with over two hundred and sixty of those guns, had I made the order.

We have nothing definite or satisfactory from the Wilmington expedition. The weather has not been favorable, and there has been almost too imposing a force to furnish us as good success as we have sometimes had.

I have no faith in General Butler's scheme of knocking down Fort Fisher by blowing up a vessel filled with powder. Herein I differ with military men. The ordnance officers of the Navy and army advised the scheme, and are, as is also Fox, quite confident of its success. (Butler's influence.) I hope it may be so, and that the powder vessel may get near Fort Fisher, and be left by the crew before the explosion. Could we get Wilmington now along with Savannah, the Rebellion would run low.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 209

Diary of Gideon Welles: November 25, 1864

For some weeks I have been unable to note down occurrences daily. On the evening of the election, the 8th, I went to the War Department about nine o'clock by invitation of the President. Took Fox with me, who was a little reluctant to go lest he should meet Stanton, who had for some days been ill. The Department was locked, but we were guided to the south door. The President was already there, and some returns from different quarters had been received. He detailed particulars of each telegram which had been received. Hay soon joined us and, after a little time, General Eaton. Mr. Eckert, the operator, had a fine supper prepared, of which we partook soon after 10. It was evident shortly after that the election had gone pretty much one way. Some doubts about New Jersey and Delaware. We remained until past one in the morning and left. All was well.

The President on two or three occasions in Cabinet meeting alluded to his message. It seemed to dwell heavy on his mind, — more than I have witnessed on any former occasion. On Friday, the 25th, he read to us what he had prepared. There was nothing very striking, and he evidently labors in getting it up. The subject of Reconstruction and how it should be effected is the most important theme. He says he cannot treat with Jeff Davis and the Jeff Davis government, which is all very well, but whom will he treat with, or how commence the work? All expressed themselves very much gratified with the document and his views. I suggested whether it would not be well to invite back not only the people but the States to their obligations and duties. We are one country. I would not recognize what is called the Confederate government, for that is a usurpation, but the States are entities and may be recognized and treated with. Stanton, who was present for the first time for six weeks, after each had expressed his views, and, indeed, after some other topic had been taken up and disposed of, made some very pertinent and in the main proper and well-timed remarks, advising the President to make no new demonstration or offer, to bring forward his former policy and maintain it, to hold open the doors of conciliation and invite the people to return to their duty. He would appeal to them to do so, and ask them whether it would not have been better for them and for all, had they a year since accepted his offer.

Each of the members of the Cabinet were requested to prepare a brief statement of the affairs of their respective Departments. Seward had already handed in much of his. I told the President I would hand him my brief the next day.

At this meeting on the 25th, Mr. Usher made some allusion to the gold that was forthcoming in the Territories.

The President interrupted him, saying he had been giving that matter a good deal of attention and he was opposed to any excitement on the subject. He proposed that the gold should remain in the mountains until the War was over, for it would now only add to the currency and we had already too much currency. It would be better to stop than 1 to increase it.

Mr. Fessenden said something must be done, for he could not any longer negotiate on the basis of paying interest in coin. We cannot, he says, get the specie and must stop paying it out. I was amused. Neither of them appeared to have even the rudiments of finance and currency. Gold is no longer a currency with us. It is merchandise, and all that may be got from Idaho, Nevada, Arizona, and California will not swell the volume of currency. Our banking and irredeemable paper issues are legal tenders and made currency not based on specie, and of course it is an inferior currency.

Our Secretary of the Treasury must learn that if he does not demand and pay out gold he will have none. If he will reduce the volume of paper currency, so as to create a demand for gold, he will get it, but he will never have it if he slights it. He has schemes for getting out cotton to relieve him and the Treasury in making payments, and the blockade is to be indirectly violated in order to get cotton from the Rebels with which to purchase gold. Of course we shall have to pay the Rebels if not in gold, in its equivalent, for all the cotton we get of them, and shall thus furnish them with the sinews of war.

It cannot be otherwise than that the country will become impoverished with such ideas pervading the government. There will be devastation and ruin, if not corrected, before us. Fessenden is of the old Whig school of folly on finance and currency; is resorting to flimsy expedients, instead of honest, hard truth. Gold is truth; irredeemable paper and flimsy expedients are not.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 178-80

Diary of Gideon Welles: [Saturday, November 26, 1864]

I called on the President Satur: day, the 26th, as I had promised him I would the day before, with my abstract for the message, intending to have a full, free talk with him on the subjects that were under review the day previous. But Mr. Bates was there with his resignation, and evidently anxious to have a private interview with the President.

The question of Chief Justice has excited much remark and caused quite a movement with many. Mr. Chase is expecting it, and he has many strong friends who are urging him. But I have not much idea that the President will appoint him, nor is it advisable he should. I had called on the President on the 23d, and had some conversation, after dispatching a little business, in regard to this appointment of Chief Justice. He said there was a great pressure and a good many talked of, but that he had not prepared his message and did not intend to take up the subject of judge before the session commenced.

“There is," said he, "a tremendous pressure just now for Evarts of New York, who, I suppose, is a good lawyer?” This he put inquiringly. I stated that he stood among the foremost at the New York bar; perhaps no one was more prominent as a lawyer. "But that," I remarked, “is not all. Our Chief Justice must have a judicial mind, be upright, of strict integrity, not too pliant; should be a statesman and a politician.” By politician I did not mean a partisan. [I said] that it appeared to me the occasion should be improved to place at the head of the court a man, not a partisan, but one who was impressed with the principles and doctrines which had brought this Administration into power; that it would conduce to the public welfare and his own comfort to have harmony between himself and the judicial department, and that it was all-important that he should have a judge who would be a correct and faithful expositor of the principles of his administration and policy after his administration shall have closed. I stated that among the candidates who had been named, Mr. Montgomery Blair, it appeared to me, best conformed to these requirements; that the President knew the man, his ability, his truthfulness, honesty, and courage.

The President at different points expressed his concurrence in my views, and spoke kindly and complimentarily of Mr. Blair, but did not in any way commit himself, nor did I expect or suppose he would.

I have since seen and had a full conversation with Blair. We had previously exchanged a few words on the subject. I then stated to him that, while it would gratify me to see him on the bench, I preferred that he should continue in active political life, and that I had especially desired he should go into the War Department. This point was alluded to in our present interview, and he confessed the War Department was more congenial to his feelings, but Seward wanted a tool there, and if he had influence, it would be exerted against him (Blair) for that place. Yet in a conversation which he had with Seward about a week since, Seward had given him (Blair) to understand that he was his (Seward's) candidate for Chief Justice. I told him that he could hardly be sincere in this, for Evarts would not consent to be a candidate nor think of it if Seward was not for him. Blair seemed a little shocked with this view of facts, and remarked that if Seward was not for him he was an infernal hypocrite.

Blair says he is singularly placed at this juncture, for the Marylanders are disposed to put him in the Senate at this time, while this judicial appointment is pending. I told him that personally I should be as much pleased to see him in the Senate as in the Court.

Governor Dennison, Postmaster-General, called at my house this evening to have some conversation on the subject of judge. He says he is and was at the last session committed for his fellow townsman Judge Swayne, who was at the time recommended by all on the bench; that he had called on the President at that time in behalf of Swayne, and the President then remarked that that seemed a settled question in which all were agreed. Governor D. is now a little embarrassed, for he feels particularly friendly to Blair.

As regards Mr. Chase, Governor D., like myself, thinks it impossible that he should receive the appointment, that it is one which the President cannot properly make. Says they could not assimilate, and that, were Chase in that position,—a life tenure,—he would exhibit his resentments against the President, who he thinks has prevented his upward official career. He then told me that he labored to get Chase into the Treasury, and how sadly he had been disappointed over his failure as a financier. One of the strong traits of Chase, he says, is the memory of differences, and that he never forgets or forgives those who have once thwarted him. He may suppress his revenge, but it is abiding.

The resignation of Attorney-General Bates has initiated more intrigues. A host of candidates are thrust forward, or are thrusting themselves forward. Evarts, Holt, Cushing, Whiting, and the Lord knows who, are all candidates. Under the circumstances it appears to me the appointment must go to one of the Border States, and hence I have thought Holt would most probably be the candidate of the President. He is, moreover, of Democratic antecedents; still I have no information on the subject.

Fox tells me that Whiting sought him yesterday and introduced the subject of the Navy Department, and inquired of Fox if he would remain were I to leave. To this F. says he replied he thought not, for we had got along so well together that he did not believe he could be reconciled to another. Whiting told him that would have great influence in the matter; that it was thought Senator Grimes might be offered the appointment if there was a change. All of this means that Whiting wants to be Attorney-General, but New England cannot have more appointments, and the little fellow is intriguing for a remote chance. Could the Secretary of the Navy come from Iowa, the Attorney-General, he thinks, might be selected from New England. The game is very easily read. Little Whiting's intrigues are not equal to his egotism, and yet he is a convenient instrument for others. He writes for Stanton, for Seward, and for the President, and intrigues generally. But he overestimates himself. He will never go into the Cabinet.

R. H. Gillett, formerly Solicitor of the Treasury, now a practicing lawyer, chiefly in the Supreme Court, stopped me a few mornings since to relate his last interview with Judge Taney. They were discussing governmental affairs. The Chief Justice was, he says, communicative and instructive. He said the Navy Department made less noise than some of the others, but no Department of the government was so well managed or better performed its duty.

This was, and is, high praise from a quarter that makes it appreciated. The Chief Justice could, as well as any man, form a correct opinion, and in giving it he must have been disinterested. Twenty-five and thirty years ago we were slightly acquainted, but I do not remember that I have exchanged a word with him since the days of Van Buren, perhaps I did in Polk's administration. The proceedings in the Dred Scott case alienated my feelings entirely. I have never called on him, as I perhaps ought in courtesy to have done, but it was not in me, for I have looked on him and his court as having contributed, unintentionally perhaps, but largely, to the calamities of our afflicted country. They probably did not mean treason but thought their wisdom and official position would give national sanction to a great wrong. Whether Judge T. retained any recollection of me, or our former slight acquaintance, I probably shall never know, but his compliment I highly value.

The case of the Florida has from time to time and in various ways been up. She was taken by Collins in the Wachusett at Bahia and brought to Hampton Roads. Having been captured in neutral waters, a great outcry has gone up from the English press and people, and some of our own have manifested a morbid sentiment with those English who have nothing to do with the subject. The Secretary of State has not known what to say, and, I think, not what to do. In our first or second conversation he expressed a hope that we should not be compelled to give up the Florida, and this he repeated in each of our subsequent interviews. I told him the idea ought not to be seriously thought of for a moment, and said that I knew of no instance where a belligerent armed vessel had been restored. That he owed a respectful apology to Brazil, I not only admitted but asserted. We have disturbed her peace, been guilty of discourtesy, etc., etc. Yet Brazil herself has in the first instance done wrong. She has given refuge and aid to the robbers whom she does not recognize as a government. She has, while holding amicable relations with us, seen these pirates seize and burn our merchant vessels, and permitted these plundering marauders to get supplies and to refit in her ports, and almost make her harbors the base of operations. What Brazil will demand or require I know not. Although she has done wrong to us in giving comfort and assistance to these robbers, I would make amends for her offended sovereignty by any proper acknowledgments. I do not believe she will have the impudence to ask restitution. If she did, it would be under British prompting and I would not give it. The case is not as if the war was between two nations. Yet some of our politicians and editors are treating it as such. Among others the New York Evening Post. I am inclined to think there is something personal towards me in this pertness of the Evening Post. The papers have alluded to differences between Seward and myself. There has been no such controversy or difference as the Post represents on this subject. All our talk has been amicable, he doubtful and hesitating, I decided and firm on certain points which, if he does not assent to, he does not controvert. But the publisher of the Evening Post is held in bail for malfeasance at the instance of the Navy Department. Great efforts have been made to let him off, to which I could not yield, and his case is to come off before the grand jury now in session. Under these circumstances the editors of the Post are very willing to differ with me on a public question, and yet they would never admit that they were actuated by personal considerations or a design to influence and bias the jury. It is, they think, their nice sense of honor, which would have us, as a nation, humble ourselves to Brazil for having taken a pirate by the throat within her jurisdiction, and that same sense of honor would screen a malefactor from exposure and punishment.

Brazil, and other governments who have given shelter, comfort, and aid to the piratical vessels that have plundered our commerce under a pretended flag which neither Brazil nor any other nation recognizes, committed the first great wrong. The government of Brazil is aware that the Rebel pirates have no admiralty court, that they have never sent in a vessel captured for condemnation; therefore Brazil herself, by permitting and acquiescing in the outrages on a friendly nation, is the first aggressor, and she should be held to it. If we have injured Brazil, let us make reparation, full and ample. If she has injured us, let her do her duty also, in this respect. So far as her majesty is disturbed by our taking a sneaking thief, whom she was entertaining, by the throat, — an outlaw with some of his robberies upon him, — let all proper atonement be made.

I suggested to Mr. Seward that proceedings should be commenced against the prisoners captured on the Florida as pirates, but he shrank from it, although it would have relieved him of many difficulties. It would not have been wrong to have gone to extremes with them, but the prosecution would bring out the true points and stop noise.

Governor Morgan detailed his journey with Governor Morrill through the different States, visiting the different governors and our political friends prior to the election, under an appointment, it seems, from the Secretary of War, ostensibly to attend to the draft. It was when political affairs looked darkest. He thinks that he and M. under this appointment and visit did much to dissipate the gloom. The intrigues of the radicals were totally defeated, and, after opposing and abusing the President, all of them finally came in, as I had no doubt they would. Morgan says the malcontents held their final secret meeting at the house of one of the editors of the Evening Post.

Chase was, Morgan says, open and sharp in his opposition to the President, — they heard of him at various places, but, finding he could accomplish nothing, he eventually came in, called on the President, procured the sacrifice of Blair as a pretext for his wounded and bruised feelings and those of his friends. This is Morgan's representation.

There was probably something in this, and also, I think, in the intrigues of Thurlow Weed. Strange antagonisms seem to have been harnessed up together in some partypolitical personal operations. Morgan thinks Chase will be appointed Chief Justice, but I do not yet arrive at that conclusion. The President sometimes does strange things, but this would be a singular mistake, in my opinion, for one who is so shrewd and honest, — an appointment that he would soon regret. In this M. agrees with me, and also that Blair is the man.

The place of Attorney-General has been tendered to Holt, who declines it, preferring his present position. This I think an error; that is, no man should decline a place of such responsibility in times like these when the country is so unanimous in his favor. Whiting, Solicitor of the War Department and patent lawyer, is sorely disappointed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 181-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, October 4, 1864

But little at the Cabinet of special importance. Governor Dennison, the new Postmaster-General, for the first time took his seat.

Late in the afternoon the President called upon me to inquire respecting arrangements for a proposed exchange of naval prisoners which was making some disturbance at the War Department and with General Butler. For some fifteen months our naval officers and men who had been captured remained in Rebel prisons. Their number was not large, but the omission to exchange, whether from neglect or design, was justly causing dissatisfaction. For more than a year I had, at various times, made inquiry of the Secretary of War and at the War Department, generally oral, but sometimes by letter, and received evasive answers, —  of difficulties on account of remoteness, of unusual prisoners, of refusal by the Rebels to exchange negroes, — but with assurances that matters would be soon adjusted. Some of our men we had learned were in irons and in close confinement, with slight prospect of relief. I gave the President briefly the facts, – that there had been no exchange of naval prisoners for fourteen or fifteen months, that in the exchanges going on no naval prisoners were embraced, that appeals earnest and touching had been made to me by our prisoners and by theirs, but I had been able to afford no relief.

An informal correspondence after months of unavailing effort through the War Department channel had sprung up between Mr. Fox and Webb, who commanded the Atlanta, and was a prisoner in Fort Warren, they having been some years ago shipmates. Fox had written Webb in reply to an application for release that we were willing to exchange but the Rebel authorities would not. This had led the Rebel prisoners in Fort Warren to write most earnestly to Richmond. A few weeks since Lieutenant-Commander Williams had been released at Charleston, and sent to our fleet under flag of truce with thirty days' leave to effect an exchange, and brought me a letter from Mallory, "Secretary Confederate Navy,” stating he had not received letters which had been sent, but accepting a proposition to exchange naval officers, and proposing himself to exchange all naval prisoners. This had been assented to by us, and we now sent orders for the Circassian to proceed with a hundred or two prisoners to Port Royal and bring home our men. But after instructions had been sent to Boston for them to go by the Circassian, we had received by telegram from Ould¹ word that the yellow fever prevailed at Charleston, with a suggestion that the proper exchange could take place on the James River. When this suggestion was made, I objected to it from an impression that it would come within the army cartel and cause difficulty, but after discussing the subject with Mr. Fox, who dwelt on the infection, getting yellow fever in the squadron and at Port Royal, and some conversation with General Hitchcock, I reluctantly yielded assent. Word had been sent to our senior officer, Melancthon Smith, on the James, who had communicated with Butler, and hence the difficulty.

_______________

¹ Acting for the Confederate government.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 168-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, October 5, 1864

The President came to see me pretty early this morning in relation to the exchange of prisoners. It had troubled him through the night. I was at no loss to perceive that behind the subject of exchange there were matters undisclosed to me. He read again this morning the closing remarks of a long telegram from Butler. I have no question there were improper remarks in that dispatch which they at the War Department were unwilling either Mr. Fox or myself should see, for I called Fox in to have all the facts disclosed. He and Webb had, by their correspondence, led to the late movement, which was, however, humane and right. The President said he wanted the subject to be got along with harmoniously, that they were greatly ruffled at the War Department, and if I had no objection he would go and see Seward, tell him the facts, get him to come over, and bring the Secretary of War and all in interest to a consultation. I told him I had no objection, nor any feeling, as it affected myself, on the subject. All I wanted was our imprisoned men.

In less than an hour the President returned with Seward. We went briefly over the question and read to him Mallory's letter. After discussing the subject, went, by request of the President, with him to the War Department. General Hitchcock and General Halleck came in soon. Stanton was ill-mannered, as usual, where things did not please him, and on one or two occasions a little offensive. Did not know why there should be different exchanges; the Rebels would not recognize negroes. I told him that, while general cartel was neglected, the army were making exchanges here, and by Butler on the James, Sherman at Atlanta, Canby at New Orleans, and Foster at Hilton Head. I thought it proper and felt it my duty to see that the naval men were not entirely neglected. That no question as regards color had ever come up in regard to naval exchange; that colored men in our service were not a distinct organization, etc., etc. It was, he said, our duty to prevent Rebel masters from reclaiming slaves who had been in our service. He thought I ought not to write the Confederate Secretary of the Navy, recognizing him as Secretary. That the slave-owners would insist on retaining and reclaiming their slaves wherever and whenever they could, I had no doubt. It was a question of property, and of local and legal right with them which we could not prevent. It was a complicated and embarrassing question, but he must not suppose, nor would the country permit our countrymen to suffer in captivity on such a question. To absolutely stop exchanges because owners held on to their slaves when they got them was an atrocious wrong, one that I would not be a party to.

As regarded Mallory, I told him I had carefully avoided giving him a title, — that I had written to the Hon. Mr. Mallory in answer to a communication I had received.

The President said that the correspondence was a past transaction, that we need not disturb that matter; the Navy arrangement must go forward, and the Navy have its men. He wrote and read a brief letter to General Grant proposing to turn over the prisoners we had sent to him. After reading it he asked for comments and opinions. General Hitchcock, a man of warm sympathies but little moral courage, began a speech, sycophantic to Stanton, intimating that the War Department should have exclusive control of the cartel, etc. I told him I was perfectly willing and desired it, if they would not obstruct the exchange but get back our men. All assented to the President's letter. Stanton and Seward preferred it should be addressed to General Butler instead of General Grant, but the President preferred addressing the General-in-Chief and I commended his preference. We telegraphed Capt. Melancthon Smith, to turn the prisoners over to General Grant to be disposed of.

In the course of the conversation, Stanton, who began to feel that his position might not stand, said he had known nothing about these exchanges. I told him we had written him requesting that the Rebel prisoners at different points might be sent to Fort Warren in order to be exchanged. General Hitchcock, his commissioner, had been consulted in the matter, and had communicated with Mr. Fox, to whom had been given the charge of details for the Navy, as General Hitchcock had them for the War Department. General Hitchcock himself had proposed that we should take some one or two army men on board the Circassian as a special favor. After this matter was disposed of, and before leaving the room, Seward spoke aside to the President and also to the Secretary of War, stating he had appointed a meeting between them and Weed and Raymond, who were in the building, he had no doubt. As I came out of the Secretary's apartment, Weed was in the opposite room, and evidently saw me, for he immediately stepped aside so as not to be seen. It was not an accidental move, but hastily and awkwardly done. They waited half behind the door until we passed out.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 169-72

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, October 7, 1864

The President was not at his house to-day. Mr. Bates had said to me that the President told him there was no special business. Nevertheless, I preferred soon after twelve to walk over, having some little business of my own. Fessenden, Usher, and myself arrived about the same moment, and we had half an hour's friendly talk. In the course of it, Fessenden took an occasion to pass an opinion upon certain naval officers, showing the prejudiced partisan rather than the enlightened minister and statesman. Farragut, he said, was the only naval officer who has exhibited any skill and ability; there were undoubtedly other officers, but they had not been brought out. I inquired what he thought of Foote. “Well, I allude more particularly to the living,” said he, “but what is Lee, that you have kept him in? Is there any reason except his relationship to the Blairs and to Fox?" — he knew of no other reason. I inquired when Lee had been remiss, and asked him if he knew that Montgomery Blair and Lee were not on speaking terms and had not been for years. He seemed surprised and said he was not. I told him such was the case; that he had never expressed a wish in Lee's behalf to me, or manifested any gratification at that selection, but on the contrary, I knew Blair had thought, with him, that it was an appointment not judicious. I did not tell F. of the narrow animosity of Lee towards Fox. But all this spleen came, I knew, from the War Department and certain influences connected with it. Dahlgren he also denounced, yet when I inquired if he had ever investigated the subject, if he was aware that Dahlgren had maintained an efficient blockade, while Du Pont, whom he half complimented, had not [sic]. “Then,” said I, “what do you say of Porter?” He admitted that he had thought pretty well of Porter until he begun to gather in cotton, and run a race with Banks to get it instead of doing his duty. I told him this was ungenerous and, I apprehended, a sad mistake on his part. The whole tenor of the conversation left no doubt on my mind that Stanton, Winter Davis, Wade, Chase, the thieving Treasury agents and speculators had imposed on Fessenden.

. . . Fessenden is, in some personal matters, very much of a partisan, and his partisan feelings have made him the victim of a very cunning intrigue. He dislikes Seward, and yet is, through other instrumentalities, the creature to some extent of Seward.

Stanton, having been brought into the Cabinet by Seward, started out as a radical. Chase and others were deceived by his pretensions at the beginning, but some time before leaving the Cabinet, Chase found a part of his mistake. Fessenden and others have not yet. They suppose Stanton is with them; Seward knows better. I have no doubt but Stanton when with Fessenden, Wade, and others acquiesces and participates in their expressed views against Seward. Hating Blair, it has grieved Stanton that Lee, the brother-in-law of Blair, should have command, and Fessenden has been impressed accordingly. Himself inclined to radicalism on the slavery issue, though in other respects conservative, Fessenden, who is in full accord with Chase, has a dislike to Blair, an old Democrat but who is represented as the friend of Seward. Yet Blair has no more confidence in, or regard for, Seward than Fessenden has, and I have been surprised that he should acquiesce in the erroneous impression that is abroad. It is easy to perceive why Seward should favor the impression alluded to. Blair was ready to accept the denunciatory resolution of the Baltimore convention as aimed at him, whereas it was intended more particularly for Seward. The Missouri radicals are some who were deceived by the impression that Seward and Blair were a unit. In the convention there was a determination to get rid of Mr. Seward, but the managers, under the contrivance of Raymond, who has shrewdness, so shaped the resolution as to leave it pointless, or as not more direct against Seward than against Blair, or by others against Chase and Stanton.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 172-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, October 13, 1864

The President is greatly importuned and pressed by cunning intrigues just at this time. Thurlow Weed and Raymond are abusing his confidence and good nature badly. Hay says they are annoying the President sadly. This he tells Mr. Fox, who informs me. They want, Hay says, to control the Navy Yard but dislike to come to me, for I give them no favorable response. They claim that every mechanic or laborer who does not support the Administration should be turned out of employment. Hay's representations alarmed Fox, who made it a point to call on the President. F. reports that the President was feeling very well over the election returns, and, on the subject of the Navy Yard votes, expressed his intention of not further interfering but will turn the whole matter over to me whenever the politicians call upon him. I have no doubt he thinks so, but when Weed and Raymond, backed by Seward, insist that action must be taken, he will hardly know how to act. His convictions and good sense will place him with me, but they will alarm him with forebodings of disaster if he is not vindictive. Among other things an appeal has been made to him in behalf of Scofield, a convicted fraudulent contractor, who is now in prison to serve out his sentence. Without consulting me, the President has referred the subject to Judge-Advocate-General Holt, to review and report to him. Holt knows nothing of the case, and, with his other duties, cannot examine this matter thoroughly. Why should the President require him, an officer of another Department, wholly unacquainted with the subject, to report upon it? There are probably two thousand pages of manuscript. The New York party jobbers are in this thing. They will . . . try to procure [Scofield's] release and pardon for a consideration.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 175-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, September 17, 1864

Talked over the subject of Wilmington, examined its localities, and considered the position of things fully with Porter and Fox. I had intended Blair should have been present, for the meeting was at his house, but he was compelled to leave for Baltimore.

Porter has preferred retaining the Mississippi Squadron, but repeated what he has heretofore said, - that he had been treated kindly by the Department, and if I ordered him to go over Niagara Falls in an iron pot he should obey the order. In other words, he and every naval officer must submit and give up their own wishes to the orders of the Department without a murmur of dissent.

There was a special Cabinet-meeting to-day on the subject of the abandoned plantations. A person of the name of Wright wishes the President to put him in possession of what he claims to be his plantation, now in the occupancy of Mr. Flanders, the Treasury agent. It seems that F. has fifty-two of these plantations, or had some time since, perhaps he has more now.

The President said serious questions were rising in regard to this description of property; appeals were made to him, and he could not undertake to investigate and adjust them. Quite a discussion took place in which the President, Mr. Bates, and Mr. Stanton took the principal part. It was not made distinctly to appear how these plantations came into the hands of Mr. Flanders, the Treasury agent. All who were present, except Mr. Bates and myself, seemed to take it for granted that it was legitimate and proper. They said the law had prescribed how abandoned plantations became forfeit. Mr. Stanton said he had given the subject great attention and most thorough investigation, and he made a somewhat emphatic and labored argument, telling the President (very properly I think) he could not, and ought not to, take upon himself the details of these embarrassing questions; that when Admiral Farragut and General Butler took possession of New Orleans, many of the inhabitants fled, leaving their plantations, and kept themselves within the Rebel lines; thousands of negroes were left unprovided for. It became necessary for the government to provide for them; the military authorities had taken up their deserted plantations and seized others, and let them out for the negroes to work. When Mr. Chase got his Treasury agents at work, it was thought best to turn these plantations over to him. After a little time, Chase became sick of his bargain, and desired the War Department to retake possession and responsibility but he (S.) had, declined.

Mr. Bates wanted a definition of “abandoned.” Was it “abandonment” for a man to leave his home with his family and go for a few months to the North, or to Cuba, or to Richmond? etc. Mr. Stanton said the statute made that clear, but Mr. Bates thought Congress, though they made law, did not make dictionaries. I put the question if a man had two plantations, one in Alabama and one in Louisiana, at the time of the capture of New Orleans, and he, being in Alabama, remained there, within the Rebel lines, attending to his private domestic affairs, whether that would be an abandonment of his Louisiana plantation so that Mr. Flanders could take and hold it. I also asked if there was not a preliminary question to all this, — would it not be necessary to ascertain by proper, legal inquiry whether the owner was a Rebel and traitor.

There is too much of a disposition to jump to a conclusion — to take for granted — on many occasions. The owner by legal title-deeds and records is entitled to his land unless he has forfeited it. If a Rebel and traitor, he may have forfeited it, but who is to decide that he is a traitor? Not the military commander or quartermaster, and yet no other officer or tribunal has passed over them.

Some difference appeared between Fessenden and Stanton as to which should have the custody of the plantations. F. thought the agent should report to S. and vice versa. If seized or taken possession of from military necessity, I have never been able to see why the Treasury agent should have them. If not a military necessity, how can he have possession, except under some legal decision? It is not sufficient that the law says the land of a traitor shall be forfeited. Who shall expound and carry the law into effect, transferring title? Not the Treasury agent, certainly.

The President said he wished some means devised to relieve him from these questions. He could not undertake to investigate them. Stanton said that was true, but that, having given the subject great consideration, he was prepared to say what in his opinion was best, – that was that the whole of the matters pertaining to abandoned plantations should be turned over to the War Department and he would organize a bureau or tribunal to make rightful disposition of each case presented.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 148-50

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, September 19, 1864

Grant has gone up to the Shenandoah to see Sheridan. I had advised Porter and Fox to visit Grant on James River, but this prevented, and yesterday it was said at the War Department he would be here to-day. We now learn he has already returned to the Army of the Potomac, so P. and F. left this P.M. to visit him and arrange particulars. Grant has not yet decided or made known what general he shall select for this service.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 150-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 1, 1864

 Great is the professed enthusiasm of the Democrats over the doings at Chicago, as if it were not a matter of course. Guns are fired, public meetings held, speeches made with dramatic effect, but I doubt if the actors succeed even in deceiving themselves. Notwithstanding the factious and petty intrigues of some professed friends, a species of treachery which has lurked in others who are disappointed, and much mismanagement and much feeble management, I think the President will be reëlected, and I shall be surprised if he does not have a large majority.

At Chicago there were extreme partisans of every hue, —Whigs, Democrats, Know-Nothings, Conservatives, War men and Peace men, with a crowd of Secessionists and traitors to stimulate action, — all uniting as partisans, few as patriots. Among those present, there were very few influential names, or persons who had public confidence, but scoundrels, secret and open traitors of every color.

General Gillmore and Fox went yesterday to the front to see General Grant and try to induce him to permit a force to attack and close the port of Wilmington. It is, undoubtedly, the most important and effective demonstration that can be made. If of less prestige than the capture of Richmond, it would be as damaging to the Rebels.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 132-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 15, 1864

Admiral Farragut writes that his health is giving way under the great labor imposed and long-continued service in the Gulf and the Caribbean Sea. Says he must have rest and shore exercise. The Department had ordered him North to command the North Atlantic Blockading Squadron and capture Wilmington. These orders he had not received when his dispatch was written, and I am exceedingly embarrassed how to proceed. Fox tells me that Grant, with whom he has conversed, would not be satisfied with Lee. Grant had so said or intimated to him when Fox was sent with Gillmore to consult with Grant in regard to operations at Wilmington. My own convictions are that Lee is not the man for that. That kind of work is not in him, except under the immediate orders of another. He is true and loyal, prudent and cautious. Farragut would take the place three times while Lee was preparing, and hesitating, and looking behind for more aid. It pains me to distress him and the Blairs by detaching him and ordering another to the work, but individual feelings, partialities, and friendships must not be in the way of public welfare.

The importance of closing Wilmington and cutting off Rebel communication is paramount to all other questions, more important, practically, than the capture of Richmond. It has been impossible to get the War Department and military authorities to enter into the spirit of this work. They did not appreciate it. But they and Grant have now engaged in it, and Grant is persistent. Just at this crisis Farragut unfortunately fails. It is unavoidable, a necessity. He would not ask relief if not compelled to, and may try to obey the orders, though I think not; and if he offers to, I shall not, under the present aspect of affairs, accept the service from him. But who shall take his place? Lee is not the man, whatever his worth in other respects. Admiral Porter is probably the best man for the service, but his selection will cut Lee to the quick. Porter is young, and his rapid promotion has placed him in rank beyond those who were his seniors, some of whom it might be well to have in this expedition. But again personal considerations must yield to the public necessities. I think Porter must perform this duty. Neither Goldsborough nor Du Pont are men for such service. Nor is Davis. Dahlgren has some good qualities, but lacks great essentials and cannot be thought of for this command. His promotion is not and never will be popular with the Navy. Men as well as officers participate in this feeling. I regret it. I strove to have him suppress his aspirations as premature and not earned afloat. But it is difficult to reason with vain ambition. Dahlgren is not for such a duty the equal of Porter, even were he popular with the service and the country. I see no alternative but Porter, and, unprejudiced and unembarrassed, I should select him. The movement is secret, and I have no one to confer with but Fox, who is over-partial to Porter and whose opinion is foregone, and known already before asking.

Now, how to dispose of Lee? I think we must send him for the present to the West Gulf, and yet that is not strictly right, perhaps, to others. His harvest of prize money, I think, is greater than that of any other officer, and the West Gulf, should Wilmington be closed, will be likely, the war continues, to be the theatre of blockade-running. I think, however, Lee must, for a time at least, have the position.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 145-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 23, 1864

Received dispatches to-day from Admiral Farragut confirming intelligence received several days since through Rebel sources. The official account confirms my own previous impressions in regard to operations. Secretary Stanton in one of his bulletins represented that Fort Gaines had surrendered to General Granger and the army. It is shown that the proposition of Colonel Anderson, who commanded the fort, was to surrender to the fleet after the monitors had made an assault, that Admiral Farragut consulted with General Granger, that the terms were dictated from the squadron, that Colonel Anderson and Major Brown went on board the Admiral's vessel when the arrangement was consummated, etc.

Why should the Secretary of War try to deprive an officer like Farragut and the naval force of what is honestly their due? It is only one of many like occurrences during the War. I do not recollect a single instance of generous award to the Navy by Stanton or Halleck. Some will doubtless get in error by it, but I think the country mainly rightly appreciates it, and history may put all right. Not the history of this day and period; a generation at least must pass away before the errors, prejudices, and perversion of partisans will be dissipated, and the true facts be developed. I have had but brief opportunities to look into the so-called histories of the great events now passing, but the cursory examination which I have given let me see mountains of error, and much of it, I am sorry to say, was not unintentional on the part of the writers. Facts were made or worked to suit the partialities or prejudices of the person who professed to record them. Many in this day who read and hear of the capture of New Orleans believe it was taken by General Butler and the army, who were a hundred miles distant when the city surrendered, and it is obviously the purpose of the Secretary of War to so spread such an impression in regard to the capture of Fort Gaines, so that the Navy shall not have the credit.

It does not surprise nor grieve me that another and different class — the intense partisan - should wholly ignore the Navy Department in all naval victories. No word of credit is awarded us by them for the late achievement, yet I know the people are not wholly ignorant on the subject. Some of the more thoughtful will appreciate the labor and responsibility devolving on those who prepared the work, and furnished the means for the work in hand. Some credit is due for the selection of Farragut in the first instance. Mervine had been first assigned to command the blockade in the Gulf. I found when organizing the squadron at the commencement of the Rebellion that there was pressure and claim of usage for the senior officers. Many who were counted best had seceded and proved traitors. My thoughts turned to Gregory for that command, but Paulding, who was then the detailing officer, persuaded me to take Mervine. It was a mistake. Gregory is infinitely the better man. A few months satisfied me that Mervine, a worthy man doubtless, was good for nothing as an officer for such duties as the times required, and he was detached. He and his friends were greatly miffed and wanted a court of inquiry. Anxious to secure an efficient man for his successor, I consulted many and scrutinized carefully. The choice was eventually narrowed down to two, McKean and C. H. Bell. Foote, whom I consulted with others, after much hesitation inclined me to McKean, of whom I thought well from his promptness and patriotism immediately on his return from Japan in the Niagara. He was certainly an improvement on Mervine, but yet not the man, I was soon convinced, partly from ill health, — for the work that was wanted.

When the expedition to New Orleans was determined upon, the question as to who should have command of the naval forces became a subject of grave and paramount importance. I had heard that Farragut resided in Norfolk at the beginning of the troubles, but that he abandoned the place when Virginia seceded and had taken up his residence in the city of New York. The fact interested me. I had known something of him in Polk's administration, and his early connection with Commodore Porter was in his favor. All that I heard of him was to his credit as a capable, energetic, and determined officer, of undoubted loyalty. Admirals Joe Smith and Shubrick spoke well of him. The present Admiral D. D. Porter, who, with others, was consulted, expressed confidence in him, and as Porter himself was to take a conspicuous part in the expedition, it had an important influence. But among naval officers there was not a united opinion. Most of them, I think, while speaking well of Farragut, doubted if he was equal to the position, certainly not so well appointed a man as others, - but yet no one would name the man for a great and active campaign against Mobile or some other point. They knew not of New Orleans. After the question was decided, and, I believe, after Fox and D.D. Porter both wrote Farragut unofficially of his probable selection to command the new Gulf Squadron, I was cautioned in regard to the step I was taking. Senator Hale, when he learned the fact, asked me if I was certain of my man, — Southern born, a Southern resident, with a Southern wife, etc. Several Members of Congress questioned me closely; few knew Farragut, who had not then carved out a great name, and there was, I became conscious, a general impression or doubt whether I had not made a mistake. I will not follow the subject here. His works speak for themselves, and I am satisfied the selection was a proper one, probably the very best that could be made.

At that time Du Pont was in favor, almost a favorite. He had sought to be, or his friends had sought to have him, transferred to Washington to take the place of Paulding. Seward proposed it, and thought Paulding might be otherwise provided for, suggesting the navy yard at Philadelphia or Brooklyn, or a squadron. I did not assent to the arrangement, and the President, who saw I had some feeling on the subject, concurred with me emphatically. Seward said the subject had been brought to him by Winter Davis, — in other words, Du Pont.

I did not then, as I do now, know thoroughly either Davis or Du Pont. It was a skillful intrigue, yet it did not succeed. But the blockade, requiring a close and minute hydrographical knowledge of the coast, brought me in contact with Mr. Bache of the Coast Survey. Mr. Bache sought to make our acquaintance personal and intimate, and but for my unremitting and ceaseless devotion to pressing current duties I should have fully responded. But I had not time. I think he saw and appreciated it, and he intimated, not exactly proposed, a board to take up the subject of our Southern coast, its channels, approaches, inlets, and defenses in detail, and report to me. It struck me favorably, and Du Pont was put upon that board with him, was brought to Washington, and commenced forming a clique while reporting on the surveys of the coast. He moved with great skill, and I, being unsuspicious, was, I can perceive, to some extent deceived. But I think the ill success of the intrigue of H. Winter Davis and himself through Seward led Du Pont to the conclusion that he would not be likely to make head against me during this administration. He therefore changed his tactics, became greatly friendly and profoundly respectful, designing, if he could, to use me. To some extent he did so. Old Admiral Shubrick was his relative and patron. Mr. Fox was devoted to him, and I listened much to Fox as well as to Shubrick. Admiral Paulding, then here, was kindly disposed, as detailing officer, to second Du Pont, and Admiral Davis was his shadow. Of course with such surroundings, and with Du Pont himself, who became friendly, I think truly friendly, and almost deferential, I yielded much to his wishes and recommendations. It was early arranged that he should have a squadron to effect a lodgment at some port on the South Atlantic. Fernandina was much thought of, but Port Royal and Bull's Bay were mentioned. A division of the Atlantic Squadron, then commanded by Admiral Stringham, became indispensable, and Stringham himself, having taken offense, unwisely, at some order issued in my absence, proposed to resign just as the subject of dividing the squadron was taken up, which made the way clear for Du Pont. He took the Navy Register and made to a great extent his selection of officers. It was a Du Pont squadron emphatically. Poor Mercer, who had been his devoted friend, was detached from the Wabash, which was made Du Pont's flag-ship, and died of a broken heart. But neither Farragut nor David D. Porter were within the charmed circle. Du Pont had some jealousy, I saw, of Porter, but none of Farragut. I do not remember to have ever heard a complimentary remark of F. from Du Pont, but he evidently considered him a fair fighting officer, of ordinary standing, - not one of the élite, not of the Du Pont Navy. Of Porter he entertained a higher opinion, but he was no favorite, and, without any charge against him, I was given to understand that he was a troublesome fellow. . . .

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 114-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 30, 1864

Not much of interest at the Cabinet. Seward, Blair, and Bates absent from Washington. The capture of Fort Morgan is confirmed by accounts from Sherman.

Am trying to arrange for changes in command of our squadrons and of our navy yards. Something must be done to close the entrance to Cape Fear River and port of Wilmington. I give no credit to the newspaper gossip of connivance on the part of our naval officers with blockade-runners which many good men believe; but there is a want of effective action. Admiral Lee is true and loyal, careful, and circumspect almost to a fault, but, while vigilant, he has not dash and impetuous daring, and there seems some defect in the blockade which makes Wilmington appear an almost open port. It is true that blockade-running has become systematized into a business, and the ingenuity and skill of Englishmen and the resources of English capital are used without stint in assisting the Rebels.

I have been urging a conjoint attack upon Wilmington for months. Could we seize the forts at the entrance of Cape Fear and close the illicit traffic, it would be almost as important as the capture of Richmond on the fate of the Rebels, and an important step in that direction. But the War Department hangs fire, and the President, whilst agreeing with me, dislikes to press matters when the military leaders are reluctant to move.

Fox urges the immediate recall of Farragut and giving him the North Atlantic Squadron. But to withdraw Farragut from Mobile suddenly will give cause for censure. The country is expecting the capture of the city of Mobile. I do not think it an important object at this moment. We have the bay and have closed all communication from abroad. To capture the city will be difficult, very difficult if the army does not take the principal work in hand. If Farragut is recalled, the failure or omission to take the city will be imputed to the Navy Department. Besides, to withdraw Farragut and place him in the North Atlantic Squadron will be to advertise our object, and cause the Rebels to prepare for the work of defense. These and other considerations have weight, and prevent me from acting. It is important, however, that the port of Wilmington should be closed, and no effort should be spared to secure that object. Stanton expressed himself willing in our last conversation but doubted if General Grant could be brought into the movement just now, and was, I saw, disinclined himself to advise or recommend the measure. Have had some talk with Fox and sent him to urge Halleck and Stanton. He had an errand to perform with the President and proposed to open the subject to him also. As I had done so several times, and always found the President willing, and on the last two or three occasions solicitous, yet, like Stanton, deferring to Grant, I thought well of the proposition. It was suggested that Gillmore was at leisure or would be a good officer to command in such an expedition. I have a good opinion of Gillmore as a second officer and as an engineer or artillery officer, but his skill and strength in other respects and particularly in organizing and controlling men and planning and carrying out details of an important movement as chief are questionable, and therefore, I should, unless satisfied by competent men who know him better than I do, hesitate in regard to his selection. This is pretty plain and direct work, and he may succeed. Stanton has agreed to send for Gillmore and get his views. In some proposed changes of our squadron commands I find embarrassments. This one of taking Farragut from the West Gulf and transferring him to the North Atlantic is one. It will be a right and proper measure at the right time. But who shall succeed him? Dahlgren has asked to be relieved of his present command, which he earnestly sought, but I am doubtful about giving him the Western Gulf. Though I do not question his courage, which, however, is artificial, he evades responsibility, is craving in his demands, and profuse in expenditure. Fox has advised his transfer to the Mississippi, and that Porter should take Dahlgren's command. But this change does not suit me nor would it gratify either of those admirals. A second suggestion from Fox is that Porter should have command of a flying squadron for the defense of the coast and the West Indies which it is proposed to raise. This strikes me more favorably, provided he is to leave the Mississippi.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 127-9