Elizabeth Adams Lusk to Captain William Thompson Lusk, January 4, 1863

24 West 31st Street,

Sunday, Jan. 4th, 1863.

My own dear Son:

I went to hear Mr. Prentiss this morning, and was deeply affected and impressed by his New Year's sermon. Thomas and Lilly having gone to church this afternoon, I take advantage of this quiet hour to write a few words to you. We are anxiously awaiting the final result of the battle in Tennessee. It has involved another fearful loss of life; another “army of martyrs” have shed their blood, we trust Oh, God! not in vain. The Emancipation Proclamation too has been issued, and now we wait for the events which crowd so heavily, we trust to a final end. The Monitor has foundered off Cape Hatteras, another calamity to mourn over. We take victories as a matter of course without much elation, but defeats or humiliation in any form we cannot bear. I hoped to have received a letter from you yesterday but did not. Your last letter to me was written on the 23d. Elliott told me he heard that Col. Farnsworth had resigned. Is it true? I hope you approve of the Proclamation. It seems to me it strikes at the root of the evil. Dr. Grant says, although it beggars his family at the South, he thinks it wise and just. Mr. Riley who was born in a slave country (S. A.), says he thinks it is the first blow which has given much alarm to the rebels. There is an idea that it is an obnoxious measure to the soldiers, and those hostile to the Administration foster the notion and strive to spread it. Many prayers for Abraham Lincoln have been offered up to-day, that he may be guided aright, and having acted in the fear of God, that all other fears may be quieted, and he may be strengthened for his great responsibilities. I heard a young man say, at our table to-day, that democratic clubs were forming about the city to prevent drafting. I heard another say that Gen. Dix had been appointed Military Governor of the State of New-York. The times are indeed turbulent and stormy, and none can prophecy as to the future, and yet a stranger in New-York would scarcely believe that we were a nation struggling through appalling trials. The streets are as gay as ever, public amusements as much frequented, and our gayest shops are filled with ladies spending money profusely. The hospitals however tell a tale different indeed.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 264-5

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, November 1, 1864

WASHINGTON CITY, November 1, 1864.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

It is absolutely necessary there should be at New York an adequate military force to protect the public property and man the forts. Governor Seymour has, under a specious pretext, ordered out his National Guard, under command of a man named Green. No time should be lost in placing at General Dix's command, under loyal, suitable officers, not less than 5,000 or 6,000 troops. Western men should be sent if possible. If General Butler could be spared it would be well to send him.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 3 (Serial No. 89), p. 470

Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Edwin M. Stanton, November 7, 1864

Headquarters, City Of New York, Nov. 7, 1864.

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary Of War:

Sir: — I beg leave to report that the troops detailed for duty here have all arrived and dispositions made which will insure quiet.

I enclose a copy of my order and I trust it will meet your approbation. I have done all I could to prevent the secessionists from voting and think have had some effect.

I think I may be able to punish some of the rascals for their crimes after election.

All will be quiet here. The State authorities are sending from the arsenal in New York arms and ammunition to Mr. John A. Green, brigadier-general at Buffalo, and I am powerless to prevent it.

This is what I mean by wanting “territorial jurisdiction.” I am in command of troops solely. It is none of my business to prevent arms and ammunition being sent to Buffalo.

This is one of the dozen cases wherein I cannot act without colliding with General Dix and the State authorities both.

I have not landed any of my men save those I have sent to Buffalo, which are two (2) regiments of regulars and one hundred (100) men at Watervliet for Albany. Now these regiments report to General Peck, but Peck does not report to me. He has some regulars besides those arriving and to arrive.

That is another instance of what is meant by wanting “territorial jurisdiction.”

I have three (3) batteries on ferry-boats all harnessed up ready to land at a moment's notice at any slip on North or East River; gunboats covering Wall Street and the worst streets in the city, and a brigade of infantry ready to land on the battery, and the other troops placed where they can be landed at once in spite of barricades or opposition. A revenue cutter is guarding the cable over the North River and a gunboat covers High Bridge on Harlem River which is the Croton aqueduct.

I have given you these details so that you may understand the nature of my preparations, and perhaps the details may be interesting and of use at some other time.

I propose, unless ordered to the contrary by you, to land all my troops on the morning of election in the city. I apprehend that, if at all, there will be trouble then. I have information of several organizations that are being got ready under General Porter, Duryea, and Hubert Ward, disaffected officers, and others who are intending, if the elections are close, to try the question of inaugurating McClellan, and will attempt it, if at all, by trying how much of an entente can be raised in New York City for that purpose. They propose to raise the price of gold so as to affect the necessaries of life and raise discontent and disturbance during the winter, declare then that they are cheated in the election by military interference and fraudulent ballots, and then inaugurate McClellan.

Now, that there is more or less truth in this information I have no doubt. One thing is certain, that the gold business is in the hands of a half dozen firms who are all foreigners or secessionists, and whose names and descriptions I will give you.

You are probably aware that the government has sold ten (10) or twelve millions (12,000,000) of gold within the past twenty days. The Secretary of the Treasury will tell you how much, it is none of my business to know; but one firm, IT. J. Lyons & Co., have bought and actually received in coin, by confession to me, more than ten millions (10,000,000) within the past fortnight, and his firm is now carrying some three millions (3,000,000) of gold. I felt bound to look up the case of Gentlemen H. J. Lyons & Co. I sent for Lyons, although I suppose I had no right to do so, wanting territorial jurisdiction, set him down before me, and examined him. His story is, as I made him correct it by appealing to my own investigations, as follows: His firm consists of himself, his brother, and the president of the Jeffersonville Railroad, Indiana. He is from Louisville; left there when Governor Morehead was arrested; went to Nashville; left there just before the city was taken by the Union troops; went to New Orleans; left there just before the city was taken; went to Liverpool; left there; went to Montreal and went into business; stayed in Montreal until last December; came here with his brother younger than himself, and set up the broker's business. He claims to have had a capital in greenbacks of eighty thousand (80,000) dollars, thirty thousand (30,000) put in by himself, ten thousand (10,000) by his brother, and forty thousand (40,000) by the other partner. This in greenbacks equal now at two forty-five (2-45) to about thirty thousand (30,000) dollars in gold. On this capital he was enabled to buy and pay for, not as balances, but actually in currency, almost twelve millions (12,000,000) of dollars in gold within the last fortnight, and now is carrying about three millions (3,000,000). This shows that there is something behind him.

He confessed that he left Louisville afraid of being arrested for his political offences. During the cross-examination, he confessed he was agent for the People's Bank of Kentucky, a secession concern which is doubtless an agent for Jeff Davis. Having no territorial jurisdiction, all I could do was to set before him the enormity of his crime, the danger he stood, having forfeited his life by rebellion to the government, and to say to him that I should be sorry if gold went up any to-day, because, as he was so large an operator, I should have cause to believe that he was operating for some political purpose, but that this was a free country and I had no right to control him. Does the Secretary of War suppose that, if I had an actual and not an emasculated command in the city of New York, such a rascal would have left my office without my knowing where to find him? He said, indeed, when he went out, that he thought he should not buy gold any more, and sell to-day all he has. It has got noised around a little that we are looking after the gold speculators, and gold has not risen any to-day up to five (5) o'clock, the time at which I am now writing, although Mr. Belmont's bet is that it would be at three hundred (300) before election, and the treasury is not selling.

Now, what I desire is to spend about a week in which I will straighten the following firms, which are all the men that are actually buying gold:

H. J. Lyons & Co., before spoken of; Vickers & Co., of Liverpool, an English house; H. G. Fant, of Washington; H. T. Suit, Washington house; Hallgarten & Heryfield, a Baltimore house of German Jews; and also to see if some of the rebels that are here cannot be punished. Substantially, none of them registered under General Dix's order.

I have stated all the reasons why I desire to be here. It is respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War, if I am desired to do anything at all, to telegraph me what I shall do, and it shall be done, or please let me return in the front. I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER,  

Major- General.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Butler, Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benj. F. Butler, Appendix (the pages of which are separately numbered from the text of the book), p. 56-8

Major-General John A. Dix to Edwin M. Stanton, November 3, 1864 – Received 4 p.m.

NEW YORK CITY, November 3, 1864.      

(Received 4 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

General Butler has arrived and presented his order. It seems to contemplate that he is to be in the city, in command of the troops to be sent here. This is not the weak point; it is on the frontier from Saint Albans to Buffalo, and at least half of the troops should go there. I write to know whether disposition of the troops is in my discretion. I should not make the inquiry but for the peculiar form of the order.

JNO. A. DIX,

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 1 (Serial No. 91), p. 535

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, November 3, 1864

CONFIDENTIAL.]

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

November 3, 1864.

Major-General DIX,

New York:

You will understand that in assigning General Butler to report to you it is not designed in any way to impair or interfere with your supreme command, but is only a brief, temporary arrangement, which affords the only chance of getting a sufficient force to serve your purpose in the present emergency. I shall write to you today at large.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 1 (Serial No. 91), p. 535

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 7, 1865 – 10 a.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, April 7, 1865 — 10 a.m.

Major-General Dix,

New York:

General Sheridan attacked and routed Lee's army yesterday, capturing Generals Ewell, Kershaw, Barton, Corse, and many other general officers, several thousand prisoners, and a large number of cannon, and expects to force Lee to surrender all that is left of his army. Details will be given speedily as possible, but the telegraph is working badly.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

(Same to Lieutenant-General Scott, Governors, &c.)

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 640

Edwin M Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 13, 1865

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, April 13, 1865.

Major-General DIX,

New York:

The Department, after mature consideration and consultation with the lieutenant-general upon the results of the recent campaigns, has come to the following determination, which will be carried into effect by appropriate orders to be immediately issued:

1. To stop all drafting and recruiting in the loyal States. 2. To curtail purchases for arms, ammunition, quartermaster and commissary supplies, and reduce the expenses of the military establishment in its several branches. 3. To reduce the number of general and staff officers to the actual necessities of the service. 4. To remove all military restriction upon trade and commerce so far as may be consistent with public safety.

As soon as these measures can be put in operation it will be made known by public orders.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 744

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 15, 1865 – 1:30 a.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

April 15, 1865 — 1.30 a.m. (Sent 2.15 a.m.)

Major-General DIX,

New York:

Last evening, about 10.30 p.m., at Ford's Theater, the President, while sitting in his private box with Mrs. Lincoln, Miss Harris, and Major Rathbone, was shot by an assassin, who suddenly entered the box and approached behind the President. The assassin then leaped upon the stage, brandishing a large dagger or knife, and made his escape in the rear of the theater. The pistol-ball entered the back of the President's head, and penetrated nearly through the head. The wound is mortal. The President has been insensible ever since it was inflicted, and is now dying. About the same hour an assassin (whether the same or another) entered Mr. Seward's home, and, under pretense of having a prescription, was shown to the Secretary's sick chamber. The Secretary was in bed, a nurse and Miss Seward with him. The assassin immediately rushed to the bed, inflicted two or three stabs on the throat and two on the face. It is hoped the wounds may not be mortal; my apprehension is that they will prove fatal: the noise alarmed Mr. Frederick Seward, who was in an adjoining room, and hastened to the door of his father's room, where he met the assassin, who inflicted upon him one or more dangerous wounds. The recovery of Frederick Seward is doubtful. It is not probable that the President will live through the night. General Grant and wife were advertised to be at the theater this evening, but he started to Burlington at 6 o'clock this evening. At a Cabinet meeting yesterday, at which General Grant was present, the subject of the state of the country and the prospects of speedy peace was discussed. The President was very cheerful and hopeful; spoke very kindly of General Lee and others of the Confederacy, and the establishment of government in Virginia. All the members of the Cabinet except Mr. Seward are now in attendance upon the President. I have seen Mr. Seward, but he and Frederick were both unconscious.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 780

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 15, 1865 – 4:10 a.m.

WASHINGTON CITY,                    

No. 458 Tenth Street, April 15, 1865 — 4.10 a.m.     

(Sent 4.44 a.m.)

Major-General DIX:

The President continues insensible and is sinking. Secretary Seward remains without change. Frederick Seward's skull is fractured in two places, besides a severe cut upon the head. The attendant is still alive, but hopeless. Major Seward's wounds are not dangerous. It is now ascertained with reasonable certainty that two assassins were engaged in the horrible crime, Wilkes Booth being the one that shot the President, the other a companion of his whose name is not known, but whose description is so clear that he can hardly escape. It appears from a letter found in Booth's trunk that the murder was planned before the 4th of March, but fell through then because the accomplice backed out until “Richmond could be heard from.” Booth and his accomplice were at the livery stable at 6 this evening, and left there with their horses about 10 o'clock, or shortly before that hour. It would seem that they had for several days been seeking their chance, but for some unknown reason it was not carried into effect until last night. One of them has evidently made his way to Baltimore, the other has not yet been traced.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 781

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 15, 1865 – 3 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

April 15, 1865 — 3 p.m.

Major General DIX:

Official notice of the death of the late President Abraham Lincoln was given by the heads of Department this morning to Andrew Johnson, Vice-President, upon whom the Constitution devolved the office of President. Mr. Johnson upon receiving this notice appeared before the Hon. Salmon P. Chase, Chief Justice of the United States, and took the oath of office as President of the United States, and assumed its duties and functions. At 12 o'clock the President met the heads of Department in Cabinet meeting at the Treasury building, and among other business the following was transacted:

1. The arrangements for the funeral of the late President was referred to the several Secretaries, so far as relates to their respective Departments.

2. William Hunter, esq., was appointed Acting Secretary of State during the disability of Mr. Seward, and his son, Frederick Seward, the Assistant Secretary.

3. The President formally announced that he desired to retain the present Secretaries of Departments as his Cabinet, and that they would go on and discharge their respective duties in the same manner as before the deplorable event that had changed the head of the Government.

All business in the Departments was suspended during this day. The surgeons report that the condition of Mr. Seward remains unchanged. He is doing well. No improvement in Mr. Frederick Seward. The murderers have not yet been apprehended.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 781-2

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, April 27, 1865 – 9:35 a.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington, April 27, 1865 — 9.35 a.m.

Major-General DIX,

New York:

J. Wilkes Booth and Herold were chased from the swamp in Saint Mary's County, Md.; pursued yesterday morning to Garrett's farm, near Port Royal, on the Rappahannock, by Colonel Baker's force. The barn in which they took refuge was fired. Booth, in making his escape, was shot through the head and killed, lingering about three hours, and Herold captured. Booth's body and Herold are now here.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 989

Major-General John A. Dix to Abraham Lincoln, March 7, 1863

Head Quarters Department of Virginia

Seventh Army Corps

Fort Monroe, Va. Mch. 7th 1863

Sir:

I am extremely unwilling to trouble you amid your multifarious and responsible duties with a matter, which ought to have been settled elsewhere. But having failed in every effort to arrange it, I feel it my duty to the public service to appeal to you. Soon after Admiral Lee took command of the blockading squadron on this part of the coast, he placed a Gun-boat between Fort Monroe and Fort Wool, a short distance to the East, and required all vessels bound to this post, even when laden with Army stores, to come to anchor or heave to, until a permit to come to the dock could be procured from me. —

No such requirement has been enforced before, since the commencement of the war. It is not only a new but a useless vexation: and has led in some instances to the most serious inconvenience and loss. —

The only pretext, under which it can be made, is to enforce the blockade; and as against this Fort it is an absurdity. A blockade is an investment of an enemy's port. — Admiral Lee is blockading one of our Forts by one of our gun-boats – a novelty in war which is without precedent.

I protested against this proceeding at the outset as an indignity to the Army and to the Commander of this Military Department whose Head Quarters are here; and I would have resisted it but for an unwillingness to present to the public the scandal of a quarrel between the Army and the Navy, when the cordial co-operation of both is needed to maintain the national interests and honor.

If the object of the blockade of the enemy's territory were promoted by the measure, I would silently acquiesce in it, objectionable as it is. But no such object is gained. There is no enemy's territory to blockade within fifteen miles of Fort Monroe, and the blockading squadron at Newport News and Norfolk shuts out all ingress.

It does not profess to be a precaution against smuggling, and it would be useless if it did. There is a revenue vessel at Fort Monroe, commanded by a very faithful and vigilant officer. There is also a Captain of the Port with a competent force. — These two officers examine all vessels that come to Fort Monroe, not only as to the sufficiency of their papers, but as to their cargoes, opening and scrutinizing every cask and package.

The practical objections to the measure are these

1st It compels every vessel to come to, and to send to the Fort for a permit, often at great inconvenience. —

2nd It occasions delays, always vexatious in time of war, when the prompt delivery of supplies is necessary, and sometimes exceedingly annoying. — The last time I visited Washington, a Commissary's vessel laden with potatoes of which we were greatly in need, was kept lying alongside of the guard-boat twenty four hours because I was not here to give a permit. On the same day some boats laden with insurgents came out of the Rappahannock and burned the Ship Alleghanian laden with guano. If the gun-boat had been employed in protecting our commerce there, instead of blockading the Army at Fort Monroe, and keeping us out of our supplies, it would have deprived the enemy of a success and spared us an annoyance. —

3rd It is the source not only of annoyance but of disaster and private injury. On the night of the 21st ulto. in the midst of a violent easterly gale and snow storm a schooner laden with forage for the Quartermaster in attempting to enter the harbor for shelter, was ordered off by the guard-boat, as the Captain states because she had not a permit from me, and ran aground on the beach. She was unladen with great inconvenience, and we had three Steamers employed for portions of two days to get her afloat. The actual loss to the Government cannot be less than $1.000.—

The Officer of the Gun-boat, as I learn, has authority to pass vessels driven into the harbor by violent storms; but misapprehensions sometimes arise and serious accidents occur in consequence. If the gun-boat were removed there would be no danger of misunderstanding and loss. —

These are briefly some of the inconveniences and the evils of this measure. — I object to it 1st as useless; 2nd as inconvenient and vexatious; 3rd as producing public annoyance and injury; 4th as a source of private wrong and loss; and 5th as an indignity to the Army; and on these grounds I ask your interposition to terminate it. I enclose a map showing the position of the gun-boat at "A", and I request that she may be required to be removed and placed as far west as "B", and that this Fort be left open to the access of vessels as it was under Admirals Goldsborough and Wilkes, not only to such as have Army supplies, but such as come here for shelter, subject to the usual revenue and military inspection which is never omitted. —

There is an immense contraband traffic carried on between the York and Rappahannock Rivers, and the Steamer which is blockading us, might render a valuable service in that quarter instead of creating annoyance to the Army here. —

I have the honor to be,

Very respectfully,

Your ob'd't Servant

John A. Dix

Maj. Genl.

[ Endorsed on Envelope by Lincoln:]

Submitted to Mars & Neptune.

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, July 4, 1863 – 5 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington, D.C., July 4, 1863 — 5 p.m.

Major-General Dix,

Fort Monroe:

Advices just received represent Meade's victory complete, and that Lee commenced retreating toward Chambersburg at 3 o clock this morning. Whether he ever gets to Richmond may depend much upon your success in breaking his communication.

 EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 529

Simon Cameron to Abraham Lincoln, March 29, 1864

Private and confidential.

Harrisburg, March 29, 1864.

Dear Sir,

I had a letter this morning from a very intelligent politician, of much influence, in N. York, urging me to consent to a postponement of the convention till Sept. Some time ago, a committee called on me to urge the same matter.

These things and others that have come to my view, convince me that it will be vigorously urged and that if it is not vigorously resisted, it will succeed.

In connection with this, it is well known that Mr. Seward has never ceased to think he will succeed you, and that his faithful manager hopes to carry him into the Presidency next March, by his skill, aided perhaps by the millions made in N. York, by army & navy contracts.

Another, and I think a wiser party, look to the election of Gnl. Dix. The least failure this summer, some now think, will ensure your defeat, by bringing forward a negative man, with a cultivated character such as Dix has acquired by avoiding all responsibility, & always obtaining with every party in power, a high position.

I am against all postponements, as I presume you are, but I look upon this moment as being so formidable that I should like to have a full & free conversation with you, concerning it & the campaign. — There are many points which would probably enable me to do some service, — & as I am in the contest, with no wish saving your success, and with little business to interfere, I desire to guard against all surprizes. — You are always so much employed when I am in Washington, that I have hesitated to occupy your time, — and but, if you will drop me a line saying when I can come to your house, with the chance of an hours uninterrupted talk, I will obey it.

I come from Ft. Monroe yesterday after spending three days there, during which time, I had much pleasant conversation with Gnl. Butler — part of which I would like to communicate to you.

Fearing you will not be able to read my hurried writing,

I am very respectfully

Simon Cameron

SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Abraham Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, May 26, 1862

WASHINGTON, May 26, 1862.

To the SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES:

The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States, and aims at the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely prepared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open organization in the form of a treasonable Provisional Government at Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterward all the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped, and the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval forces, which had been called out by the Government for the defense of Washington, were prevented from reaching the city by organized and combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate and effective organization for the public defense. Congress had indefinitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them. It became necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I should let the Government fall at once into ruin, or whether, availing myself of the broader powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it with all its blessings for the present age and for posterity. I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers — the heads of all the Departments — to meet on Sunday, the 20th [21st] day of April, 1861, at the office of the Navy Department, and then and there, with their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the commercial marine, and especially the California treasure ships, then on their way to this coast. I also directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Boston to purchase or charter, and arm as quickly as possible, five steam-ships, for purposes of public defense. I directed the commandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number for the same purpose. I directed the commandant at New York to purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number. I directed Commander Gillis to purchase, or charter and arm, and put to sea two other vessels. Similar directions were given to Commodore Du Pont with a view to the opening of passages by water to and from the capital. I directed the several officers to take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient services in the matter of His Excellency Edwin D. Morgan, Governor of New York, or in his absence, George D. Morgan, William M. Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses H. Grinnell, who were by my direction especially empowered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for his Department in that crisis in matters pertaining to the forwarding of troops and supplies for the public defense. On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alexander Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrangements for the transportation of troops and munitions of war in aid and assistance of the officers of the Army of the United States until communication by mails and telegraph should be completely re-established between the cities of Washington and New York. No security was required to be given by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of inability to consult with the other. On the same occasion I authorized and directed the Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, $2,000,000 of public money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly consequent upon military and naval measures necessary for the defense and support of the Government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and to report their transactions when duly called upon.

The several departments of the Government at that time contained so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been impossible to provide safely, through official agents only, for the performance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty, and patriotism. The several orders issued upon these occurrences were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the sea-board cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the Northern Lakes. I believe that by these and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some of which were without any authority of law, the Government was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such misdirection occurred to me as objections to those extraordinary proceedings, and were necessarily overruled. I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of Representatives on the 30th day of last month, which is in these words:

Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money, and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without requiring from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when the services of competent public officers were available, and by involving the Government in a vast number of contracts with persons not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the public service, and deserves the censure of the House.

Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is unanimously entertained by the heads of Departments, who participated in the proceedings which the House of Representatives has censured. It is due Mr. Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the proceedings, they were not moved nor suggested by himself, and that not only the President but all the other heads of Departments were at least equally responsible with him for whatever error, wrong, or fault was committed in the premises.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 73-5

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, May 24, 1862 – 6:50 a.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,

May 24, 1862 — 6.50.

Major-General DIX:

Please send all the force you can spare, to re-enforce Banks, speedily as possible.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 12, Part 3 (Serial No. 18), p. 222

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. Dix, 1:30 a.m., April 15, 1865

[OFFICIAL.]

WAR DEPARTMENT,

WASHINGTON, April 15 — 1:30 A.M.

Maj.-Gen. Dix:

This evening at about 9:30 P.M., at Ford's Theatre, the President, while sitting in his private box with Mrs. LINCOLN, Mrs. HARRIS, and Major RATHBURN, was shot by as assassin, who suddenly entered the box and approached behind the President.

The assassin then leaped upon the stage, brandishing a large dagger or knife, and made his escape in the rear of the theatre.

The pistol ball entered the back of the President's head and penetrated nearly through the head. The wound is mortal. The President has been insensible ever since it was inflicted, and is now dying.

About the same hour an assassin, whether the same or not, entered Mr. SEWARD's apartments, and under the pretence of having a prescription, was shown to the Secretary's sick chamber. The assassin immediately rushed to the bed, and inflicted two or three stabs on the throat and two on the face. It is hoped the wounds may not be mortal. My apprehension is that they will prove fatal.

The nurse alarmed Mr. FREDERICK SEWARD, who was in an adjoining room, and hastened to the door of his father's room, when he met the assasin, who inflicted upon him one or more dangerous wounds. The recovery of FREDERICK SEWARD is doubtful.

It is not probable that the President will live throughout the night.

Gen. GRANT and wife were advertised to be at the theatre this evening, but he started to Burlington at 6 o'clock this evening.

At a Cabinet meeting at which Gen. GRANT was present, the subject of the state of the country and the prospect of a speedy peace was discussed. The President was very cheerful and hopeful, and spoke very kindly of Gen. LEE and others of the Confederacy, and of the establishment of government in Virginia.

All the members of the Cabinet except Mr. SEWARD, are now in attendance upon the President.

I have seen Mr. SEWARD, but he and FREDERICK were both unconscious.

EDWlN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

— The New York Times, New York, New York, April 15, 1865, p. 1

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 29, 1863

There is no confirmation of the report of the fall of Vicksburg, but it may be so; nor is it certain that we have advanced to Harrisburg, but it is probable.

Gen. D. H. Hill writes (on Saturday) from Petersburg that 40,000 of the enemy could not take Richmond; but this may be fishing for the command. He says if Gen. Dix comes this way, he would make him a subject of the cartel of exchange which he (Dix) had a hand in negotiating.

J. M. Botts writes, from his farm in Culpepper, that our men are quartered on his premises, and do as much injury as a hostile army could. He is neutral. They pay him ten cents per day for the grazing of each horse.

The Commissary-General is again recommending the procuring of bacon from within the enemy's lines, in exchange for cotton. Why not get meat from the enemy's country for nothing?

Hon. R. M. T. Hunter writes to the Secretary of War to let the Quartermaster-General alone, that he is popular with Congress, and that his friends are active. It might be dangerous to remove him; the President had better commission him a brigadier-general. He says Judge Campbell wants the President to go to Mississippi; this, Mr. H. is opposed to. Mr. H. is willing to trust Johnston, has not lost confidence in him, etc. And he tells the Secretary to inform the President how much he (H.) esteems him (the President).

The New York Times publishes an account of one of their raids on the Peninsula, below this city, as follows:

“Within the past three days a most daring raid has been made into one of the richest portions of the enemy's country, and the success was equal to the boldness of the undertaking.

“The expedition, which was conducted by both land and water, was commanded by Col. Kilpatrick. It started from the headquarters of Gen. Keyes on Wendesday, and returned yesterday. In the interim the Counties of Matthews and Gloucester were scoured. All the warehouses containing grain were sacked, the mills burned, and everything that could in any way aid the rebels were destroyed or captured. Three hundred horses, two hundred and fifty head of cattle, two hundred sheep, and one hundred mules, together with a large number of contrabands, were brought back by the raiders.

“The rebel farmers were all taken by surprise. They had not expected a demonstration of the kind. Not only were they made to surrender everything that could be of the least use to us, but they were compelled to be silent spectators to the destruction of their agricultural implements.”

No doubt we shall soon have some account in the Northern papers of our operations in this line, in their country.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 364-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, July 16, 1863

It is represented that the mob in New York is about subdued. Why it was permitted to continue so long and commit such excess has not been explained. Governor Seymour, whose partisans constituted the rioters, and whose partisanship encouraged them, has been in New York talking namby-pamby. This Sir Forcible Feeble is himself chiefly responsible for the outrage.

General Wool, unfitted by age for such duties, though patriotic and well-disposed, has been continued in command there at a time when a younger and more vigorous mind was required. In many respects General Butler would at this time have best filled that position. As a municipal and police officer he has audacity and certain other qualities in which most military men are deficient, while as a general in the field he is likely to accomplish but little. He, or any one else, would need martial law at such a time, and with such element, in a crowded and disorderly city like New York. Chase tells me there will probably be a change and that General Dix will succeed General Wool. The selection is not a good one, but the influences that bring it about are evident. Seward and Stanton have arranged it. Chase thinks McDowell should have the position. He is as good, perhaps, as any of the army officers for this mixed municipal military duty.

Lee's army has recrossed the Potomac, unmolested, carrying off all its artillery and the property stolen in Pennsylvania. When I ask why such an escape was permitted, I am told that the generals opposed an attack. What generals? None are named. Meade is in command there; Halleck is General-in-Chief here. They should be held responsible. There are generals who, no doubt, will acquiesce without any regrets in having this war prolonged.

In this whole summer's campaign I have been unable to see, hear, or obtain evidence of power, or will, or talent, or originality on the part of General Halleck. He has suggested nothing, decided nothing, done nothing but scold and smoke and scratch his elbows. Is it possible the energies of the nation should be wasted by the incapacity of such a man?

John Rodgers of the Weehawken was here to-day. He is, I think, getting from under the shadow of Du Pont's influence.

Mr. Hooper and Mr. Gooch have possessed themselves of the belief — not a new one in that locality — that the Representatives of the Boston and Charlestown districts are entitled to the custody, management, and keeping of the Boston Navy Yard, and that all rules, regulations, and management of that yard must be made to conform to certain party views of theirs and their party friends.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 372-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: May 20, 1863

Reports from the West say we lost 3000 and the enemy 6000 men in the battle of the 15th inst, when Pemberton fell back over the Black River. Our forces numbered only 12,000, Grant's three times that number. Something decisive must occur before Vicksburg in a few days.

Mr. J. W. Henry writes from New's Ferry, that parties of cavalry, going about the country, professing to belong to our Gen. Stuart's corps, are probably Yankee spies making observations preparatory for another raid. The city councils are organizing the citizens for local defense, thinking it probable another dash may be made.

Gen. Dix threatens to hang the citizens of Williamsburg if they co-operate with Gen. Wise in his frequent attacks on the Federals. Gen. Wise replies, threatening to hang Gen. Dix if he carries his threat into execution, and should fall into his hands, in a more summary manner than John Brown was hung for making his raid in Virginia.

Butter is worth $4 per pound. A sheep is worth $50. A cow $500.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 328