William Hicks Jackson

JACKSON, William Hicks, soldier and capitalist, was born at Paris, Tenn., Oct. 1, 1835, son of Dr. Alexander and Mary W. (Hurt) Jackson. His parents early removed from Halifax county, Va., to Paris, and thence to Jackson, Tenn. They belonged to the best stock of Virginia, and bequeathed to their sons, Howell Edmunds and William Hicks, the high qualities which made them both eminent men. Descended from such ancestors and trained by such parents, William Hicks Jackson displayed in early life the strong impulses, and acquired the complete self-control, which have so distinguished his manhood. His preparatory education was received in the best schools of Jackson, and at West Tennessee College, where he evinced strong intellectual powers. He gained reputation among his schoolmates as the stout defender of the weak against the strong. In 1852 he was appointed a cadet to West Point. Although hard study and severe regulations were irksome to his fiery spirit, he was guided by his firm resolve to gratify the wishes of his father, and was graduated in 1856 with credit to himself. In his career at West Point he displayed the same traits that marked his boyhood, and was recognized as a leader among his comrades. After the usual furlough and some mouths spent at the barracks at Carlisle, Pa., he was sent, in 1857, to Fort Union, New Mexico, where, as an officer in the regiment of mounted rifles, he took an active part in the principal Indian fights in that territory with such men as Kit Carson, La Rue, and others as his guides. The adventurous character of this service was well suited to the bold and ardent temperament of tile young soldier. He was frequently complimented in orders from headquarters of both department and army for his gallantry and good judgment. Although not an advocate of secession, his intense loyalty to his native state induced him, when the first shot was tired in the civil war, to resign his commission in the U. S. regular army, and to offer his services to the Confederate States. After an adventurous journey in running the blockade at Galveston, he finally arrived in Tennessee, was appointed a captain of artillery by Gov. Harris, and summoned before the state military board at Nashville, which retained him two weeks in consultation on the subject of the equipment of cavalry and artillery. He then reported to Gen. Pillow at Memphis, and served on his staff in the campaigns of Missouri and Kentucky. He was assigned to the duty of organizing a light battery at Columbus, Ky., with which he reported to Gen. Pillow. On Nov. 7, 1861, followed the battle of Belmont, in which he performed the exploit of conducting three regiments of infantry to the rear of Grant's army, routing it until securing a Confederate triumph. For this service he was promoted to the rank of colonel. In this battle his horse was shot under him, and he received a minie-ball in the right side, which, inflicting a wound at the time supposed to be fatal, has never been extracted. He was placed by Gen. Albert Sidney Johnston in command of all the cavalry in western Tennessee, and was engaged in many severe minor battles there and in northern Mississippi. He led the brilliant dash on Holly Springs, Miss., Dec. 20, 1862, that resulted in the capture of 1,800 infantry, many cavalry, millions of dollars' worth of stores, and Gen. Grant's private papers. The loss of this secondary base of supplies compelled Gen. Grant to abandon his campaign by land against Vicksburg, caused him to return to Memphis and organize his river campaign. This brilliant service gained him promotion to the rank of brigadier-general, and the unique distinction of being mentioned in Gen. Grant's “Memoirs” as the only man who came near capturing him. Gen. Jackson was next assigned to the command of the second division of cavalry under Gen. Van Dorn, in Tennessee, the first division being commanded by Gen. Forrest, and soon after participated in the battle of Thompson's Station, which resulted in the capture of Col. Coburn's Federal brigade of 1.600 infantry. In the autumn, at the request of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston, Gen. Jackson joined him at Canton, Miss., and commanded the cavalry of his army in the movement for the relief of Vicksburg. Later, at Johnston's request, he was transferred with him to the army of Tennessee, and during the Georgia campaign commanded the cavalry on the left wing. Among the gallant exploits during this period were the defeat of Kilpatrick at Lovejoy Station, and in connection with Gen. Wheeler, the capture at Newnan, Ga., of 1,500 Federal cavalrv. Gen. Jackson was selected by Gen. Hood to join him in the invasion of Tennessee. His division led the advance in pursuing Gen. Schofield's retreating forces, held them at bay for an entire night at Spring Hill, participated in the battle of Franklin, Nov. 30, 1864, and led the Confederate advance to a point only a few miles from the fortified city of Nashville. At Murfreesboro, Jackson defeated the Federals and drove them back to their intrenchments, and after the battle of Nashville, his division covered the retreat of Hood's army. He was now placed in command of Forrest's cavalry troop, and the Texas brigade, and was recommended for promotion by Gens. Dick Taylor, N. B. Forrest, Joseph E. Johnston, and previously by Polk and Hardee; but having incurred the displeasure of Pres. Davis on account of arresting a friend of the president's brother, Joseph, he failed to receive the promotion. Gen. Jackson next served in the Alabama campaign, defeating Gens. Croxton and McCook, and arrived at Marion Junction, where he learned of Forrest's defeat at Selma. Then came the final surrender at Gainesville, Ala., May 9, 1865. Gen. Jackson performed his last military service as Confederate commissioner in association with Gen. Dennis, Federal commissioner, for the parole of the troops at Gainesville and other points. Returning to his home at Jackson, Tenn., the retired soldier entered upon his peaceful career as a cotton planter. On Dec 15, 1868, he was married to Selene, daughter of Gen. W. G. Harding, a highly accomplished and lovely woman. She died Dec. 18, 1892, leaving three children: Eunice, wife of Albert D. Marks, a son of ex-Gov. Marks, and a prominent attorney of Nashville; Selene Harding, wife of William R. Elliston, and William Harding Jackson, who succeeds his father in the management of “Belle Meade,” and gives promise of emulating his father's usefulness. At the request of Gen. Harding, Gen. Jackson became his assistant in the management of the vast stock farm, “Belle Meade,” comprising 5,500 acres, where he found opportunity not only to indulge the tastes so firmly implanted in him as a boy on his father's plantation, but also to devote his mind to the development of scientific agriculture. He was the projector and moving spirit of the agricultural journal known as the “Rural Sun,” which was long the most popular agricultural publication in the South. He was president of the company with Col. J. B. Killebrew as chief editor. In his own language, “Agricultural journals, like almanacs, should be calculated for the latitudes they are designed to serve. . . . My observation has taught me that many young men of the South, in their efforts to apply the teachings of the northern journals to the conditions of the South, have led them into disastrous errors.” Refusing the highest political offices which his fellow-citizens desired to thrust upon him. preferring rather to be the power behind the throne than the shadow upon it, he has proved his public spirit and shown the highest attributes of citizenship by devoting his energies to contributing to the material development of the country, and has accepted positions tending to promote the public welfare. He has been president of the state association of farmers; was organizer and for many years president of the national agricultural congress, and state bureau of agriculture of Tennessee. In the latter capacity he was influential in creating the office of state commissioner of agriculture, and in promoting the publication of that notable work, "The Resources of Tennessee," of which the secretary of the board, Col. J. B. Killebrew, was editor. This work has been published in many different languages and scattered abroad, and, according to leading authorities, was the most eminent agency in first attracting immigration to Tennessee. As president and fiscal agent of the state bureau of agriculture, no money could be spent without his signature. So well was this duty discharged, that the whole work of the department was completed, including the publication of the “Resources of Tennessee” (1874), at a total cost of $13,500, leaving $6,500 out of an appropriation of $20,000 to be returned to the state treasury. In recognition of this distinguished service and economical expenditure, he was complimented by a vote of thanks by the general assembly of Tennessee. In addition to his work as an agriculturist, Gen. Jackson has been an active promoter of various public enterprises: as president of the Safe Deposit Trust Co., of Nashville, of the Nashville Gas Light Co., and of the Nashville street railway, which he took over when in the hands of a receiver in a disordered condition, and reorganized and rehabilitated, financially and materially. In no instance has his genius been more conspicuously displayed than in the perfection of the great “Belle Meade,” celebrated in poetry and song, which experts from England pronounce to be the best managed and most complete stock farm in the world. It is the home of Iroquois, the most famous race-horse, and now one of the most valuable stallions in the world, who won on the English turf an unequaled triumph. Here are also Luke Blackburn (imp.), Great Tom, Tremont, Loyalist (imp.), Clarendon, and other “kings of the turf”; as well as extensive herds of thoroughbred Jersey cattle, Shetland ponies, and the finest deer park in America. “Belle Meade” is a typical southern home, the frequent scene of true southern hospitality, and here Gen. Jackson has entertained Pres. and Mrs. Cleveland, cabinet officers, statesmen, authors, poets, and many foreigners, including members of the nobility from different countries. In many other ways, also, he has contributed to the material prosperity, and stimulated the progress, of his native state. He has erected at Nashville the finest office and apartment building in Tennessee, a model of architecture. He was a moving spirit in promoting the great Tennessee Centennial exposition of 1896-97, and declining the presidency served as chairman of its executive committee. Since the close of the war he has been the advocate of sectional conciliation, and has exerted his powerful influence at all times and at all places, but especially in the Confederate Veteran Association, in which he has long held high rank. By promoting such public enterprises and exerting an influence so salutary and potent, Gen. Jackson furnishes an illustrious example of the private citizen of public spirit who, declining political office, “does more than armies for the commonweal.” The well-known author and scientist, Col. J. B. Killebrew, who has known him over a quarter of a century, has well said: “Gen. Jackson is a strong man, mentally, physically and morally. He never does anything by halves. He never rests as long as there is an improvement to be made. Whatever he puts his hands on, prospers. He has an intuitive knowledge of men, and therefore his agents are always the best for accomplishing the purposes for which he selects them. In the organization and conduct of the many large enterprises with which his name is associated, he has acquired the habits of thought peculiar to all successful men. He goes directly to the point, and he has all the precision of a martinet, with the power of a conqueror. Broad, but accurate; diligent, but deliberate; patient, but prompt; kind, but firm; fearing no weight of responsibility, yet not careless of it, he always meets and overcomes difficulties.”

SOURCE: The National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Volume 9, p. 212-3

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: November 13, 1861

This morning the steamer Aleck Scott proceeds down the river loaded with the Belmont prisoners, accompanied by federal officers from Cairo, Fort Holt and Bird's Point, for the purpose of consummating an exchange. They are met by the rebel steamer Prince, about half way from Cairo to Columbus, with the Union prisoners, accompanied by a party of Confederate officers, [regailed] in their most dashing colors. Meeting under a flag of truce, the steamers are soon lashed together, and Generals Grant and Polk commence the conference relating to an exchange. The Union officers are in the meantime invited on board the rebel steamer, and are soon mingling promiscuously among the “Southern Empire men.” Friendly, social exchanges were made, but in the language of Tom. Carlyle, “they had their share of wind.” With their gaudy glitter they paced the Prince's deck and vauntingly declared the old Union should die; that they would never surrender to the United States government. The exchange having been consummated, the Aleck Scott and Prince commenced moving in opposite directions, one northward and the other southward. Cheer after cheer rolled from each steamer as they separated. Ere long these men will engage in the carnival of blood. How sad to know that these fostered men, beneath the shadow of the flag, should thus assail the country that gave them birth. The Seventh's officers, Colonel Cook, Lieutenant Colonel Babcock, Major Rowett, Captains Monroe, Mendell, Holden, Allen and Hunter, Lieutenants Johnson, Church, Ring, Smith, Roberts, and others, are now landed at Fort Holt from the steamer Aleck Scott, much elated with their trip to Dixie. From what we can learn, they have been "funny fellows” to-day, but this is neither here nor there. These officers, with their glittering gold, their dangling swords, their feathery plumes and manly faces, carryed with them an impression that will forsooth be the cause of forbodings to the traitors. We imagine that they will have unpleasant dreams to-night.

SOURCES: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 18-20

Captain Charles Wright Wills: September 3, 1864

September 3, 1864.

Rebels still here. Congratulatory order from Sherman commences, “Slocum occupied Atlanta yesterday at 11 a. m.” We can see nothing of our position here. I don't know where the 23d and 14th are. Our line here is very crooked, but generally faces southeast. Commencing at our right our line runs 17th, 15th, 16th and 4th. Kilpatrick is on our right or in the enemy's rear. Can't hear a word of Hood's or Polk's old corps or the militia. Hardee is in our front, and they are the only Rebel troops I know aught of. Cheatham's Division faces us, and a S. C. Brigade is opposite our brigade. Captain Wilkinson was wounded in the arm to-day.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 298

Captain Charles Wright Wills: August 31, 1864

Near Jonesboro, August 31, 1864.

We were afraid we would have no battle this month, but our fears were disappointed in a very summary manner this p. m. Hardee, in command of his own and Hood's old corps, attacked the Army of the Tennessee again, the weight of the assault being on our corps. The second division, M. L. Smith's, had the hardest of the fighting. The position our regiment held was unluckily too strong. They did not dare attack us. But we had a splendid view of the fight, both on our right and left.

Six Johnnie lines of battle debouched from the woods on our left, and swept right across our front on open ground, within long musket range, say 600 or 700 yards. This was 2:30 p. m. They were coming over to attack the 16th Corps. A five-gun battery on the right of our regiment and two guns on our left opened on them with spherical case, and threw some canister. They had hardly fired two shots when a Rebel 10-pound Parrott opened on them in front, and a Napoleon battery on our left flank. The Rebels shot admirably and you may imagine our regiment was in a pretty warm position, though our works and traverses made the danger but little.

In ten minutes from the time we first saw the Rebels they struck the 16th Corps, and after a right heavy fight of near an hour they came back flying. Our boys, though not near enough to do much effective shooting, put in 40 or 50 rounds apiece, just to keep our hands in. About the same time they struck Morgan L. they struck our first brigade and the left of our brigade. Our division repulsed them easily and Morgan L. slaughtered them awfully, but he had a hard fight. They charged up close to the left of our regiment, but owing to the direction of our lines not where we could fight them. Our brigade took one colonel, one major, three captains, one lieutenant and 30 men prisoners. The 2d division took several hundred. I can't guess what their loss is, though it is not as heavy as on the 22d or 28th of July, for they did not fight nearly as well. Besides losing a host of men in this campaign, the Rebel Army has lost a large meaure of vim, which counts a good deal in soldiering. Our loss in this fight is comparatively nothing. Say 30 men in our brigade; we have four or five scratched in our regiment, but only one much hurt. A spent 12-pound solid shot rolled on him. Kilpatrick started for the railroad south this morning. He has had a big fight with Cleyburn's division, but don't know much about it. During our fight to-day Schofield and Stanley, 23d and 4th, took the railroad and are destroying it. Hood, with Polk's old corps, are above him and cut off from Hardee.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 294-5

Letter from G. W. B., February 8, 1862

FORT HENRY, Tenn., Saturday Night,

February 8, 1862

For all the purposes of navigation a “booming river” is most admirable, but when viewed in connection with the operations of an army on land, the consequent general overflow of all bottoms, and swollen condition of all tributaries, hardly present so favorable an aspect.  Just now the high water would seem to be our most formidable foe.  Although it will probably permit the federal flag to be exhibited to the people along the Tennessee, even into Alabama, it is likely that it in turn will prevent the same flag from waving over the ramparts of fort Donaldson for at least several days longer than would be the case where the stream at a somewhat lower stage.

It was intended to move promptly against the above named fortification to-day, but so formidable have been the demonstrations of the rapidly rising stream, that let alone moving, it has been with no little difficulty that our army has been kept fairly afloat.  The moat around the fort has assumed the dimensions of an inland sea.  The fortification itself is as veritable an island as one need look upon, while the ground of the camps beyond, and in fact all of the “narrow neck” of land between this point and fort Donaldson is nothing more nor less than an extended quagmire.  The numerous little streams running into the Cumberland and Tennessee are all in a swollen condition and with miles of backwater which with the roads (bad enough at best) present such formidable obstacles to the movements of our heavy artillery necessary for the reduction of the place, as to render a movement almost impossible.  But let not the country be impatient.  The floods have reached their maximum, and in the meantime our engineers are hourly gaining their information in regard to the place.  The blow will soon fall.  The little delay will not make it any less sure, nor none the less heavy.

FEDERAL GUNBOATS IN ALABAMA.

Much interest is felt here among us to learn the particulars of the gunboat expedition up the river.  The boats should be back by to-morrow.  Capt. Phelps, of the Conestoga, received orders to go ahead as far as he could, and he is not the man to return without having fulfilled his orders to the letter.  It is probably that the fleet will be able to proceed as far up the river as Florence, Alabama, thus exhibiting the Federal flag through the “Enemy’s country” for over a hundred and fifty miles, and into the very heart of the rebeldom.  in many respects this is the great expedition of the war, and will doubtless have a moral effect upon the people of Central Tennessee unequal to another victory.  The boats left immediately after the reduction of the fort, and their presence will probably be the first intimation to thousands of people along the river that he had reduced one of their strongholds and were now penetrating the very heart of their vaunted confederacy.  The consternation as well as the surprise and joy (for be it known there is not a feeble union sentiment lying latent in Tennessee) of the people along the river upon the sight of the strange steamers, bearing aloft the national colors, can well be imagined.

WHAT FORT HERNY WAS KEY TO.

To those who have not taken the pains to look at their maps, the reduction of the fort, with its seventeen heavy guns, may appear only as a gallant affair, which will be productive of an excellent effect upon the Union cause at home and abroad, but otherwise of no very great importance.  But let one glance at our position, and trace the course of the Tennessee—for the next two months navigable for the largest steamers, through the entire breadth of the State—and the importance of the road we have now opened will at once become apparent.  We have now a safe and expeditious highway into the very heart of the Confederacy.  Six or eight miles only from the river at Florence is the Memphis and Charleston railroad—the grand trunk road for the South—which, as the great avenue over which is transported the principal supplies of the rebel armies in Tennessee and Virginia, may well be regarded as one of the main arteries of the rebel system.  It will also be noticed that the river before it bends to the eastward, flows through a corner of Mississippi, where an army once dropped down, would be within an easy week’s march of Memphis.  Would it be the most surprising thing in the world if His Reverend Highness the Bishop General Polk, should awake some fine morning to find a federal army snugly ensconced here, and the two hundred and odd cannon and famous submarine battery, of about as much value to him as so much old iron?  I need not also call attention to the critical condition of Nashville and Bowling Green, when the fortifications of the Cumberland and shall also have been swept away, as they assuredly will be, ere many days have passed.  Indeed it seems very much as if the rebels, in their fright had been so busily engaged in barricading their main approaches, that they had quite forgotten the smaller  avenue through which it was possible for an enemy to find an entrance.  Does it not seem that if the “day and the hour” had at last come for the grand forward movement to be inaugurated?  Shall we not now see McClellan releasing his superabundant legions now stagnating on the Potomac, and pouring them through this new avenue, and striking this rebellion in its very core.

THE RETREAT OF THE REBELS.

We are continually discovering further indications of the great haste in which the rebels outside of the fort decamped.  The road leading to Fort Donaldson is completely strewn with guns, blankets, knapsacks, cartridge boxes, and everything of which they could well dispossess themselves.  It is supposed that every one of the field pieces with which they started out have fallen into our possession.  The piece found by Col. Logan yesterday makes twelve, making two complete field batteries.  They are all spiked but can soon be rendered fit for service.  Among a thousand other things discovered about the woods in the vicinity by the soldiers are the complete plans of Fort Donaldson as drawn by the engineers which is, of course, a most invaluable discovery.  It is not known, however, as to how great an extent the plans have been carried out.  Great difficulty is experienced in getting reliable information in regard to the fort.  The negroes who remain give some most laughable instances of the haste in which the rebel force took to their heels.  It was nothing more nor less than a regular Bull Run stampede.  Nothing in the shape of a quadruped was left behind.  Even Gen. Tilghman’s horse was stolen by some frightened brother officer.  It is not probable that we should have found in the fort even the Small number we did, had not the General, after discovering the universal Stampede on the part of the force outside, and of also nearly all the garrison within, promptly stationed a guard at the draw bridge, with orders to shoot down any others who attempted to implicate their inglorious example.  A company of cavalry was stationed at the railroad bridge, twenty miles above here, and upon the approach of the gunboats on Thursday evening, the Captain, with characteristic Southern braggadocio, draw up his men in line on the river bank with the evident intention of blowing them out of the water.  The little rebel gunboat Dunbar was just above the bridge, but as soon as our gunboat approached, as may be imagined, beat a speedy retreat.  Intent upon the capture of this prize, the cavalry company was entirely overlooked, and as I have above stated, were bravely paraded up behind the trees of the river bank, with, to all appearances, exceedingly hostile intent.  Their Double-barrels had been duly loaded with the inevitable buckshot, and then came the ready—present—when, with the infernal shriek which penetrated to the very marrow of their bones, went whizzing by after the Dunbar one of the Conestoga’s shells.  The concluding order of fire was never given, but with one universal shout of horror, Captain and men scattered for the woods, leaving behind them, in many instance, even their hats.  My informant, the keeper of the draw-bridge, who was a witness of the scene, still retains as a trophy the valiant Captain’s sombrero.  He tells me that three of the Company where drowned in the back water of the river in their hasty flight.

THE RAILROAD BRIDGE.

Gen. Grant and staff, with several representatives of the press, and a body guard of sharpshooters, visited the bridge this afternoon.  The distance from the fort to the bridge is 23 miles.  This structure is one of the very finest of the kind in the country, being over 1,200 feet in length, and with about 300 more feet of tressle work, on the westerly side.  There are seven piers besides those of the draw, making nine in all.  The Memphis, Clarksville and Louisville Railroad has proved a most important auxiliary to the rebels, traversing a country rich in agricultural productions, and affording a speedy transit for troops and supplies to Columbus and Bowling Green.  The interruption of travel on this road, will be of itself be a sad blow to the confederacy.  The last rain passed over the road on Thursday, just before the bombardment.  There have been a few companies of rebels permanently stationed here for several months past.  When, in common with the rest of the rebel soldiery of this section, they, on Thursday, fled before our approach, they left their transportation, commissary stores, and everything besides their own precious selves, behind them.  The wagons deserted are perfectly new, and equal to the best we have.  In accordance with the positive instructions of Gen. Halleck, the bridge was not destroyed, but only partially disabled, by cutting away a few of the supports of the tressle work, which can be readily repaired.  It is probable that the next train watch crosses the bridge will be under Federal auspices.

UNION SENTIMENTS—“MASSA LINCOLN.”

That there is a latent Union sentiment still lingering in the hearts of the people of this section of Tennessee there can be no doubt.  Our troops have been cordially received in many instances, while the great majority of the population here would readily submit to any rule which would give them peace.  I have heard not a few express their gratification at the reduction of Fort Henry, saying—“Now, that flag is down, I reckon we shall again have peace.”  Many of them say they voted for the union twice, but the last time seeing it was all of no avail, either yielded to the popular clamor and voted for secession, or kept away from the polls all together.  The leaders of public opinion, the press and the politicians have so long vilified the North, and subsequently the Union army, and no industriously misrepresented the objects of the present war, that the most absurd beliefs are entertained by the common people in regard to us.  May of them believing that rapine and plunder would surely ensue upon our approach, have left their homes and every thing in them, and fled to the woods for safety.  The most monstrous stories are firmly believed by many of them.  For instance, one lady yesterday said to an Illinois Colonel, who visited her that she had but one objection to our troops—they were so cruel.  Upon seeking an explanation of this, she said we burned the bodies of all dead rebels who fell into our hands, and that she had it upon excellent authority that Zollicoffer’s remains were treated in this way.  But few negroes are found in the country, most of them having been run off upon our approach.  Those who have remained manifest a great interest in regard to everything connected with the army and the North.  The first person met by the officer of the boat landing at the fort after the flag had been struck, was one of these contrabands.  With mingled joy and consternation imprinted upon his countenance, and with uplifted army he exclaimed “Afore God, sir, is Massa Lincoln coming in that boat?”

MORE TROOPS.

The Memphis, with the Forty-third Illinois and the Birge’s Sharpshooters have just arrived.

SOUTHERN HONOR.

We had a striking exemplification of the much vaunted Southern honor here yesterday.  A rebel captain, who was among the prisoners who surrendered, upon leaving the Uncle Sam where he had been entertained by General Grant and staff, to the best of their power, very coolly pocketed the revolvers of Capt. Lagow, Gen. Grant’s aid.  The operation was witnessed by several, and upon being requested to hand over the weapons as they could not appropriately be termed his side arms, he blustered and grew very red in the face, but it was all of no avail.  There were too many witnesses, and he had to surrender.  In justice, however, to the South, it should be added that the officer was a quartermaster!  Another officer, high in the command, ordered 28 suppers for some of the privates, which he was given the privilege of doing if he would duly pay the steward of the boat for the same.  The suppers were cooked and eaten, when the generous officer coolly told the steward he had no money but Tennessee currency, and that he supposed it was of no service to him; and turning on his heel, left him to whistle for his pay.

DEAD BODIES FOUND IN THE FORT.

No less than nineteen dead bodies were exhumed in the fort to-day, which had been hurriedly buried in one heap after the fight, and before we reached the fort.  The apparent slight loss of the rebels has been a matter of great surprise, but this recent discovery puts rather a new light on the matter, and it would not be if still more were found.  It will be remembered that only four dead men were found in the fort when we took possession.  This will make at least twenty three who fell beneath the unerring shots of our sailors.

G. W. B.

SOURCE: “From Fort Henry,” The Daily Missouri Democrat, St. Louis, Missouri, Thursday, February 13, 1862, p. 2

Major-General William T. Sherman to Edward M. Stanton, June 15, 1864 – 6:30 p.m.

IN THE FIELD, June 15, 1864—6.30 p.m.  

(Received 12 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Washington, D. C.:

I will have the matter of Sturgis critically examined, and, if he be at fault, he shall have no mercy at my hands. I cannot but believe he had troops enough. I know I would have been willing to attempt the same task with that force; but Forrest is the very devil, and I think he has got some of our troops under cower. I have two officers at Memphis that will fight all the time—A. J. Smith and Mower. The latter is a young brigadier of fine promise, and I commend him to your notice. I will order them to make up a force and go out and follow Forrest to the death, if it cost 10,000 lives and breaks the Treasury. There never will be peace in Tennessee till Forrest is dead. We killed Bishop Polk yesterday, and have made good progress to-day, of which I will make a full report as soon as one of my aides comes from the extreme right flank. General Grant may rest easy that Joe Johnston will not trouble him, if I can help it by labor or thought.

W. T. SHERMAN,    

Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 38, Part 4 (Serial No. 75), p. 480

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 2, 1863

Gen. Lee writes that he will endeavor to protect the workmen while removing the iron at Aquia Creek, but he fears the work has been too long delayed. The government has been too slow.

Gen. Sam Jones writes from Abingdon that his cavalry was at Jonesborough on the 30th ult., although the enemy's raiding parties were on this side. He says if he had a little more infantry, he could soon clear East Tennessee of the foe; and asks that an order from Gen. Cooper (A. and I. G.), calling for two of his best regiments of cavalry, be revoked.

In Gen. Lee's recent campaign beyond the Rappahannock, our losses in killed, wounded, and missing amounted to 1740; the enemy's losses must have been three times that number.

The President made a speech in Charleston on the 1st instant. We have copies from him to-day of his correspondence with Gen. Bragg since he left Chickamauga field. Gen. B. says he will immediately call for Hardee's brigades, promised him, and without delay commence operations on the enemy's left (it is too wet on the right), and drive Burnside out of East Tennessee. But he complains of Gen. Buckner, who assumes to have an independent command in East Tennessee and West Virginia. The President replies that neither Bragg nor Buckner has jurisdiction over Gen. Jones in West Virginia, but that he gets his orders from Richmond. He does not promise to remove Buckner, whom he deems only impatient, but says he must be subject to Bragg's orders, etc.

Gen. Bragg has applied for Gen. Forrest (who went some time since to Mobile and tendered his resignation, in a pet with Gen. Bragg) to command a cavalry force in North Mississippi and West Tennessee. In short, the President is resolved to sustain Gen. Bragg at the head of the army in Tennessee in spite of the tremendous prejudice against him in and out of the army. And unless Gen. Bragg does something more for the cause before Congress meets a month hence, we shall have more clamor against the government than ever. But he has quashed the charges (of Bragg) against Gen. Polk, and assigned him, without an investigation, to an important command.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 87-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 31, 1863

Letters came to-day from the President (or rather copies in his own handwriting), relieving Lieut.-Gen. Hardee, in Mississippi, and assigning him to a command under Gen. Bragg. He also writes a friendly letter (from Meridian, Miss.) to Gen. Bragg, informing him that Gen. Hardee had been ordered to report to him without delay, and that two brigades might go with him, if needed. This indicates that the President means to sustain Bragg, notwithstanding the clamor against him; and that Bragg must have an immense army. Lieut.-Gen. Polk (whom the President will always sustain) is assigned to the Mississippi Department.

The latest accounts from Chattanooga show that the enemy are stirring a little, and trying to flank Bragg's left wing.

The bombardment at Charleston is still without decisive result.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 84

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 12, 1863

Hon. G. A. Henry, Senator from Tennessee, writes to the Secretary that it is rumored that Gen. Pemberton is to command Gen. Polk's corps in Tennessee. He says if this be true, it will be disastrous; that the Tennessee troops will not serve under him, but will mutiny and desert.

                                

It is reported to-day by Gen. Elzey (on what information I know not) that Meade's army has been reduced to 30,000 or 40,000 men, by the heavy reinforcements sent to extricate Rosecrans. Be this as it may, there is no longer any doubt that Lee is advancing toward the Potomac, and the enemy is retreating. This must soon culminate in something of interest.

I saw Commissary-General Northrop to-day, and he acknowledges that Mr. Moffitt, who sells beef (gross) to the butchers at from 45 to 55 cents, is one of his agents, employed by Major Ruffin, to purchase beef for the army! The schedule price is from 16 to 20 cents, and he pays no more, for the government — and if he buys for himself, it is not likely he pays more — and so we have a government agent a speculator in meat, and co-operating with speculators! Will Mr. Secretary Seddon permit this?

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 70

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 6, 1863

Gen. Bragg and others recommend Gen. Hood for promotion to a lieutenant-generalcy; but the President says it is impossible, as the number authorized by Congress is full. And Gen. Bragg also gives timely notice to the Commissary-General that the supplies at Atlanta will suffice for but a few weeks longer. This, Commissary-General Northrop took in high dudgeon, indorsing on the paper that there was no necessity for such a message to him; that Bragg knew very well that every effort had been and would be made to subsist the army; and that when he evacuated Tennessee, the great source of supplies was abandoned. In short, the only hope of obtaining ample supplies was for Gen. Bragg to recover Tennessee, and drive Rosecrans out of the country.

The President has at last consented to send troops for the protection of Wilmington — Martin's brigade; and also Clingman's, from Charleston, if the enemy should appear before Wilmington.

I read to-day an interesting report from one of our secret agents — Mr. A. Superviele — of his diplomatic operations in Mexico, which convinces me that the French authorities there favor the Confederate States cause, and anticipate closer relations before long. When he parted with Almonte, the latter assured him that his sympathies were with the South, and that if he held any position in the new government (which he does now) he might say to President Davis that his influence would be exerted for the recognition of our independence.

Mr. Jeptha Fowlkes, of Aberdeen, Miss., sends a proposition to supply our army with 200,000 suits of clothing, 50,000 pairs of shoes, etc. etc. from the United States, provided he be allowed to give cotton in return. Mr. Randolph made a contract with him last year, of this nature, which our government revoked afterward. We shall see what will be done now.

It is positively asserted that Gen. Bragg has arrested Lieut. Gen. (Bishop) Polk and Brig.-Gen. Hindman, for disobedience of orders in the battle of Chickamauga.

Letter From President Davis. — The Mobile papers publish the following letter from President Davis to the "Confederate Society," of Enterprise, Miss.:

Jefferson Davis to J. W. Harmon, September 17, 1863

There is a revival in the city among the Methodists; and that suggests a recent expiring. In my young days I saw much of these sensational excitements, and partook of them: for how can the young resist them? But it is the Cesarean method of being born again, violating reason, and perhaps outraging nature. There was one gratifying deduction derived from my observation tonight, at the Clay Street meeting-house — the absence of allusion to the war. I had supposed the attempt would be made by the exhorters to appeal to the fears of the soldiery, composing more than half the congregation, and the terrors of death be held up before them. But they knew better; they knew that every one of them had made up his mind to die, and that most of them expected either death or wounds in this mortal struggle for independence. The fact is they are familiar with death in all its phases, and there is not a coward among them. They look upon danger with the most perfect indifference, and fear not to die. Hence there was no allusion to the battle-field, which has become a scene divested of novelty. But the appeals were made to their sympathies, and reliance was placed on the force of example, and the contagion of ungovernable emotions.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 62-4

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 2, 1861

At early dawn this morning, looking out of the sleeping car, I saw through the mist a broad, placid river on the right, and on the left high wooded banks running sharply into the stream, against the base of which the rails were laid. West Point, which is celebrated for its picturesque scenery, as much as for its military school, could not be seen through the fog, and I regretted time did not allow me to stop and pay a visit to the academy. I was obliged to content myself with the handiwork of some of the ex-pupils. The only camaraderie I have witnessed in America exists among the West Point men. It is to Americans what our great public schools are to young Englishmen. To take a high place at West Point is to be a first-class man, or wrangler. The academy turns out a kind of military aristocracy, and I have heard complaints that the Irish and Germans are almost completely excluded, because the nominations to West Point are obtained by political influence; and the foreign element, though powerful at the ballot-box, has no enduring strength. The Murphies and Schmidts seldom succeed in shoving their sons into the American institution. North and South, I have observed, the old pupils refer everything military to West Point. “I was with Beauregard at West Point. He was three above me.” Or, “McDowell and I were in the same class.” An officer is measured by what he did there, and if professional jealousies date from the state of common pupilage, so do lasting friendships. I heard Beauregard, Lawton, Hardee, Bragg, and others, speak of McDowell, Lyon, McClellan, and other men of the academy, as their names turned up in the Northern papers, evidently judging of them by the old school standard. The number of men who have been educated there greatly exceeds the modest requirements of the army. But there is likelihood of their being all in full work very soon.

At about nine, A. M., the train reached New York, and in driving to the house of Mr. Duncan, who accompanied me from Niagara, the first thing which struck me was the changed aspect of the streets. Instead of peaceful citizens, men in military uniforms thronged the pathways, and such multitudes of United States flags floated from the windows and roofs of the houses as to convey the impression that it was a great holiday festival. The appearance of New York when I first saw it was very different. For one day, indeed, after my arrival, there were men in uniform to be seen in the streets, but they disappeared after St. Patrick had been duly honored, and it was very rarely I ever saw a man in soldier's clothes during the rest of my stay. Now, fully a third of the people carried arms, and were dressed in some kind of martial garb.

The walls are covered with placards from military companies offering inducements to recruits. An outburst of military tailors has taken place in the streets; shops are devoted to militia equipments; rifles, pistols, swords, plumes, long boots, saddle, bridle, camp belts, canteens, tents, knapsacks, have usurped the place of the ordinary articles of traffic. Pictures and engravings — bad, and very bad — of the “battles” of Big Bethel and Vienna, full of furious charges, smoke and dismembered bodies, have driven the French prints out of the windows. Innumerable "General Scott's" glower at you from every turn, making the General look wiser than he or any man ever was. Ellsworths in almost equal proportion, Grebles and Winthrops — the Union martyrs — and Tompkins, the temporary hero of Fairfax court-house.

The “flag of our country” is represented in a colored engraving, the original of which was not destitute of poetical feeling, as an angry blue sky through which meteors fly streaked by the winds, whilst between the red stripes the stars just shine out from the heavens, the flag-staff being typified by a forest tree bending to the force of the blast. The Americans like this idea — to my mind it is significant of bloodshed and disaster. And why not! What would become of all these pseudo-Zouaves who have come out like an eruption over the States, and are in no respect, not even in their baggy breeches, like their great originals, if this war were not to go on? I thought I had had enough of Zouaves in New Orleans, but dȋs aliter visum.

They are overrunning society, and the streets here, and the dress which becomes the broad-chested, stumpy, short-legged Celt, who seems specially intended for it, is singularly unbecoming to the tall and slightly-built American. Songs “On to glory,” “Our country,” new versions of “Hail Columbia,” which certainly cannot be considered by even American complacency a “happy land” when its inhabitants are preparing to cut each other's throats; of the “star-spangled banner,” are displayed in booksellers’ and music-shop windows, and patriotic sentences emblazoned on flags float from many houses. The ridiculous habit of dressing up children and young people up to ten and twelve years of age as Zouaves and vivandières has been caught up by the old people, and Mars would die with laughter if he saw some of the abdominous, be-spectacled light infantry men who are hobbling along the pavement.

There has been indeed a change in New York; externally it is most remarkable, but I cannot at all admit that the abuse with which I was assailed for describing the indifference which prevailed on my arrival was in the least degree justified. I was desirous of learning how far the tone of conversation “in the city” had altered, and soon after breakfast I went down Broadway to Pine Street and Wall Street. The street in all its length was almost draped with flags — the warlike character of the shops was intensified. In front of one shop window there was a large crowd gazing with interest at some object which I at last succeeded in feasting my eyes upon. A gray cap with a tinsel badge in front, and the cloth stained with blood was displayed, with the words, “Cap of Secession officer killed in action.” On my way I observed another crowd of women, some with children in their arms standing in front of a large house and gazing up earnestly and angrily at the windows. I found they were wives, mothers, and sisters, and daughters of volunteers who had gone off and left them destitute.

The misery thus caused has been so great that the citizens of New York have raised a fund to provide food, clothes, and a little money — a poor relief, in fact, for them, and it was plain they were much needed, though some of the applicants did not seem to belong to a class accustomed to seek aid from the public. This already! But Wall Street and Pine Street are bent on battle. And so this day, hot from the South and impressed with the firm resolve of the people, and finding that the North has been lashing itself into fury, I sit down and write to England, on my return from the city. “At present dismiss entirely the idea, no matter how it may originate, that there will be, or can be, peace, compromise, union, or secession, till war has determined the issue.”

As long as there was a chance that the struggle might not take place, the merchants of New York were silent, fearful of offending their Southern friends and connections, but inflicting infinite damage on their own government and misleading both sides. Their sentiments, sympathies, and business bound them with the South; and, indeed, till “the glorious uprising” the South believed New York was with them, as might be credited from the tone of some organs in the press, and I remember hearing it said by Southerners in Washington, that it was very likely New York would go out of the Union! When the merchants, however, saw the South was determined to quit the Union, they resolved to avert the permanent loss of the great profits derived from their connection with the South by some present sacrifices. They rushed to the platforms — the battle-cry was sounded from almost every pulpit — flag-raisings took place in every square, like the planting of the tree of liberty in France in 1848, and the oath was taken to trample Secession under foot, and to quench the fire of the Southern heart forever.

The change in manner, in tone, in argument, is most remarkable. I met men to-day who last March argued coolly and philosophically about the right of Secession. They are now furious at the idea of such wickedness — furious with England, because she does not deny their own famous doctrine of the sacred right of insurrection. “We must maintain our glorious Union, sir.” “We must have a country.” “We cannot allow two nations to grow up on this Continent, sir.” “We must possess the entire control of the Mississippi.” These “musts,” and can’ts,” and “won'ts,” are the angry utterances of a spirited people who have had their will so long that they at last believe it is omnipotent. Assuredly, they will not have it over the South without a tremendous and long-sustained contest, in which they must put forth every exertion, and use all the resources and superior means they so abundantly possess.

It is absurd to assert, as do the New York people, to give some semblance of reason to their sudden outburst, that it was caused by the insult to the flag at Sumter. Why, the flag had been fired on long before Sumter was attacked by the Charleston batteries! It had been torn down from United States arsenals and forts all over the South; and but for the accident which placed Major Anderson in a position from which he could not retire, there would have been no bombardment of the fort, and it would, when evacuated, have shared the fate of all the other Federal works on the Southern coast. Some of the gentlemen who are now so patriotic and Unionistic, were last March prepared to maintain that if the President attempted to reenforce Sumter or Pickens, he would be responsible for the destruction of the Union. Many journals in New York and out of it held the same doctrine.

One word to these gentlemen. I am pretty well satisfied that if they had always spoken, written, and acted as they do now, the people of Charleston would not have attacked Sumter so readily. The abrupt outburst of the North and the demonstration at New York filled the South, first with astonishment, and then with something like fear, which was rapidly fanned into anger by the press and the politicians, as well as by the pride inherent in slaveholders.

I wonder what Mr. Seward will say when I get back to Washington. Before I left, he was of opinion — at all events, he stated — that all the States would come back, at the rate of one a month. The nature of the process was not stated; but we are told there are 250,000 Federal troops now under arms, prepared to try a new one.

Combined with the feeling of animosity to the rebels, there is, I perceive, a good deal of ill-feeling towards Great Britain. The Southern papers are so angry with us for the Order in Council closing British ports against privateers and their prizes, that they advise Mr. Rust and Mr. Yancey to leave Europe. We are in evil case between North and South. I met a reverend doctor, who is most bitter in his expressions towards us; and I dare say, Bishop and General Leonidas Polk, down South, would not be much better disposed. The clergy are active on both sides; and their flocks approve of their holy violence. One journal tells, with much gusto, of a blasphemous chaplain, a remarkably good rifle shot, who went into one of the skirmishes lately, and killed a number of rebels — the joke being, in fact, that each time he' fired and brought down his man, he exclaimed, piously, “May Heaven have mercy on your soul!” One Father Mooney, who performed the novel act, for a clergyman, of “christening” a big gun at Washington the other day, wound up the speech he made on the occasion, by declaring “the echo of its voice would be sweet music, inviting the children of Columbia to share the comforts of his father's home.” Can impiety and folly and bad taste go further?

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 367-72

James Hervey Otey

OTEY, James Hervey, P. E. bishop, b. in Liberty, Bedford co., Va., 27 Jan., 1800; d. in Memphis, Tenn., 23 April. 1863. His father, Isaac Otey, was a farmer in easy circumstances, and frequently represented his count in the house of Burgesses. James was one of the younger children in a family of twelve. He early evinced a love of study and of general reading, and after attending an excellent school in his native county, was sent in his seventeenth year to the University of North Carolina, where he was graduated in 1820. He received honors in belles-lettres, and was immediately appointed tutor in Latin and Greek. In 1823 he took charge of a school in Warrenton, N. C. There his attention was turned to the ministry, and he was ordained both deacon and priest in the Protestant Episcopal church by Bishop Ravenscroft. In 1827 he removed to Tennessee and settled in the town of Franklin, but he changed his residence to Columbia in 1835, and finally to Memphis. On 14 Jan., 1834. he was consecrated bishop of Tennessee. Next to the duties of his episcopate the bishop’s heart was most engaged with the work of Christian education. It seemed to be a passionate desire with him to establish in the southwest a large institution in which religion should go hand-in-hand with every lesson of a secular character, and young men he prepared for the ministry. Accordingly, after establishing with the assistance of Rev. Leonidas Polk, a school for girls, called the “Columbia Institute,” he devoted a great part of his laborious life to the realization of his ideal. For full thirty years (1827-’57) he failed not, in public and in private, by night and by day, to keep this subject before the people of the southern states, until the successful establishment of the University of the south at Suwanee, Tenn., in which he was also aided by Bishop Leonidas Polk. The life of Bishop Otey was one of hard and unceasing labor. He lived to see the few scattered members of his church in Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Florida, as well as Tennessee, organized into dioceses and in successful operation. He was known throughout the south and southwest as the Good Bishop. Though he was strongly opposed to secession, he wrote a letter to the secretary of state, remonstrating1 against coercion. The reply to this letter change his views on the subject. and he declined to attend the general convention of his church in the seceding states that was held in Georgia soon afterward. In person the bishop was of a commanding stature, being six feet and two inches in height, and of fitting proportions. He published many addresses, sermons, and charges, and a volume containing the “Unity of the Church” and other discourses (Vicksburg, 1852).

SOURCE: James Grant Wilson & John Fiske, Editors, Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Volume 4, p. 604

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Postscript

DURING my voyage home in the China I had an opportunity of discussing with many intelligent Northern gentlemen all that I had seen in my Southern travels. We did so in a very amicable spirit, and I think they rendered justice to my wish to explain to them without exaggeration the state of feeling amongst their enemies. Although these Northerners belonged to quite the upper classes, and were not likely to be led blindly by the absurd nonsense of the sensation press at New York, yet their ignorance of the state of the case in the South was very great.

The recent successes had given them the impression that the last card of the South was played. Charleston was about to fall; Mobile, Savannah, and Wilmington would quickly follow; Lee's army, they thought, was a disheartened, disorganised mob; Bragg's army in a still worse condition, fleeing before Rosecrans, who would carry everything before him.

They felt confident that the fall of the Mississippian fortresses would prevent communication from one bank to the other, and that the great river would soon be open to peaceful commerce.

All these illusions have since been dispelled, but they probably still cling to the idea of the great exhaustion of the Southern personnel.

But this difficulty of recruiting the Southern armies is not so great as is generally supposed. As I have already stated, no Confederate soldier is given his discharge from the army, however badly he may be wounded; but he is employed at such labour in the public service as he may be capable of performing, and his place in the ranks is taken by a sound man hitherto exempted. The slightly wounded are cured as quickly as possible, and are sent back at once to their regiments. The women take care of this. The number actually killed, or who die of their wounds, are the only total losses to the State, and these form but a small proportion of the enormous butcher's bills, which seem at first so very appalling.

I myself remember, with General Polk's corps, a fine-looking man who had had both his hands blown off at the wrists by unskilful artillery-practice in one of the early battles. A currycomb and brush were fitted into his stumps, and he was engaged in grooming artillery horses with considerable skill. This man was called an hostler; and, as the war drags on, the number of these handless hostlers will increase. By degrees the clerks at the offices, the orderlies, the railway and post-office officials, and the stage-drivers, will be composed of maimed and mutilated soldiers. The number of exempted persons all over the South is still very large, and they can easily be exchanged for worn veterans. Besides this fund to draw upon, a calculation is made of the number of boys who arrive each year at the fighting age. These are all “panting for the rifle,” but have been latterly wisely forbidden the ranks until they are fit to undergo the hardships of a military life. By these means, it is the opinion of the Confederates that they can keep their armies recruited up to their present strength for several years; and, if the worst comes to the worst, they can always fall back upon their negroes as a last resort; but I do not think they contemplate such a necessity as likely to arise for a considerable time.

With respect to the supply of arms, cannon, powder, and military stores, the Confederates are under no alarm whatever. Augusta furnishes more than sufficient gunpowder; Atlanta, copper caps, &c. The Tredegar works at Richmond, and other foundries, cast more cannon than is wanted; and the Federal generals have always hitherto proved themselves the most indefatigable purveyors of artillery to the Confederate Government, for even in those actions which they claim as drawn battles or as victories, such as Corinth, Murfreesborough, and Gettysburg, they have never failed to make over cannon to the Southerners without exacting any in return.

My Northern friends on board the China spoke much and earnestly about the determination of the North to crush out the Rebellion at any sacrifice. But they did not show any disposition to fight themselves in this cause, although many of them would have made most eligible recruits; and if they had been Southerners, their female relations would have made them enter the army whether their inclinations led them that way or not.

I do not mention this difference of spirit by way of making any odious comparisons between North and South in this respect, because I feel sure that these Northern gentlemen would emulate the example of their enemy if they could foresee any danger of a Southern Butler exercising his infamous sway over Philadelphia, or of a Confederate Milroy ruling with intolerable despotism in Boston, by withholding the necessaries of life from helpless women with one hand, whilst tendering them with the other a hated and absurd oath of allegiance to a detested Government.

But the mass of respectable Northerners, though they may be willing to pay, do not very naturally feel themselves called upon to give their blood in a war of aggression, ambition, and conquest; for this war is essentially a war of conquest. If ever a nation did wage such a war, the North is now engaged, with a determination worthy of a more hopeful cause, in endeavouring to conquer the South; but the more I think of all that I have seen in the Confederate States of the devotion of the whole population, the more I feel inclined to say with General Polk — “How can you subjugate such a people as this?” and even supposing that their extermination were a feasible plan, as some Northerners have suggested, I never can believe that in the nineteenth century the civilised world will be condemned to witness the destruction of such a gallant race.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 312-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 28, 1862

Gen. Bragg is here, but will not probably be deprived of his command. He was opposed by vastly superior numbers, and succeeded in getting away with the largest amount of provisions, clothing, etc., ever obtained by an army. He brought out 15,000 horses and mules, 8000 beeves, 50,000 barrels of pork, a great number of hogs, 1,000,000 yards of Kentucky cloth, etc. The army is now at Knoxville, Tennessee, in good condition. But before leaving Kentucky, Morgan made still another capture of Lexington, taking a whole cavalry regiment prisoners, destroying several wagon trains, etc. It is said Bragg's train of wagons was forty miles long! A Western tale, I fear.

Letters from Lee urge the immediate completion of the railroad from Danville to Greenville, North Carolina, as of vital importance. He thinks the enemy will cut the road between this and Weldon. He wants Confederate notes made a legal tender; and the President says that, as the courts cannot enforce payment in anything else, they are substantially a legal tender already. And he suggests the withholding of pay from officers during their absence from their regiments. A good idea.

Everything indicates that Richmond will be assailed this fall, and that operations in the field are not to be suspended in the winter.

Polk, Bragg, Cheatham, etc. are urging the President to make Col. Preston Smith a brigadier-general. Unfortunately, Bragg's letter mentioned the fact that Beauregard had given Smith command of a brigade at Shiloh; and this attracting the eye of the President, he made a sharp note of it with his pencil. “What authority had he for this?” he asked; and Col. Smith will not be appointed.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 176-7

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Friday, June 5, 1863

I left Shelbyville at 6 A.M., after having been shaken hands with affectionately by “Aaron,” and arrived at Chattanooga at 4 P.M. As I was thus far under the protection of Lieutenant Donnelson, of General Polk's staff, I made this journey under more agreeable auspices than the last time. The scenery was really quite beautiful.

East Tennessee is said to contain many people who are more favourable to the North than to the South, and its inhabitants are now being conscripted by the Confederates; but they sometimes object to this operation, and, taking to the hills and woods, commence bushwhacking there.

I left Chattanooga for Atlanta at 4.30 P.M. The train was much crowded with wounded and sick soldiers returning on leave to their homes. A goodish-looking woman was pointed out to me in the cars as having served as a private soldier in the battles of Perryville and Murfreesborough. Several men in my car had served with her in a Louisianian regiment, and they said she had been turned out a short time since for her bad and immoral conduct. They told me that her sex was notorious to all the regiment, but no notice had been taken of it so long as she conducted herself properly. They also said that she was not the only representative of the female sex in the ranks. When I saw her she wore a soldier's hat and coat, but had resumed her petticoats.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 173-4

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Thursday, June 4, 1863

Colonel Richmond rode with me to the outposts, in order to be present at the reconnaissance which was being conducted under the command of General Cheetham. We reached the field of operations at 2 P.M., and found that Martin's cavalry (dismounted) had advanced upon the enemy about three miles, and, after some brisk skirmishing, had driven in his outposts. The enemy showed about 2000 infantry, strongly posted, his guns commanding the turnpike road. The Confederate infantry was concealed in the woods, about a mile in rear of the dismounted cavalry.

This being the position of affairs, Colonel Richmond and I rode along the road so far as it was safe to do so. We then dismounted, and sneaked on in the wood alongside the road until we got to within 800 yards of the Yankees, whom we then reconnoitred leisurely with our glasses. We could only count about seventy infantry soldiers, with one field-piece in the wood at an angle of the road, and we saw several staff officers galloping about with orders. Whilst we were thus engaged, some heavy firing and loud cheering suddenly commenced in the woods on our left; so, fearing to be outflanked, we remounted and rode back to an open space, about 600 yards to the rear, where we found General Martin giving orders for the withdrawal of the cavalry horses in the front, and the retreat of the skirmishers.

It was very curious to-see three hundred horses suddenly emerge from the wood just in front of us, where they had been hidden — one man to every four horses, riding one and leading the other three, which were tied together by the heads. In this order I saw them cross a cotton-field at a smart trot, and take up a more secure position; two or three men cantered about in the rear, flanking up the led horses. They were shortly afterwards followed by the men of the regiment, retreating in skirmishing order under Colonel Webb, and they lined a fence parallel to us. The same thing went on on our right.

As the firing on our left still continued, my friends were in great hopes that the Yankees might be inveigled on to follow the retreating skirmishers until they fell in with the two infantry brigades, which were lying in ambush for them; and it was arranged, in that case, that some mounted Confederates should then get in their rear, and so capture a good number; but this simple and ingenious device was frustrated by the sulkiness of the enemy, who now stubbornly refused to advance any further.

The way in which the horses were managed was very pretty, and seemed to answer admirably for this sort of skirmishing. They were never far from the men, who could mount and be off to another part of the field with rapidity, or retire to take up another position, or act as cavalry as the case might require. Both the superior officers and the men behaved with the most complete coolness; and, whilst we were waiting in hopes of a Yankee advance, I heard the soldiers remarking that they “didn't like being done out of their good boots” — one of the principal objects in killing a Yankee being apparently to get hold of his valuable boots.

A tremendous row went on in the woods during this bushwhacking, and the trees got knocked about in all directions by shell; but I imagine that the actual slaughter in these skirmishes is very small, unless they get fairly at one another in the open cultivated spaces between the woods. I did not see or hear of anybody being killed to-day, although there were a few wounded and some horses killed. Colonel Richmond and Colonel Webb were much disappointed that the inactivity of the enemy prevented my seeing the skirmish assume larger proportions, and General Cheetham said to me, “We should be very happy to see you, Colonel, when we are in our regular way of doing business.”

After waiting in vain until 5 P.M., and seeing no signs of anything more taking place, Colonel Richmond and I cantered back to Shelbyville. We were accompanied by a detachment of General Polk's body-guard, which was composed of young men of good position in New Orleans. Most of them spoke in the French language, and nearly all had slaves in the field with them, although they ranked only as private soldiers, and had to perform the onerous duties of orderlies (or couriers, as they are called). On our way back we heard heavy firing on our left, from the direction in which General Withers was conducting his share of the reconnaissance with two other infantry brigades.

After dark General Polk got a message from Cheetham, to say that the enemy had after all advanced in heavy force about 6.15 P.M., and obliged him to retire to Guy's Gap. We also heard that General Cleburne, who had advanced from Wartrace, had had his horse shot under him. The object of the reconnaissance seemed, therefore, to have been attained, for apparently the enemy was still in strong force at Murfreesborough, and manifested no intention of yielding it without a struggle.

I took leave of General Polk before I turned in. His kindness and hospitality have exceeded anything I could have expected. I shall always feel grateful to him on this account, and I shall never think of him without admiration for his character as a sincere patriot, a gallant soldier, and a perfect gentleman. His aidesde-camp, Colonels Richmond and Yeatman, are also excellent types of the higher class of Southerner. Highly educated, wealthy, and prosperous before the war, they have abandoned all for their country. They, and all other Southern gentlemen of the same rank, are proud of their descent from Englishmen. They glory in speaking English as we do, and that their manners and feelings resemble those of the upper classes in the old country. No staff-officers could perform their duties with more zeal and efficiency than these gentlemen, although they were not educated as soldiers.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 169-73

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Wednesday, June 3, 1863

Bishop Elliott left for Savannah at 6 A.M., in a downpour of rain, which continued nearly all day. Grenfell came to see me this morning in a towering rage. He had been arrested in his bed by the civil power on a charge of horse-stealing, and conniving at the escape of a negro from his master. General Bragg himself had stood bail for him, but Grenfell was naturally furious at the indignity. But, even according to his own account, he seems to have acted indiscreetly in the affair of the negro, and he will have to appear before the civil court next October. General Polk and his officers were all much vexed at the occurrence, which, however, is an extraordinary and convincing proof that the military had not superseded the civil power in the Southern States; for here was an important officer arrested, in spite of the commander-in-chief, when in the execution of his office before the enemy. By standing bail, General Bragg gave a most positive proof that he exonerated Grenfell from any malpractices.¹

In the evening, after dark, General Polk drew my attention to the manner in which the signal beacons were worked. One light was stationary on the ground, whilst another was moved backwards and forwards over it. They gave us intelligence that General Hardee had pushed the enemy to within five miles of Murfreesborough, after heavy skirmishing all day.

I got out of General Polk the story of his celebrated adventure with the ––– Indiana (Northern) regiment, which resulted in the almost total destruction of that corps. I had often during my travels heard officers and soldiers talking of this extraordinary feat of the “Bishop's.” The modest yet graphic manner in which General Polk related this wonderful instance of coolness and bravery was extremely interesting, and I now repeat it, as nearly as I can, in his own words.

“Well, sir, it was at the battle of Perryville, late in the evening — in fact, it was almost dark when Liddell's Brigade came into action. Shortly after its arrival I observed a body of men, whom I believed to be Confederates, standing at an angle to this brigade, and firing obliquely at the newly arrived troops. I said, ‘Dear me, this is very sad, and must be stopped;’ so I turned round, but could find none of my young men, who were absent on different messages; so I determined to ride myself and settle the matter. Having cantered up to the colonel of the regiment which was firing, I asked him in angry tones what he meant by shooting his own friends, and 1 desired him to cease doing so at once. He answered with surprise, ‘I don't think there can be any mistake about it; I am sure they are the enemy.’ ‘Enemy!’ I said; ‘why, I have only just left them myself. Cease firing, sir; what is your name, sir?’ 'My name is Colonel –––,

of the ––– Indiana; and pray, sir, who are you?”

"Then for the first time I saw, to my astonishment, that he was a Yankee, and that I was in rear of a regiment of Yankees. Well, I saw that there was no hope but to brazen it out; my dark blouse and the increasing obscurity befriended me, so I approached quite close to him and shook my fist in his face, saying, ‘I’ll soon show you who I am, sir; cease firing, sir, at once.’ I then turned my horse and cantered slowly down the line, shouting in an authoritative manner to the Yankees to cease firing; at the same time I experienced a disagreeable sensation, like screwing up my back, and calculating how many bullets would be between my shoulders every moment. I was afraid to increase my pace until I got to a small copse, when I put the spurs in and galloped back to my men. I immediately went up to the nearest colonel, and said to him, ‘Colonel, I have reconnoitred those fellows pretty closely — and I find there is no mistake who they are; you may get up and go at them.’ And I assure you, sir, that the slaughter of that Indiana regiment was the greatest I have ever seen in the war.” ²

It is evident to me that a certain degree of jealous feeling exists between the Tennesseean and Virginian armies. This one claims to have had harder fighting than the Virginian army, and to have been opposed to the best troops and best generals of the North.

The Southerners generally appear to estimate highest the north-western Federal troops, which compose in a great degree the armies of Grant and Rosecrans; they come from the states of Ohio, Iowa, Indiana, &c. The Irish Federals are also respected for their fighting qualities; whilst the genuine Yankees and Germans (Dutch) are not much esteemed.

I have been agreeably disappointed in the climate of Tennessee, which appears quite temperate to what I had expected.

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¹ I cut this out of a Charleston paper some days after I had parted from Colonel Grenfell: Colonel Grenfell was only obeying General Bragg's orders in depriving the soldier of his horse, and temporarily of his money:—

"Colonel St Leger Grenfell.—The Western army correspondent of the ‘Mobile Register’ writes as follows:— The famous Colonel St Leger Grenfell, who served with Morgan last summer, and since that time has been Assistant Inspector-General of General Bragg, was arrested a few days since by the civil authorities. The sheriff and his officers called upon the bold Englishman before he had arisen in the morning, and after the latter had performed his toilet duties he buckled on his belt and trusty pistols. The officer of the law remonstrated, and the Englisher damned, and a struggle of half an hour ensued, in which the stout Britisher made a powerful resistance, but, by overpowering force, was at last placed hors de combat and disarmed.³ The charges were, that he retained in his possession the slave of a Confederate citizen, and refused to deliver him or her up; that meeting a soldier coming to the army leading a horse, he accused him of being a deserter, dismounted him, took his horses and equipments and money, stating that deserters were not worthy to have either horses or money, and sent the owner thereof off where he would not be heard of again. The result of the affair was, that Colonel Grenfell, whether guilty or not guilty, delivered up the negro, horses, and money to the civil authorities. If the charges against him are proven true, then there is no doubt that the course of General Bragg will be to dismiss him from his staff; but if, on the contrary, malicious slanders are defaming this ally, he is Hercules enough and brave enough to punish them. His bravery and gallantry were conspicuous throughout the Kentucky campaign, and it is hoped that this late tarnish on his fame will be removed; or if it be not, that he will.”

² If these lines should ever meet the eyes of General Polk, I hope he will forgive me if I have made any error in recording his adventure.

³ This is all nonsense — the myrmidons of the law took very good care to pounce upon Colonel Grenfell when he was in bed and asleep.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 164-9

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Tuesday, June 2, 1863

Colonel Grenfell and I rode to the outposts, starting on the road to Murfreesborough at 6 A.M. It rained hard nearly all day. He explained to me the method of fighting adopted by the Western cavalry, which he said was admirably adapted for this country; but he denied that they could, under any circumstances, stand a fair charge of regular cavalry in the open. Their system is to dismount and leave their horses in some secure place. One man is placed in charge of his own and three other horses, whilst the remainder act as infantry skirmishers in the dense woods and broken country, making a tremendous row, and deceiving the enemy as to their numbers, and as to their character as infantry or cavalry. In this manner Morgan, assisted by two small guns, called bull-dogs, attacked the Yankees with success in towns, forts, stockades, and steamboats; and by the same system, Wheeler and Wharton kept a large pursuing army in check for twenty-seven days, retreating and fighting every day, and deluding the enemy with the idea that they were being resisted by a strong force composed of all three branches of the service.

Colonel Grenfell told me that the only way in which an officer could acquire influence over the Confederate soldiers was by his personal conduct under fire. They hold a man in great esteem who in action sets them an example of contempt for danger; but they think nothing of an officer who is not in the habit of leading them; in fact, such a man could not possibly retain his position. Colonel Grenfell's expression was, “Every atom of authority has to be purchased by a drop of your blood.” He told me he was in desperate hot water with the civil authorities of the State, who accuse him of illegally impressing and appropriating horses, and also of conniving at the escape of a negro from his lawful owner, and he said that the military authorities were afraid or unable to give him proper protection.

For the first nine miles our road was quite straight and hilly, with a thick wood on either side. We then reached a pass in the hills called Guy's Gap, which, from the position of the hills, is very strong, and could be held by a small force. The range of hills extends as far as Wartrace, but I understand the position could be turned on the left. About two miles beyond Guy's Gap were the headquarters of General Martin, the officer who commands the brigade of cavalry stationed in the neighbourhood. General Martin showed me the letter sent by the Yankees a few days ago by flag of truce with Mr Vallandigham. This letter was curiously worded, and ended, as far as I can remember, with this expression: “Mr Vallandigham is therefore handed over to the respectful attention of the Confederate authorities.” General Martin told me that skirmishing and bushwhacking went on nearly every day, and that ten days ago the enemy's cavalry by a bold dash had captured a field-piece close to his own quarters. It was, however, retaken, and its captors were killed.

One of General Martin's staff officers conducted us to the bivouac of Colonel Webb (three miles further along the road), who commanded the regiment on outpost duty there — 51st Alabama Cavalry. This Colonel Webb was a lawyer by profession, and seemed a capital fellow; and he insisted on riding with us to the videttes in spite of the rain, and he also desired his regiment to turn out for us by the time we returned. The extreme outposts were about two miles beyond Colonel Webb's post, and about sixteen miles from Shelbyville. The neutral ground extended for about three miles. We rode along it as far as it was safe to do so, and just came within sight of the Yankee videttes. The Confederate videttes were at an interval of from 300 to 400 yards of each other. Colonel Webb's regiment was in charge of two miles of the front; and, in a similar manner, the chain of videttes was extended by other corps right and left for more than eighty miles. Scouts are continually sent forward by both sides to collect information. Rival scouts and pickets invariably fire on one another whenever they meet; and Colonel Webb good-naturedly offered, if I was particularly anxious to see their customs and habits, to send forward a few men and have a little fight. I thanked him much for his kind offer, but begged he wouldn't trouble himself so far on my account. He showed me the house where Vallandigham had been “dumped down” between the outposts when they refused to receive him by flag of truce.

The woods on both sides of the road showed many signs of the conflicts which are of daily occurrence. Most of the houses by the roadside had been destroyed; but one plucky old lady had steadfastly refused to turn out, although her house was constantly an object of contention, and showed many marks of bullets and shell. Ninety-seven men were employed every day in Colonel Webb's regiment to patrol the front. The remainder of the 51st Alabama were mounted and drawn up to receive Colonel Grenfell on our return from the outposts. They were uniformly armed with long rifles and revolvers, but without sabres, and they were a fine body of young men. Their horses were in much better condition than might have been expected, considering the scanty food and hard duty they had had to put up with for the last five months, without shelter of any kind, except the trees. Colonel Grenfell told me they were a very fair specimen of the immense number of cavalry with Bragg's army. I got back to Shelbyville at 4.30 P.M., just in time to be present at an interesting ceremony peculiar to America. This was a baptism at the Episcopal Church. The ceremony was performed in an impressive manner by Bishop Elliott, and the person baptised was no less than the commander-in-chief of the army. The Bishop took the general's hand in his own (the latter kneeling in front of the font), and said, “Braxton, if thou hast not already been baptised, I baptise thee,” &c. Immediately afterwards he confirmed General Bragg, who then shook hands with General Polk, the officers of their respective staffs, and myself, who were the only spectators.

The soldiers on sentry at General Polk's quarters this afternoon were deficient both of shoes and stockings. These were the first barefooted soldiers I had as yet seen in the Confederacy.

I had intended to have left Shelbyville to-morrow with Bishop Elliott; but as I was informed that a reconnaissance in force was arranged for to-morrow, I accepted General Polk's kind offer of farther hospitality for a couple of days more. Four of Polk's brigades with artillery move to the front to-morrow, and General Hardee is also to push forward from Wartrace. The object of this movement is to ascertain the enemy's strength at Murfreesborough, as rumour asserts that Rosecrans is strengthening Grant in Mississippi, which General Bragg is not disposed to allow with impunity. The weather is now almost chilly.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three Months in the Southern States: April-June, 1863, p. 159-64