Brevet Major-General Montgomery C. Meigs to Major-General Christopher C. Augur, 12:00 a.m., April 15, 1865

QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL'S OFFICE,

April 14, 1865 — Midnight.

 General AUGUR:

The Secretary directs that the troops turn out; the guards be doubled; the forts be alert; guns manned; special vigilance and guard about the Capitol Prison. I advise, if your men are not sufficiently numerous, call upon General Rucker for assistance in furnishing guards.

 M. C. MEIGS,

 Quartermaster-General and Brevet Major-General

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 756

Diary of John Hay: April 28, 1864

Had considerable talk with the President this evening. He understands that the day arranged for Grant’s movement is to be the 2d prox. — Monday. Sherman has asked for a little more time, says that he can't fully come up to his part in the programme before the 5th. Sigel is at work on his.

The stories of Grant’s quarrelling with the Secretary of War are gratuitous lies. Grant quarrels with no one.

The President told a queer story of Meigs. “When McClellan lay at Harrison’s Landing, Meigs came one night to the President and waked him up at the Soldiers' Home to urge upon him the immediate flight of the army from that point — the men to get away on transports, and the horses to be killed, as they could not be saved. Thus often,” says the President, “I, who am not a specially brave man, have had to restore the sinking courage of these professional fighters in critical times.

“When it was proposed to station Halleck in general command, he insisted, to use his own language, on the appointment of a General-in-Chief who should be held responsible for results. We appointed him, and all went well enough until after Pope’s defeat, when he broke down, — nerve and pluck all gone, — and has ever since evaded all possible responsibility, — little more, since that, than a first-rate clerk.”

Granville Moody was here this evening and told a good story about Andy Johnson and his fearful excitement when Buell was proposing to give up Nashville to the enemy. He found him walking up and down the room, supported by two friends. “Moody, I'm glad to see you,” he said. The two friends left, and he and Moody were alone. “We're sold, Moody, we're sold;” fiercely reiterating. “He's a traitor, Moody,” and such. At last, suddenly, “Pray, Moody!” And they knelt down and prayed, Andy joining in the responses like Methodists. After they had done, he said: — “Moody, I feel better. Moody, I'm not a Christian,—no church,—but I believe in God,—in the Bible,—all of it — Moody, but I’ll be damned if Nashville shall be given up.”

The President was much amused by a story I told him of Gurowski.

The venomous old Count says:— “I despise the anti-Lincoln Republicans. I say I go against Lincoln, for he is no fit for be President; dé say dé for one term (holding up one dirty finger) bimeby dé beat Lincoln, den dé for two term (holding up two unclean digits): dé is cowards  and Ass!”

A despatch just received from Cameron stating that the Harrisburgh convention had elected Lincoln delegates to Baltimore properly instructed. The President assents to my going to the field for this campaign if I can be spared from here.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 186-8; See Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House,: the complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 191-2 for the full entry.

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, June 17, 1863

Had a telegram at ten last night from Mr. Felton, President of the Philadelphia & Baltimore Railroad, requesting that a gunboat might be sent to Havre de Grace to protect the Company's ferryboat and property. Says he has information that the Rebels intend going down the river to seize it.

I went forthwith to the War Department to ascertain whether there was really any such alarming necessity, for it seemed to me, from all I had been able to learn, that it was a panic invocation. Found the President and Stanton at the War Department, jubilant over intelligence just received that no Rebels had reached Carlisle, as had been reported, and it was believed they had not even entered Pennsylvania. Stanton threw off his reserve, and sneered and laughed at Felton's call for a gunboat. Soon a messenger came in from General Schenck, who declares no Rebels have crossed the Potomac, that the stragglers and baggage-trains of Milroy had run away in affright, and squads of them, on different parallel roads, had alarmed each other, and each fled in terror with all speed to Harrisburg. This alone was asserted to be the basis of the great panic which had alarmed Pennsylvania and the country.

The President was relieved and in excellent spirits. Stanton was apparently feeling well, but I could not assure myself he was wholly relieved of the load which had been hanging upon him. The special messenger brought a letter to Stanton, which he read, but was evidently unwilling to communicate its contents, even to the President, who asked about it. Stanton wrote a few lines, which he gave to the officer, who left. General Meigs came in about this time, and I was sorry to hear Stanton communicate an exaggerated account of Milroy's disaster, who, he said, had not seen a fight or even an enemy. Meigs indignantly denied the statement, and said Milroy himself had communicated the fact that he had fought a battle and escaped. While he (Meigs) did not consider Milroy a great general, or a man of very great ability, he believed him to be truthful and brave, and if General Schenck's messenger said there had been no fight he disbelieved him. Stanton insisted that was what the officer (whom I think he called Payson) said. I told him I did not so understand the officer. The subject was then dropped; but the conversation gave me uneasiness. Why should the Secretary of War wish to misrepresent and belittle Milroy? Why exaggerate the false rumor and try to give currency to, if he did not originate, the false statement that there was no fight and a panic flight?

The President was in excellent humor. He said this flight would be a capital joke for Orpheus C. Kerr to get hold of. He could give scope to his imagination over the terror of broken squads of panic-stricken teamsters, frightened at each other and alarming all Pennsylvania. Meigs, with great simplicity, inquired who this person (Orpheus C. Kerr) was. “Why,” said the President, “have you not read those papers? They are in two volumes; any one who has not read them must be a heathen.” He said he had enjoyed them greatly, except when they attempted to play their wit on him, which did not strike him as very successful, but rather disgusted him. “Now the hits that are given to you, Mr. Welles, or to Chase, I can enjoy, but I dare say they may have disgusted you while I was laughing at them. So vice versa as regards myself.” He then spoke of a poem by this Orpheus C. Kerr which mythologically described McClellan as a monkey fighting a serpent representing the Rebellion, but the joke was the monkey continually called for “more tail,” “more tail,” which Jupiter gave him, etc., etc.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 332-3

Montgomery C. Meigs to William H. Seward, April 5, 1861

new York, April 5, 1861.

Hon. W. H. Seward:

Powhatan was ready to sail at 6 P. M.; telegram received by Captain Foote, commandant of Navy Yard, to detain. First, disobedience of orders, came through Stringham; second, Secretary of the Navy. President's orders were to sail as soon as ready. This is fatal; what is to be done? Answer 110 Astor House.

M. C Meigs.

SOURCE:  Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 414

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 25, 1863

Had a brief call from General McClellan this p.m. He looks in good health, but is evidently uncomfortable in mind. Our conversation was general, — of the little progress made, the censoriousness of the public, of the dissatisfaction towards both of us, etc., etc. The letter of General Scott, of the 4th of October, 1861, complaining of his disrespect and wanting obedience, is just brought out.

I well remember an interview between these two officers about the period that letter was written, the President, myself, and two or three others being present. It was in General Scott's rooms opposite the War Office. In the course of conversation, which related to military operations, a question arose as to the number of troops there were in and about Washington. Cameron could not answer the question; McClellan did not; General Scott said no reports were made to him; the President was disturbed. At this moment Seward stated the several commands,—how many regiments had reported in a few days, and the aggregate at the time of the whole force. The statement was made from a small paper, and, appealing to McClellan, that officer replied that the statement approximated the truth. General Scott's countenance showed great displeasure. “This,” said the veteran warrior, “is a remarkable state of things. I am in command of the armies of the United States, but have been wholly unable to get any reports, any statement of the actual forces, but here is the Secretary of State, a civilian, for whom I have great respect but who is not a military man nor conversant with military affairs, though his abilities are great, but this civilian is possessed of facts which are withheld from me. Military reports are made, not to these Headquarters but to the State Department. Am I, Mr. President, to apply to the Secretary of State for the necessary military information to discharge my duties?”

Mr. Seward explained that he had got his information by vigilance and attention, keeping account of the daily arrival of regiments, etc., etc. There was a grim smile on the old soldier. “And you, without report, probably ascertained where each regiment was ordered. Your labors and industry, Mr. Secretary of State, I know are very arduous, but I did not before know the whole of them. If you in that way can get accurate information, the Rebels can also, though I cannot.”

Cameron here broke in, half in earnest and half-ironical, and said we all knew that Seward was meddlesome, interfering in all the Departments with what was none of his business. He thought we had better go to our duties. It was a pleasant way of breaking up an unpleasant interview, and we rose to leave. McClellan was near the open door, and General Scott addressed him by name. “You,” said the aged hero, “were called here by my advice. The times require vigilance and activity. I am not active and never shall be again. When I proposed that you should come here to aid, not supersede, me, you had my friendship and confidence. You still have my confidence.”

I had, in the early stages of the War, disapproved of the policy of General Scott, which was purely defensive, — non-intercourse with the insurgents, shut them out from the world by blockade and military frontier lines, but not to invade their territory. The anaconda policy was, I then thought and still think, unwise for the country. The policy of General McClellan has not been essentially different, but he was called here with the assent if not by the recommendation of General Scott. It was evident from what transpired at the interview here mentioned that Mr. Seward, who had been in close intimacy with the veteran commander at first, had transferred his intimacy to the junior general, and the former felt it, — saw that he was becoming neglected, —  and his pride was wounded.

That Seward kept himself well informed in the way he stated, I think was true, and he likely had his information confirmed by McClellan, with whom he almost daily compared notes and of whom he made inquiries. But McClellan is by nature reticent, — in many respects a good quality. Seward has great industry and an inquiring mind, and loves to possess himself of everything that transpires. Has an unfortunate inclination to run to subordinates for information. Has in Meigs a willing assistant, and others who think it a compliment to be consulted by the Secretary of State, and are ready to impart to him all they know of the doings and intentions of their superiors. He has by his practice encouraged the President to do likewise and get at facts indiscreetly; but the President does this because he feels a delicacy in intruding, especially in business hours, on the heads of Departments. S. has no such delicacy, but a craving desire to be familiar with the transactions of each Department.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 240-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, January 16, 1863

Little of interest in the Cabinet. Chase, who has been absent a week, was present; Stanton did not attend. No navy or army matters discussed. Chase says the New-Yorkers are generally coming into his financial views, that all in Philadelphia approve them; thinks they should be made a party test. No one responded to this, — an indication that they were not prepared to have him set up a standard of financial, political, or party orthodoxy for them.

A flurry in the Senate to-day over a letter from General Meigs, who had been coarsely assailed a day or two since by Wilkinson of Minnesota. The Senatorial dignity was ruffled by the manly rebuke of the soldier. There is an impotent and ridiculous attempt at self-sufficient and presuming airs, an exhibition of lame and insolent arrogance, on the part of many Senators towards men who are, to say the least, their equals in every good quality. Not long since J. P. Hale undertook to vent his personal spite in the Senate on Admiral Smith, who regards the public interest more than the wordy, personal, and selfish schemes of the New Hampshire Senator. The dignity of the Senator was bruised by the old sailor's blunt honesty, who demanded a committee with power and an investigation to whitewash the Senator or blackwash the Admiral.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 223-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 7, 1863

To-day I was requested to aid, temporarily, in putting in operation a new bureau, created by the military authorities, not by law, entitled the Bureau of Conscription. From conscription all future recruits must be derived. I found Gen. Rains, the chief, a most affable officer; and Lieut.-Col. Lay, his next officer, was an acquaintance. I shall not now, perhaps, see so much of the interior of this moving picture of Revolution; my son, however, will note important letters. It is said that Sumner's corps (of Burnside's army) has landed in North Carolina, to take Wilmington. We shall have news soon.

We are sending troops rapidly from Virginia to North Carolina.

The Northern papers say the following dispatch was sent to Washington by our raiding Stuart: “Gen. Meigs will in future please furnish better mules; those you have furnished recently are very inferior.” He signed his own name.

A large body of slaves passed through the city to-day, singing happily. They had been working on the fortifications north of the city, and go to work on them south of it. They have no faith in the efficacy of Lincoln's Emancipation.

But it is different in Norfolk; 4000 enfranchised slaves marched in procession through the town the other day in a sort of frantic jubilee. They will bewail their error; and so will the Abolitionists. They will consume the enemy's commissary stores; and if they be armed, we shall get their arms.

Lee and Beauregard were telegraphed to-day in relation to the movement on Wilmington; and the President had the cabinet with him many hours.

Gen. Rains is quite certain that the fall of New Orleans was the result of treachery.

By the emancipation, Gen. Wise's county, Princess Ann, is excepted — and so are Accomac and Northampton Counties; but I have no slaves. All I ask of the invaders is to spare my timber, and I will take care of the land — and I ask it, knowing the request will never be known by them until the war is over.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 233-4

In the Review Queue: The Quartermaster

The Quartermaster: Montgomery C. Meigs,

Lincoln’s General, Master Builder of the Union Army

By Robert O’Harrow Jr.

General Montgomery C. Meigs, who built the Union Army, was judged by Lincoln, Seward, and Stanton to be the indispensable architect of the Union victory. Civil War historian James McPherson calls Meigs “the unsung hero of northern victory.”

Born to a well to do, connected family in 1816, Montgomery C. Meigs graduated from West Point as an engineer. He helped build America’s forts and served under Lt. Robert E. Lee to make navigation improvements on the Mississippi River. As a young man, he designed the Washington aqueducts in a city where people were dying from contaminated water. He built the spectacular wings and the massive dome of the brand new US Capitol.

Introduced to President Lincoln by Secretary of State William Seward, Meigs became Lincoln’s Quartermaster. It was during the Civil War that Meigs became a national hero. He commanded Ulysses S. Grant’s base of supplies that made Union victories, including Gettysburg, possible. He sustained Sherman’s army in Georgia, and the March to the Sea. After the war, Meigs built Arlington Cemetery (on land that had been Robert E. Lee’s home).

Robert O’Harrow Jr. brings Meigs alive in the commanding and intensely personal Quartermaster. We get to know this major military figure that Lincoln and his Cabinet and Generals called the key to victory and learn how he fed, clothed, and armed the Union Army using his ingenuity and devotion. O’Harrow tells the full dramatic story of this fierce, strong, honest, loyal, forward-thinking, major American figure.

About the Author

Robert O’Harrow Jr. is a reporter at The Washington Post and an associate of the Center for Investigative Reporting. He was a Pulitzer Prize finalist for articles on privacy and technology and a recipient of the 2003 Carnegie Mellon Cyber Security Reporting Award. The author of The Quartermaster, he lives in Arlington, Virginia.

ISBN 978-1451671926, Simon & Schuster, © 2016, Hardcover, 320 Pages, Photographs & Illustrations, Endnotes & Index. $28.00.  To Purchase the book click HERE.

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, October 14, 1862

The Secretary of State sends me an important dispatch from Stuart, British Chargé d'Affaires during the absence of Lord Lyons, in which he undertakes to object, unofficially, to the purchase by the Government of the steamer Bermuda, a prize captured last April, until the judgment of the court shall have been pronounced. Seward gives in, cringes under these supercilious and arrogant claims and assumptions. It sometimes appears to me there is a scheme among some of the legations to see how far they can impose upon our Secretary of State by flattery and pretension. I have written a reply which will be likely, I think, to settle Mr. Stuart, and possibly annoy Mr. Seward, who, since the affair of the Trent, when at first he took high and untenable ground, has lost heart and courage, and is provokingly submissive to British exactions. I hope he will let Stuart have my letter. It touches on some points which I wish to force on the attention of the English Government.

Stanton read a dispatch from General Pope, stating that the Indians in the Northwest had surrendered and he was anxious to execute a number of them. The Winnebagoes, who have not been in the fight, are with him, and he proposes to ration them at public expense through the winter. He has, Stanton says, destroyed the crops of the Indians, etc. I was disgusted with the whole thing; the tone and opinions of the dispatch are discreditable. It was not the production of a good man or a great one. The Indian outrages have, I doubt not, been horrible; what may have been the provocation we are not told. The Sioux and Ojibbeways are bad, but the Winnebagoes have good land which white men want and mean to have.

The evening papers contain a partisan speech from John Van Buren,¹ in which he introduces a letter of General Scott, dated the 3d of March, 1861, addressed to Seward. It was familiar. I have heard it read twice by General S. himself, the first time, directly after the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, in the War Department, but I had the impression it was addressed to the President instead of Seward. For what reason it was placed in the hands of John Van Buren I do not understand. The General thought much of this letter, and wrote it, as I supposed, to influence the then incoming administration, but it was wholly inconclusive when decision was wanted. He was in those days listened to by both the President and Secretary of State, and his indecisive policy had probably an effect on them as well as others. I have since come to the conclusion that the General's own course was shaped by Seward, and that, after Seward put him aside, took Meigs into his confidence, and got up the military expedition to Pickens without his knowledge, General Scott, in justification of himself and to show his own views independent of the Secretary of State, was decidedly for the Union.

His influence in the early months of the Administration was, in some respects, unfortunate. It was a maze of uncertainty and indecision. He was sincerely devoted to the Union and anxious that the Rebellion should be extinguished, yet shrank from fighting. Seward had brought him into his policy of meeting aggression with concession. Blockade some of the worst cities, or shut up their ports, guard them closely, collect duties on shipboard, or “let the wayward sisters go in peace.”² His object seemed to be to avoid hostilities, but to throw the labor of the conflict on the Navy if there was to be war. He still strove, however, as did Seward, to compromise difficulties by a national convention to remodel the Constitution, though aware the Democrats would assent to nothing. General Scott inaugurated the system of frontiers, and did not favor the advance of our armies into the rebellious States. The time for decisive action, he thought, had passed, and those who were for prompt, energetic measures, which, just entering on administrative duties, they desired, were checked by the General-in-Chief.

_______________

¹ A son of Martin Van Buren and a lawyer of ability. The speech was made in the Cooper Institute, New York, at a meeting to ratify the nomination of Horatio Seymour as Governor of New York by the Democrats.

² General Scott's expression as given in the letter referred to was, "Wayward sisters, depart in peace."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 170-2

Governor John A. Andrew to John M. Forbes, September 13, 1862

Boston, September 13, 1862.

My Dear Sir, — I like your suggestions very much, but I venture to suggest: 1st, that having perused the report of the testimony . . . printed . . . by order of the Senate, I do not think any part of the disaster of Bull Run was due to Colonel M., and I think that on the weight of the evidence he was sick, but not intoxicated. . . .

2d, as to contractors. I think the department can do nothing in the direction you propose; Congress might. And I think General Meigs might properly be appealed to for an opinion. Stanton can know but little about the matter directly. And I think a part of the rage against him is due to the contractors who like a long war and were angry that Stanton tried to shorten it.

3d, as to skulkers and spies. Unless the Generalin-Chief is in earnest, these reforms are impossible. The department may fulminate regulations, but in vain, as long as imbecility, disobedience, evasion of duty, neglect of duty, coldness towards the cause itself, distinguish the General-in-Chief.

The department is powerless for reform while the army is led as it now is led and has been led hitherto. It can only give rules and orders, but it remains for the officers in command to enforce them. The President persists in retaining those who will not do what you and I think zeal and faithful service demand. The reform is only possible by a new commander in the field. Thus believing, I have not the heart to write of these details to the Secretary.

I am ever faithfully and most respectfully yours,

John A. Andrew.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 331-2

Major Wilder Dwight: October 4, 1861

pleasant Hill, October 4, 1861,

Camp near Darnestown.

I am sitting up to-night, as field-officer of the day, awaiting the hour of twelve, when I make my grand rounds. You may, perhaps, take a half-hour of my tediousness. I wrote a note from Washington. I found William had chosen me a horse, which, though peculiar to look at, was clever to go. In the cheerful phrase of the woman of Kannesch, “II ne sait pas êtra joli mais il est bon.” William told me he had written for Charley to come on to his regiment. I hope Charley has already started. He will learn more in a week in camp than in a month at home. Give him my love, and advice to push on for camp with a few good warm clothes and a copy of Tactics.

Noboby seems even to guess at McClellan's plans. It is against my principle to believe in anything except human fallibility. Taking it for granted that McClellan belongs to the human family, and that he has got an awful work before him, and not seeing evidence of his doing anything in particular, I must say, my impatience gets the better of my hope now and then. For instance, when I see Meigs advertising for gifts of blankets! Why, are the whole government asleep? If not, why have they not prepared for a winter campaign? The roll of the seasons is a phenomenon of peace. That, surely, has not taken them by surprise.

Again, the redundancy of brigadiers disgusts me. What room have they left for distinction to those who win glory in the fight. These antecedent laurels cheapen the very warmest incentive to a soldier's sacrifices.

But enough of croaking. Though, before I leave it entirely, is not Fremont's fizzle in Missouri enough to make a saint's amiability feather, at least, if not absolutely sour? When is the luck to turn? I am writing in the stillness of an almost summer evening, and have got my head full, as you see, of thoughts that are fruitless.

I rode back to camp yesterday, and found no end of work awaiting me. Among other things, I am detailed on a board of survey to estimate the damage done to private property in our army's progress from Harper's Ferry to this place. As I am one of those who do not believe in paying anything, I am, I suppose, a good officer for the post. The burdens of war ought, for the most part, to rest where they fall. At any rate, these lukewarm, disloyal citizens deserve nothing but the strictest justice.

Colonel Gordon is now in command of a brigade, and he is acting the reformer and reviver with great spirit and effect. Indeed, it is cheerful to see the progress our regiments are making in discipline and drill. The Second Massachusetts is the example and standard for the others. General Banks, standing on the hill near his head-quarters, said to a gentleman in my hearing yesterday, “That,” pointing to our camp, “is the best and neatest camp on the continent.” Words, I believe, of truth and soberness. My visit to Washington tended to satisfy me with our regiment. Good night. I must go out upon a tour of sentinel inspection, which will last till three o'clock in the morning. A soldier's life is always gay.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 109-11

Francis Lieber to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, October 15, 1864

New YorK, October 15, 1864.

. . . I dare say you have already attended to the subject I am going to write about; still I feel prompted to say what follows. From the “New York Times” of this day I observe that much noise is made about the Rebels using our men, captured by them, for working in the fortifications, and that General Butler seems to fall into the error of considering it a grievous offence on the part of the enemy. We ought always to take care not to make ourselves ridiculous. Not to speak of 76 of General Orders No. 100, the employment of prisoners of war is universal: employment for domestic ends (such as when Russia distributed Frenchmen to the farmers, or Napoleon set Prussians to dig one of the chief canals of France) ; or for military purposes, such as working in army factories; or, lastly, for actual army purposes, such as working at fortifications, building roads, bridges near armies, &e. General Meigs asked my opinion on this very subject some months ago, and I wrote him a somewhat elaborate letter, which, were it necessary, might be referred to. That we have abstained from doing so until now, and have fed all along some fifty thousand idle prisoners, is another question. I believe it was done because we have a barbarous and reckless enemy, who threatened to use our men in pestiferous swamps if we should utilize the prisoners in our hands. That we tell them, “If you use our men, we shall use yours,” is all right; but let us not talk of unheard cruelty if they simply set the prisoners to work. We expose ourselves, especially when we do this in the face of our own general order and our own acknowledgment of the law of war. I, for one, am in favor of setting Rebel prisoners to work, — especially now, when the Rebels have used United States prisoners for fortifying Richmond, &c, although I think we must be prepared for insolent resistance and proportionate coercion on our part. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 351-2

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, October 17, 1864

October 17, 1864

It is indeed not difficult to get material for a grumble, if one will but look about in this world. You see I can't be enthusiastic about such a government as Lincoln's, when I see, under my nose, the petty tyranny and persecution they practise against subordinate officers. Now there is Colonel Collis, a petty, scheming political officer; he sends letters to newspapers and despatches to Mr. Stanton about the enthusiasm for Lincoln in the army, etc., etc. Nothing is said to him; that is all right; he has an opinion, as he ought to have. But there is Lieutenant-Colonel McMahon, lately Adjutant-General of the 6th Corps, an excellent soldier, whose brother fell at the head of a charge at Cool Arbor, and who himself had been in all the battles: he is a McClellan man, as was natural in one of General Sedgwick's Staff. He talks very openly and strongly about his side, as he has a right to do. What is the consequence? He is, without any warning, mustered out of the service! That is to say, a soldier who don't agree with the Administration must be got rid of; it is nothing in his favor that he has exposed his life in twenty different actions. You would scarcely credit the number of such cases as this, cases of petty spite, fitting rather to a bad-tempered child than to a great and dignified cabinet minister. They suffer chances of victory to pass, rather than take voters from states. They send down three brevets of brigadiers, only one of which has been recommended by General Meade; and all three are men from the much dreaded and uncertain state of Pennsylvania. Don't think I am a grumbler; all this wickedness and smallness and selfishness is a part of humanity, and to be expected; but don't ask me to be enthusiastic for such people. There were a parcel of them down here to-day; bah! the sight of them is enough!

As we sat at breakfast there came a despatch saying that Hon. Secretary Stanton, with a long tail, might be looked for, per rail, very presently. It is an historical fact that General Meade expressed his gratification at this deep honor, in the following terms: “The devil! I shan't have time to smoke my cigar.” Immediately I got on my double-barreled coat, with a sash withal, and a pair of white cotton gloves; but there was plenty of time to smoke a cigar, for they didn't get along for an hour or two, and then the greatest posse of large bugs! First, on horseback, Generals Grant, Meigs (Quartermaster-General), Barnard, Eaton (Commissary-General), Barnes (Surgeon-General), Fessenden (with a Palmer leg). Then, in ambulances, Fessenden's papa, the Secretary of the Treasury, a sharp, keen, quiet-looking man; Hon. Secretary Stanton, who looks like his photographs, only more so; Hon. Sim. Draper and Mr. Barney, twin New York politicians. The former had a very large, long nose, and a very round and abrupt waistcoat, so that he resembled a good-natured pelican, just after a surfeit of sprats. General Meade received them with his usual high ceremony. He walked out of his tent, with his hands in his pockets, said, “Hullo, how are you?” and removed one hand, for the purpose of extending it to Grant, who lighted down from his horse, put his hands in his pockets, and sat down on a camp chair. The pelican came up and bobbed at the Meade, as did his friend. We carted them all to see Fort Wadsworth, where Rosencrantz swears that Mr. Stanton, on being informed that there was only a picket line between him and the enemy, pulled out his watch and said they really must be going back! which indeed they did. When the train started with its precious freight of military and diplomatic jewels, General Meade accompanied it, with Biddle, Mason and Rosencrantz. It would appear that they encountered, at City Point, Admiral Porter with Mrs. P. and another lady, who came, on their return, as far as Hancock's Headquarters. The hospitable H. did thereat cause supper to be set forth, for it was now dark, and the General, with much talk and good humor, took root there; for he is death to hold on, when he gets talking and in company he likes. At nine o'clock came the galliant Generale, with his aides, whereof Rosencrantz and Mason were bursting to tell something good; whereas Biddle had a foolish and deprecatory air. It immediately was related, midst loud shouts, how, at City Point Grant had given General Meade a bunch of cigars to beguile the way of himself, Admiral Porter, and some other guests going to the front. The Chief handed them to Biddle, asking him to take charge of them for the present. Now B. has few equals in the power of turning things end for end; and so he at once and clearly understood that he [was] made a sort of almoner of tobacco, and proceeded to distribute the cigars in the most liberal manner, to everybody who would either smoke or pocket them! The Staff and bystanders asked no questions, but puffed away at Grant's prime Havanas. Arrived at Hancock's and supper done, the General said to Porter: "I think now is the moment to enjoy those good cigars!" Out comes “Shaw,” the faithful servitor. “Oh, if you please, Major, the Gen'ral sends his compliments, sir: and would like that bunch of cigars, sir.” Biddle immediately assumed the attitude indicated in the accompanying drawing! and the curtain dropped. . . .

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 247-50

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, September 3, 1863

September 3, 1863.

The expedition has been quite successful; the boats were found at Port Royal and were destroyed by our artillery fire from this side. The expedition sent to destroy them consisted of cavalry and artillery, but as they had to go a long distance, over forty miles from the main part of my army, I had to send infantry to support them, and to guard the lower crossing places to prevent the enemy coming over and cutting them off. This has stirred us up a little. We have also had a visit from Brigadier General Meigs, Quartermaster General, who has been inspecting the transportation of this army and who has been pleased to express himself very much gratified with all he has seen. The conscripts continue to come in very slowly, and I fear it will be some time before I am in a condition to move with any prospect of being able to accomplish anything.

I think I told you that one of William Parker's¹ sons was on my staff. The other day he paid a visit to his regiment, and on his return must have been captured, as nothing has since been heard of him. I have written Cortlandt² about it, but I fear the news of his disappearance got into the papers before my letter reached him, as I received a telegram to-day from his father enquiring about it.

I sent up my sword and fixings, but at the request of our express agent, it is to be exhibited for a short time at Gait's jewelry shop, in Washington.

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¹ First cousin of General Meade.

² Cortlandt Parker, brother of William Parker.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 146-7

Quartermaster-General Montgomery C. Meigs to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, October 14, 1862

OCTOBER 14, 1862.

 Maj. Gen. H. W. HALLECK,

Commander-in-Chief, Hdqrs. of the Army, Washington, D. C.:

GENERAL: I find that in the month of September there were issued from this department to the army defending Washington, under command of Major-General McClellan, 4,493 horses; from 1st to 11th October, 3,261 horses; total from this department, 7,754 horses. Colonel Ingalls, by special authority from this department, purchased in Harrisburg 1,000 horses, which were taken direct to the army near Frederick and Sharpsburg, so that for six weeks the issue has been at the rate of 1,459 per week.

There remained on hand, on the 11th, 497 serviceable horses, which, with what have been daily received since, have been issued before this time.

During the first days of September 1,500 horses, not included in the above, were sent out toward Centreville to the army of General Pope; 42 of these were lost, and the remainder exchanged for unserviceable stock not included in the above statement.

There have been issued, therefore, to the army about the Potomac, since the battles in front of Washington, to replace losses, 9,254 horses. For transportation, a very large number of mules has been supplied in addition to the above.

Is there an instance on record of such a drain and destruction of horses in a country not a desert?

I was informed by Colonel Ingalls, whose report, though called for, has not yet been received, that the number of animals with the army on the Upper Potomac was over 31,000.

I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

 M. C. MEIGS,

 Quartermaster-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 19, Part 1 (Serial No. 27), p. 15

Diary of Edward Bates, Tuesday March 11, 1862

C.[abinet] C.[ouncil]. Secy. Stanton made a report (the very first thing we have had like a report) of the army, shewing great ignorance, negligence and lack of order and subordination – and reckless extravagance.

This report gives our first appro[a]ch to a knowledge of the number of men in govt employ – almost 700.000!!

The money part of the business has been shamefully managed – Requisitions come, for his signature, from the Q.[uarter] M.[aster] G[eneral]'s office – He signs, not doubting that the Q[uarter] M.[aster] G.[eneral]²² can explain, but, on enquiry, finds that he too knows nothing about it.

The Secy, protested that he will not bear the responsibility, except his general share with the other members of the adm[inistratio]n.

That Genl. McClellan, assuming to be "General in Chief" has caused all reports to be made to him, and he reports nothing – and if he have any plans, keeps them to himself. I think Stanton believes, as I do, that McC.[lellan] has no plans but is fumbling and plunging in confusion and darkness.

I made a short speech, assuming my share of responsibility, which I said was little, considering the nature of my office, and, as heretofore urging the Prest. to take his constitutional position, and command the commanders – to have no "General in Chief" – or if he wd. have one, not allow him to be also a genl. in detail i.e. not command any particular army.²³

The upshot was that McC.[lellan] being in the field, commanding the army of the Potomac, is relieved from being "Genl. in Chief" and all genls. commanding armies, [are ordered] to report directly to the Secy, of War.

__________

²² Montgomery C. Meigs: supra, Dec. 31, 1861, note 68.

²³ See supra, Dec. 31, 1861, note 65; Jan. 10, 1862.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, The Diary of Edward Bates, published in The Annual Report Of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930 Volume 4, p. 239

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, December 3, 1862

CAMP NEAR BROOKS STATION, VA., December 3, 1862.

As to McClellan's whitewashing of Meigs, if you will read his letter carefully, you will find he says "he never in any despatch censured General Meigs; he only said his army wanted clothing, and it had not been supplied, and he could not move till it was." Now, this is very ingenious, and is on the principle of the children's expression, "If the shoe pinches," etc. Still, I am willing to admit — and you know I told his mother so last August — McClellan has been silent too long. Have you seen the published extracts from the pamphlet of the Prince de Joinville? This is the clearest and most reliable vindication of McClellan's military character which has yet appeared. You do not do me justice in regard to McClellan. I know and see his faults as well as you do, but I cannot for this reason ignore his capacity. I am still of the opinion that he has been badly treated, and no failure on his part to do justice to others will cause me to fail to do justice to him.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 335

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 14, 1862

CAMP NEAR RAPPAHANNOCK STATION, November 14, 1862.

Generals Halleck and Meigs, as I anticipated, objected to the change of base from the Orange and Alexandria Railroad to the Fredericksburg Railroad, but after discussion yielded their views to those of the general officers in command, and have returned to Washington, to endeavor to obtain the sanction of the still greater general, Stanton. It is also understood the army is to be divided into three commands, each of two corps, to be commanded respectively by Sumner, Hooker and Franklin. Our corps is to be under Franklin. Baldy Smith takes Franklin's corps, and Sykes is to have Porter's corps.

General McCall sent me Hooker's report of the battle of Glendale,¹ and called on me, as the present commander of the division, to reply to it; but I answered him that I considered his being in command at that time constituted him the proper person to reply, and if not himself, then Seymour, who commanded the Third Brigade, which was on the left of our line and adjacent to Hooker's command. I further told McCall that I hardly thought it worth while to make any public reply to Hooker; that the reputation of the Reserves was now well established, and the facts of the New Market battle very generally known, and Hooker's report would carry its antidote with its bane. What McCall has done I do not know, as I have not heard from him since. I have no doubt a portion of Seymour's command did run through Hooker's line, but he has made the mistake of confounding this portion of one brigade with the whole division, thus depriving us of the credit of having for four hours resisted an overwhelming onset of vastly superior numbers, and by this resistance, and the check which we gave the enemy, preventing his piercing our army, and enabling it that night to concentrate on the banks of the James River, which they never would have or could have effected if our whole division had run at the first fire, as Hooker charges.

__________

¹ Or New Market Road, June 30, 1862.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 327-8

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 13, 1862

CAMP NEAR RAPPAHANNOCK STATION, VA., November 13, 1862.

Day before yesterday we moved to this position, some ten miles from Warrenton. On the same day McClellan left us, to the regret and sincere grief of the whole army. Yesterday, I am informed, Generals Halleck and Meigs made their appearance at Warrenton, and it is understood a grand council of war is to be held to-day. McClellan has always objected to operating on this line, and insisted on the James River as being the proper base for operations. Halleck, under Washington influence, has been trying to force operations on this line — that is, the Orange and Alexandria Railroad. Now, this road has but one track, and the distance from Alexandria to Gordonsville is over one hundred and fifty miles. This distance and the known capacity of the road is insufficient by one-third to carry the daily supplies required for this army. This fact to an ordinarily intelligent mind, unbiased by ridiculous fears for the safety of Washington, ought to be conclusive. The next line, and the one Burnside favors as a compromise, is the one from Fredericksburg to Richmond. This is open to the same objection as the other, except it is only seventy-five miles. Still, it will require a larger army to protect these seventy-five miles and keep open our communications than it will to attack Richmond itself. What the result of the council will be, no one can tell; but, as I have above conjectured, it is probable that, if Burnside proves stubborn, he will be told he must give way to one who is more reasonable. I also hear that Hooker is at Warrenton, and has been placed in command of Fitz-John Porter's corps, Porter having been relieved and ordered to Washington. I have not seen Hooker, as he did not arrive at Warrenton till after I had left. His having command only of a corps, under Burnside, in command of the army, and Sumner in command of two corps, is decidedly a coming down for Hooker, from the expectations the army and the public had been led to indulge in from the tone of the public press; and confirms what I have told you, that Hooker talked himself out in Washington. What we are coming to I cannot tell, but I must confess this interference by politicians with military men, and these personal intrigues and bickerings among military men, make me feel very sad and very doubtful of the future. It does seem as if Providence was against us, and that it was decreed we should not succeed as we ought to. The assigning of Hooker to Porter's corps leaves Reynolds, I presume, permanently in command of our corps, and will leave me undisturbed in command of my division. For this I ought to be, and am, duly grateful, and as some time since it was the height of my ambition to have a division, I suppose I ought to be satisfied with its accomplishment, which I would be, if I saw matters going on in other respects as I think they ought to.

The enemy, who for some time were disposed to dispute our advance and had constant skirmishing with us, have been quiet for two days past. They are said to be in force at Culpepper Court House, some eighteen miles in our front, and Jackson, with a considerable body, is reported as being yet in the Valley of the Shenandoah, waiting for a good chance to fall on our rear, and effect one of his bold and audacious raids. I look anxiously to see the result of McClellan's removal on the public mind.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 326-7

Brigadier General Montgomery C. Meigs to Abraham Lincoln, Friday, January 10, 1862

If General McClellan has typhoid fever, that is an affair of six weeks at least; he will not be able sooner to command. In the mean-time, if the enemy in our front is as strong as he believes, they may attack on any day, and I think you should see some of those upon whom in such case, or in case any forward movement becomes necessary, the control must fall. Send for them to meet you soon and consult with them; perhaps you may select the responsible commander for such an event.

SOURCE: "General M. C. Meigs on the Conduct of the Civil War," The American Historical Review, Volume 26, p. 292