Tuesday, September 2, 2014

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to W. C. Sipple, Esq., January 18, 1862

Executive Office, Iowa,
January 18, 1862.
W. C. Sipple, Esq., President Board of Supervisors,
Sidney, Fremont County, Iowa:

Sir: — I have just received a communication from the Board over which you preside, touching the present unfortunate state of affairs in your county. I have already sent to your county my aid, Lieut.-Col H. C. Nutt, to investigate the situation of affairs and to take such steps as may be necessary to preserve the public peace. The condition of affairs on the southern border of your county is very unfortunate, and I intend to use all the means in my power to afford protection to our citizens. It has been suggested to me that the public peace has been jeopardized by these facts:

1st — That rebels and sympathizers from Missouri, who have made themselves peculiarly obnoxious to Union men there, by their outrageous conduct, have fled to this State and are now in your county with their property to avoid vengeance from those whom they formerly outraged.

2nd — That the same class of persons in Missouri, who cannot leave are sending their property into your county for protection from confiscation.

3rd — That these men have sympathizers in your county who harbor, these men and conceal their property.

4th — That the Union men in Missouri who have suffered from the outrages of these persons are thus tempted to invade our State for the purpose of punishing them. I have instructed Col. Nutt to investigate these alleged facts and report to me fully thereon. Should I find the allegations to be correct, I shall take measures to relieve your people from this difficulty. Whilst I intend to protect our people from outrage and invasion, I also intend that our State shall not be exposed to danger of both by becoming an asylum for rebels and their property. I trust I shall have your assistance in effecting this object, and that you will impress upon your citizens the impolicy of exposing themselves to the dangers they bring upon themselves and their neighbors, by harboring either rebels or their property.

The communication stated that Fred Rector, Esq., late acting County Judge of your county, had been authorized to organize the militia of your county, and “that when he had succeeded in organizing a sufficient force to protect the county he was, without any reason, deprived of his authority.”

This is a grave error. The reason that Judge Rector's authority was annulled was, that I was credibly informed that his loyalty to our government was doubted; that he was alleged to be of a class somewhat numerous in your county, whose sympathies are much stronger for rebels than Union men. No man whose position is not above suspicion on this point can receive any authority from me, if I know his position, or can retain it a moment longer than the knowledge reaches me, if I have the power to annull it. Col. Hedges of your county has been authorized to organize your militia, and I do not see any good reason why his authority should be revoked and given to Judge Hodges

Col. Hedges is represented to me as an efficient man, and his loyalty is undoubted. The State arms now in your county are in the hands of good and loyal men, and I do not see the necessity of placing them elsewhere. If there should be any further disturbance of the peace of your county, the men who now have the arms can use them as well as others.

Col. Nutt will, on request, exhibit his instructions. Any aid you can render him will no doubt be thankfully received.

Very respectfully,

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 163-5

Senator James Grimes to A. C. Barnes*, September 16, 1861

Burlington, September 16, 1861.

Your letter of the 13th instant, in which you say, “Ever since Breckinridge made his treasonable speeches in the United States Senate, it is being constantly reiterated that President Lincoln has violated the Constitution, and, as evidence of the fact, it is asserted that the Senate refused to ratify his acts;” and in which you ask me “to state whether the charge that Congress did refuse to sustain the acts of the President is true or not,” has come duly to hand.

By referring to the “Acts and Resolutions passed at the First Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress,” page 89, section 3 of Act LV1II., a copy of which I send you, you will observe that it is enacted “that all the acts, proclamations, and orders of the President of the United States, after the fourth of March, eighteen hundred and sixty-one, respecting the Army and Navy of the United States, and calling out or relating to the militia or volunteers from the States, are hereby approved, and in all respects legalized and made valid, to the same intent and with the same effect as if they had been issued and done under the previous express authority and direction of the Congress of the United States.”

This section ratifies and confirms, to the fullest possible extent, all the acts of the President that needed or that were susceptible of ratification, and was adopted by the vote of every Republican and loyal Democratic member of the Senate present. So far as I am informed, I believe it was all the confirmation of the acts of the President that he either expected or desired.

I know it is urged by some, but mostly, if not entirely, by those who are opposed to the vigorous prosecution of the present war, that it was also necessary to confirm the acts of the President suspending, in some cases, the writ of habeas corpus. It must be apparent, I think, to every one who will reflect upon the subject, that to have attempted such confirmation would be to inferentially admit that, as commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, the President had no power to suspend the operation of that writ without congressional authority. Very few, if any, loyal members of Congress were willing to admit that. They did not doubt but that he had complete power in the premises, and they chose to leave him to exercise his authority under the Constitution according to his own judgment and as the exigencies of the country might require. They did not believe that his acts in this regard needed confirmation, and therefore confined their ratification and approval to such acts as required legal enactments for their basis, and in the initiation of which they had been anticipated by him.

There may be some who honestly believe that the Senate refused to support the President because of their failure to pass certain resolutions presented by Mr. Wilson, of Massachusetts. The facts in regard to those resolutions were these: They were introduced at an early day in the session, and were put aside from day to day to make room for what was considered more important business, until just at the close of the session, when they had reached that stage in parliamentary proceedings when it was impossible to amend them without unanimous consent, and that could not be obtained. The objection urged by some gentlemen against them as they stood without amendment was, that they were improperly drawn, inasmuch as the phraseology was in the past tense, and declared that the acts of the President were legal and valid when performed, whereas, as they insisted, they ought to have declared that those acts should be legal and valid as though done under the sanction of law. It was a question of grammatical construction. This, if my memory serves me correctly, was the position of Mr. Sherman, of Ohio, whose action has been much criticised in this State, as well as elsewhere. He declared his willingness, nay his anxiety, to justify and approve the acts of the President, but he was unwilling to say that those acts were legal at the time they were performed. Although not agreeing with him in his construction of the phraseology of the resolutions, it is due to him to say that no man in America was more anxious than he to give to the Administration an honest, hearty, and patriotic support. And, when the legalization of its proceedings was put in what he believed to be proper language, he cordially sustained it.

It was simply on account of this objection in the minds of a few Senators that the resolutions which it was impossible to amend were dropped, and the substance of them incorporated into a law.

Be assured that all these charges of a refusal to support the Administration by Republican and loyal Democratic Senators are devices of the enemy, and should only serve to make the path of duty more plain before us. That duty, it seems to me, is obvious. We should enthusiastically rally to the support of the noble and true men who were nominated by the convention held at Des Moines on the 31st day of July last. They are the representatives of the Government in this crisis. A vote for them will be a vote in support of the Administration, in favor of the integrity of the Government, and for peace through victory. Let us give to Governor Kirkwood, who, in the last six months, has done more hard work, incurred greater responsibilities, and been more causelessly abused than all the Governors that Iowa ever had, that cheering, sweeping majority that his patriotism, his integrity of purpose, and his devotion to the true interests of the State, so justly merit.

* Of Albia, Monroe County, Iowa.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 150-2

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Tuesday, November 3, 1863

Though the weather has been warm for two days, we are fixing up our tent for any cold snap that may come later on, for the report now is that we will remain here at Vicksburg all winter. I finished building the fireplace in my tent. The quartermaster has a detail of men with teams cutting and hauling wood from the timber for the winter.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 151

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: December 17, 1863

A severe, cold storm, rain freezing on the ground and trees. The people in town say the Yankees brought the cold weather with them. Claim the weather is colder than it has been for years. Most of the houses here not built very warm. The people suffer from the cold, have only wood fires.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 31-2

5th Ohio Independent Cavalry Battalion

Organized at Columbus, Ohio, for six months July 9-September 2, 1863. Duty on southern border of Ohio till August. Moved to Camp Chase, Ohio, and Battalion organization there completed. Ordered to Cincinnati, Ohio, September 8, thence moved into District of Eastern Kentucky, Headquarters at Flemingsburg. Engaged in scouting and raiding guerrillas in that District till February, 1864. Skirmish in Morgan County, Ky., October 6, 1863, and at Liberty, Ky., October 12, 1863. Mustered out February 15, 1864.

Battalion lost during service 1 Enlisted man killed and 2 Enlisted men by disease. Total 3.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1480

Monday, September 1, 2014

Francis W. Pickens* to SenatorRobert M. T. Hunter, December 10, 1859


St. Petersburg, [russia], December 10,1859.

My Dear Sir; I wrote Mason a week or so ago and enclosed him his letter which I had published in the leading paper of this city, and you will now pardon me for enclosing you a letter in the same paper, the leading court paper, written from N[ew] York, and I would most respectfully call your attention to it, as it embraces exactly the current ideas that now prevail throughout Europe as to the weakness, of the South and the general belief that the North are about to “Conquer and subjugate the South.” We are looked upon and studiously represent as being in the condition of Mexico and the South American States. And I would cautiously suggest, that one leading object of McLain [?] in travelling in England and the Continent this last summer, was to spread these ideas, and most particularly to ascertain the feelings of the public men in England in reference to a rupture which he anticipated as certain. I will not say this certain, but it is my firm impression from various sources of information. We are certainly on the eve of very great events and I do not wish to be so presumptious as to advise any one in your distinguished position, but it does seem to me that it would be more impressive for Virginia to say less through newspapers and through them, to use more calm language and a firmer higher tone. She is a great state and has a great name. She made the Constitution and the Union, and she has a right to be heard. Under the circumstances in which she is placed, if the Legislature were, by a unanimous vote, to demand a Convention of the States, under the forms of the Constitution, and propose new Guarantees and a new League, giving security and peace to her, from the worst form of war, waged upon her, through the sanction of her border states, it would produce a profound impression. And if the South were to join in this demand, unless the Northern people immediately took decided steps themselves to put down forever the vile demagogues who have brought the country to the verge of ruin, a convention could not be resisted. And if after a full and truthful hearing, new securities and guarantees were refused, then the Southern States stand right before the world and posterity, in taking their own course to save their power and independence, be the consequences what they may.

Under the old articles of Confederation the Union had practically fallen to pieces and the wisest men thought it could not be saved, and yet in Convention of able and wise men, face to face and eye to eye, disclosing truthfully the dangers with which they were surrounded, the present Constitution was formed for a more perfect union and adopted by the States. So too now, when new dangers are developed, a full and manly discription in a Constitutional Convention of all the Statrs, may develop new remedies, and even a new league or covenant suited to the demands of the country. I merely suggest these things most respectfully, for I dread to see any hasty or ill-advised, ill conceived measures resorted to, which will end in bluster and confusion. Every thing ought to be done by the state as a state, with a full comprehension of the gravity of the matter and the momentous consequences involved. I think we ought to endeavor faithfully to save the Constitution and the Federal Union, if possible, and if not, then it is our duty to save ourselves. Even if the two sections were compelled to have separate internal organizations and separate Executives, still they might be united under a League or Covenant for all external and foreign intercourse, holding the free interchange of unrestricted internal and domestic trade as the basis of competing peace and union by interest. I merely throw out this idea, as I know your philosophical mind will readily comprehend it in all its details and bearings. It is a subject that I have thought of before, and it is forced up by the present unfortunate condition of affairs in our country. At this distance from home, I am filled with pain and apprehension for the future. I know and feel that we have arrived at a point where we will require stern and inflexible conduct united with thorough knowledge to carry us through safely. There is no time for ultraism of factious moves. There must be firmness and wisdom, and it must come from the States, and especially from Virginia moving as a state determined to protect her people and their rights, without the slightest reference to partizan contests of any kind whatever. Excuse me for writing thus freely, but our former relations justify it, and I sincerely desire to know the councils of wise and true men of the South. True I am here, but at the first tap of the drum I am ready for my own home and my own country.

* A Representative in Congress from South Carolina, 1834-1843.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-1876,p. 275-7

Charles Russell Lowell to Anna Cabot Jackson Lowell, January 27, 1861

Mt. Savage, [maryland,] Jan. 27, '61.

Living in a border state, politics are personally too interesting for me to enjoy the papers. It is hard to see clearly, but I fear Phillips was more than half right in his denunciation of Seward's speech; it was certainly a stultification of his previous course, more worthy of a political dodger than a statesman. The best explanation I have seen of it, is that it was the change of foot from offensive to defensive. The speech may save the Union, but I will never give its author my vote for any high office. We want higher thinking than that in times like the present. I fear the London “Times” is right in saying that the salt and savour of the Union is gone out of it, no matter how the event turns. One thing is clear, that the South have struck a blow at their Cotton King which he will never get well over. The mischief is already done. Cotton must and will be raised elsewhere, too. Whether or no the agitators succeed in their political game of brag, it is certain they will repent hereafter the damage to their material interests in the Union or out of it. Have you seen South Carolina's tax-laws? they are as ruinous to trade or manufactures as Duke Alva's laws in Holland.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 192-3

Senator William P. Fessenden: December 29, 1860

Political matters are as dark as ever. The President is frightened out of his wits, and in the hands of traitors. It is rumored that Mr. Lincoln's inauguration is to be prevented by force, though I can hardly believe the secessionists so mad as to attempt it. In that event we shall have a civil war and perhaps a bloody fight at the Capitol. Be it so, here we are and here we shall remain, unyielding and inflexible. What I have left of life is at the service of my country. I hope, however, that the storm will blow over and that these Southern fools will not attempt to pull down the fabric which, if it falls, will surely bury them in its ruins.

The meanness of these Southern senators is beyond all power of expression. With their States out of the Union, as they say, in open rebellion, they remain in their seats with the avowed design to obstruct legislation and receiving pay for it from the government they are striving to overthrow.

SOURCE: Francis Fessenden, Life and Public Services of William Pitt Fessenden, Volume 1, p. 119

Colonel Robert Gould Shaw to Annie Kneeland Haggerty Shaw, June 1, 1863

Steamer De Molay, Off Cape Hatteras,
June 1,1863.

The more I think of the passage of the Fifty-fourth through Boston, the more wonderful it seems to me. Just remember our own doubts and fears, and other people's sneering and pitying remarks, when we began last winter, and then look at the perfect triumph of last Thursday. We have gone quietly along, forming the regiment, and at last left Boston amidst a greater enthusiasm than has been seen since the first three months' troops left for the war. Every one I saw, from the Governor's staff (who have always given us rather the cold shoulder) down, had nothing but words of praise for us. Truly, I ought to be thankful for all my happiness, and my success in life so far; and if the raising of colored troops prove such a benefit to the country and to the blacks as many people think it will, I shall thank God a thousand times that I was led to take my share in it.

SOURCE: Thomas Wentworth Higginson, Editor, Harvard Memorial Biographies, Volume 2, p. 204

Charles D. Miller, to Samuel L. M. Barlow, February 26, 1860

Peterboro, February 26th, 1860.

S. L. M. Barlow, Esq.:

Sir: I have your letter of 22d inst. Mr. Smith desires me to say that his attention was called at the same time to all the references to himself in your “Manifesto.” That he complained of but one, was by no means because he acquiesced in the others. Compared with that one, the others are of no importance. That one is a sheer fabrication. Of all in it that you attribute to him he had done nothing. But in the other references, your responsibility is only for your opinions of what he confesses he had done.

It is true that Mr. Smith did at the close of his long letter to Mr. Thomas on other subjects, (dated 27th August,) assert the probability of servile insurrections, and the possibility of their success, as reasons why the people should, at the ballot-box, put an end to slavery. But, pray, what responsible connection is there between this and the “Central Association,” or the sad occurrence at Harper's Ferry? The like thing he did in scores of meetings, in his tour through this State in 1858; and never was he more full and faithful at this point than in his speech on the Nebraska Bill. (See pages 200, etc., of the volume of his Congressional Speeches.) In fact, it is for more than a quarter of a century that he has been continually testifying that unless the American people hasten to put away slavery peacefully, it will go out in blood. His only regret in respect to such testimony is, that it has not availed to persuade, or, if you prefer, to frighten the people, both of the North and the South, into his own deep and abiding belief that slavery will die a violent death unless speedily put to a peaceful one. As to Harper's Ferry, Mr. Smith is not aware that he had seen or heard the name of that village, or thought of itself or its name, for years immediately preceding the scene of violence there last October.

Mr. Smith readily admits that his letter to John Brown in your "Manifesto" does not exaggerate his love and admiration of the man, whom, during the many years of his intimate relations with him, both in business and friendship, he was accustomed to regard as unsurpassed, for truthfulness, disinterestedness, and a noble and sublime spirit. No wonder that, regarding him in this light, Mr. Smith did, from the time Capt. Brown started for Kansas, in the spring of 1855, put money into his hand whenever he opened it for money. No wonder, that during the last four years of Capt. Brown's life, Mr. Smith sent very many bank-drafts to him, and to names which the Captain furnished. Whether his call was for fifty dollars or for two hundred and fifty, was all the same. It was never refused. I scarcely need add that no one feels deeper sorrow than does Mr. Smith, that his precious, nay idolized friend, was led into the mistake of shedding blood in his last attempt to help slaves get free. Indeed, it was that mistake which completed the prostration of the miserable health of Mr. Smith's body and brain. What little strength the most obstinate dyspepsia, following up typhoid fever and dropsy, had left him, was swept away by the horrible news from Virginia. You put your own assumed and entirely unauthorized interpretation upon Mr. Smith's use of the words “Kansas work.” What he meant by these words is what Capt. Brown, in his public meeting, held in this village a few weeks before the date of Mr. Smith's letter, described as his latest “Kansas work,” — namely, the removing of slaves without violence to a land where they can be free.

To return to your letter: I hardly need say that it is unsatisfactory to Mr. Smith. It evidently was not intended to be satisfactory to him. It adds studied insults to the cruel and immeasurable wrongs you had previously done him. You had done what you could to blacken his reputation; and now, when arraigned for it, the whole extent of your concession is, that he shall have the privilege of wiping off the blacking if he can. It is as if you had called your innocent fellow-man a cut-throat, and then, wiping your mouth, had told him that you would retract the bad name, if only he would consent to degrade himself so far as to deny that the bad name fits him. In the depths of your malice — a malice unmitigated, as your own letter shows, by the least semblance, and scarcely by the least pretense, of a particle of evidence to justify your accusation — you did him all the injury you could; and now, when called on to repair it, you send him a letter which but deepens it. I need not characterize that letter. It characterizes itself. There is not a right-minded man, North or South, but would pronounce your treatment of Mr. Smith to be base, infamous, and wicked to the last degree — and this, too, according to your own presentation of the case in your own letter. Let your Committee think of their deliberate and enormous crime against Mr. Smith, and then sleep over it if they can. When he was within forty-eight hours of death, in the judgment of the physicians into whose hands he then passed; and when he knew not one person from another; and when his family were too much afflicted to read the newspapers — that Committee was busy, with Satanic industry and Satanic venom, in circulating over the whole land a falsehood of their own coinage, that could not have failed to fill with the hatred and loathing of him ten thousand hearts, both North and South, that had before loved and honored him.

Mr. Smith is not unmindful that you were moved to defame him by party rather than personal objects; and he confesses that he has no sympathy with the Republican party. He will not greatly deplore the advantages you may gain over it. But he must protest against your gaining them at his expense — especially at so great expense as having the most atrocious and injurious falsehoods told of himself. Mr. Smith is an Abolitionist, and not, as you would have it believed, a Republican. The odium of his principles belongs all to himself; and it is not right that the Republican party should suffer at all from it. But although Mr. Smith is an Abolitionist, he has friends and relatives both at the North and South. Moreover, he thinks quite as highly of Southern as of Northern character. I add, that although he has purchased the freedom of many slaves, and not a few of them within two or three hours’ drive of Harper's Ferry, and that although he is a very willing contributor to “Underground Railroads,” he would nevertheless not have any slave seek his freedom at the expense of killing his master. He has always said that he would rather remain a slave for life than get his liberty by bloodshed.

Respectfully yours,
Chas. D. Miller.

SOURCE: Gerrit Smith, Gerrit Smith and the Vigilant Association of the City of New-York, p. 7-11

Diary of Amos A. Lawrence: April 18, 1861

Troops going off to Washington in long trains of cars amid great enthusiasm.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 171

Rebecca Buffum Spring to Mary Ann Day Brown, October 3, 1862

Eagleswood, Perth Amboy, N. J., Oct. 3d, '62.

I have got the pink brilliant and today Mr. Spring has taken the package to the express office. I hope to hear that you receive it all safe. Cotton goods have so risen in value that it is very fortunate that you decided to keep the piece. It is now forty cents per yard. So much cotton has been destroyed, I suppose even if the war was over it would still be high.

SOURCE: Lillie Buffum Chace Wyman and Arthur Crawford Wyman, Elizabeth Buffum Chace, 1806-1899: Her Life and Its Environment, Volume 1, p. 354

John B. Floyd to Governor Joseph E. Brown, December 18, 1860

War Department,
December 18, 1860.

His Excellency Joseph E. Bbown,
Governor of Georgia,

Sir: In answer to your letter of the 24th ultimo, I have the honor to state that the following samples of accoutrements can be furnished to you by the United States on payment of their cost price, as annexed viz: Two knapsacks, $5.06; two haversacks, 78 cents; two canteens, with straps, 92 cents. Total, $7.26.

You can obtain the remaining equipments desired by addressing Maj. W. A. Thornton, U. S. Arsenal, New York, and requesting their purchase, describing them as follows: Two sets of infantry accoutrements, complete; two saber-belts and plates, complete; two saber-knots; two holsters (pouches) for Colt belt pistols; all of the latest U. S. Army pattern. I have no doubt Major Thornton will take pleasure in attending to the matter.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
John B. Floyd,
Secretary of War.

SOURCE: Allen D. Candler, The Confederate Records of the State of Georgia, Volume 3: Official Correspondence of Governor Joseph E. Brown 1860-1865 inclusive, p. 5-6

Governor Andrew G. Curtin to the Legislature of Pennsylvania, April 30, 1861

Executive Chamber,
Harrisburg. April 30, 1861.
Gentlemen: —

THE PRESENT UNPARALLELED EXIGENCY in the affairs of our country, has induced me to call you together at his time. With an actual and armed rebellion in some of the States of the Union, momentous questions have been thrust upon us which call for your deliberation, and that you should devise means by legislation for the maintenance of the authority of the General Government, the honor and dignity of our State, the protection of our citizens, and the early establishment of peace and order throughout the land.

On the day of my induction into the Executive office, I took occasion to utter the following sentiments:

“No one who knows the history of Pennsylvania, and understands the opinions and feelings of her people, can justly Charge us with hostility to our brethren of other States. We regard them as friends and fellow-countrymen, in whose welfare we feel a kindred interest; and we recognize, in their broadest extent, all our constitutional obligations to them. These we are ready and willing to observe, generously and fraternally in their letter and spirit, with unswerving fidelity.

“Ours is a National Government. It has within the sphere of its action all the attributes of sovereignty, and among these are the right and duty of self preservation. It is based upon a compact to which all the people of the United States are parties. It is the result of mutual concessions, which were made for the purpose of securing reciprocal benefits. It acts directly on the people, and they owe it a personal allegiance. No part of the people, no State nor combination of States, can voluntarily secede from the Union, nor absolve themselves from their obligations to it. To permit a Slate to withdraw at pleasure from the Union, without the consent of the rest, is to confess that our Government is a failure. Pennsylvania can never acquiesce in such a conspiracy, nor assent to a doctrine which involves the destruction of the Government. If the Government is to exist, all the requirements of the Constitution must be obeyed; and it must have power adequate to the enforcement of the supreme law of the land in every State. It is the first duty of the national authorities to stay the progress of anarchy and enforce the laws, and Pennsylvania, with a united People, will give them an honest, faithful and active support. The people mean to preserve the integrity of the national Union, at every hazzard.”

It could scarcely have been anticipated at that time, that we should so soon be called upon for the practical application of these truths in connection with their support and defence by the strong arm of military power.

The unexampled promptness and enthusiasm with which Pennsylvania and the other loyal States have responded to the call of the President, and the entire unanimity with which our people demand that the integrity of the Government shall be preserved, illustrate the duty of the Several State and National Governments with a distinctness that cannot be disregarded. The slaughter of Northern troops in the city of Baltimore, for the pretended offence of marching, at the call of the Federal Government, peaceably, over soil admittedly in the Union, and with the ultimate object of defending our common Capital against an armed and rebellious invasion, together with the obstruction of our Pennsylvania troops when dispatched on the same patriotic mission, imposes new duties and responsibilities upon our State administration. At last advices the General Government had military possession of the route to Washington through Annapolis; but the transit of troops had been greatly endangered and delayed, and the safety of Washington itself imminently threatened. This cannot be submitted to. Whether Maryland may profess to be loyal to the Union or otherwise, there can be permitted no hostile soil, no obstructed thoroughfare, between the States that undoubtedly are loyal and their National seat of government. There is reason to hope that the route through Baltimore may be no longer closed against the peaceable passage of our people armed and in the service of the Federal Government. But we must be fully assured of this, and have the uninterrupted enjoyment of a passage to the Capital by any and every route essential to the purposes of the Government. This must be attained, peaceably if possible, but by force of arms if not accorded.

The time is past for temporizing or forbearing with this rebellion; the most causeless in history. The North has not invaded, nor has she sought to invade a single guarantied right of the South. On the contrary, all political parties, and all administrations, have fully recognized the binding force of every provision of the great compact between the States, and regardless of our views of State policy, our people have respected them. To predicate a rebellion, therefore, upon any alleged wrong, inflicted or sought to be inflicted upon the South, is to offer falsehood as an apology for treason. So will the civilized world and history judge this mad effort to overthrow the most beneficent structure of human government ever devised by man.

The leaders of the rebellion in the Cotton States, which has resulted in the establishment of a provisional organization, assuming to discharge all the functions of governmental power, have mistaken the forbearance of the General Government; they have accepted a fraternal indulgence as an evidence of weakness, and have insanely looked to a united South, and a divided North to give success to the wild ambition that has led to the seizure of our national arsenal and arms, the investment and bombardment of our forts, the plundering of our mints, has invited piracy upon our commerce, and now aims at the possession of the National Capital. The insurrection must now be met by force of arms; and to re-establish the Government upon an enduring basis, by asserting its entire supremacy, to re-possess the forts and other Government property so unlawfully seized and held; to ensure personal freedom and safety to the people and commerce of the Union in every section, the people of the loyal States demand, as with one voice, and will contend for, as with one heart; and a quarter of a million of Pennsylvania's sons will answer the call to arms, if need be, to wrest us from a reign of anarchy and plunder, and secure for themselves and their children, for ages to come, the perpetuity of this Government and its beneficent institutions.

Entertaining these views, and anticipating that more troops would be required than the number originally called for, I continued to receive companies until we had raised twenty-three regiments in Pennsylvania, all of which have been mustered into the service of the United States. In this anticipation I was not mistaken. On Saturday last an additional requisition was made upon me for twenty-five regiments of infantry and one regiment of cavalry; and there have been already more companies tendered than will make up the entire complement.

Before the regiments could be clothed, three of them were ordered by the National Government to proceed from this point to Philadelphia. I cannot too highly commend the patriotism and devotion of the men who, at a moment's warning, and without any preparation, obeyed the order. Three of the regiments, under similar circumstances, by direction of, and accompanied by officers of the United States army, were transported to Cockeysville, near Baltimore, at which point they remained for two days, and until by directions of the General Government they were ordered back and went into camp at York, where there are now five regiments. Three regiments mustered into service are now encamped at Chambersburg, under orders from the General Government; and five regiments are now in camp at this place, and seven have been organized and mustered into service at Philadelphia.

The regiments at this place are still supplied by the Commissary Department of the State. Their quarters are as comfortable as could be expected, their supply of provisions abundant, and, under the instruction of competent officers, they are rapidly improving in military knowledge and skill. I have made arrangements to clothe all our regiments with the utmost dispatch consistent with a proper economy, and am most happy to say that before the close of the present week all our people now under arms will be abundantly supplied with good and appropriate uniforms, blankets and other clothing.

Four hundred and sixty of our volunteers, the first to reach Washington from any of the States, are now at that city; these are now provided for by the General Government; but I design to send them clothing at the earliest possible opportunity. I am glad to be able to state that these men, in their progress to the National Capital, received no bodily injury, although they were subjected to insult in the city of Baltimore, such as should not have been offered to any law-abiding citizen, much less to loyal men, who, at the call of the President, had promptly left their own State in the performance of the highest duty, and in the service of their country.

A large body of unarmed men, who were not at the time organized as a portion of the militia of this Commonwealth, under the command of officers without commissions, attempted under the call of the National Government, as I understand, to reach Washington, and were assaulted by armed men in the city of Baltimore, many of their number were seriously wounded, and four were killed. The larger part of this body returned directly to Philadelphia; but many of them were forcibly detained in Baltimore; some of them were thrust into prison, and others have not yet reached their homes.

I have the honor to say that the officers and men behaved with the utmost gallantry. This body is now organized into a regiment, and the officers are commissioned; they have been accepted into the service, and will go to Washington by any route indicated by the Federal Government.

I have established a camp at Pittsburg, at which the troops from Western Pennsylvania will be mustered into service, and organized and disciplined by skillful and experienced officers.

I communicate to you with great satisfaction, the fact that the banks of the Commonwealth have voluntarily tendered any amount of money that may be necessary for the common defence and general welfare of the State and the nation in this emergency; and the temporary loan of five hundred thousand dollars authorized by the act of the General Assembly of the 17th April, 1861, was promptly taken at par. The money is not yet exhausted; as it has been impossible to have the accounts properly audited and settled with the accounting and paying officers of the Government as required by law, an account of this expenditure can not now be furnished. The Auditor General and State Treasurer have established a system of settlement and payment, of which I entirely approve, that provides amply for the protection of the State, and to which all parties having claims will be obliged to conform.

A much larger sum will be required than has been distinctively appropriated; but I could not receive nor make engagements for money without authority of law, and I have called you together, not only to provide for a complete re-organization of the militia of the State, but also that you may give me authority to pledge the faith of the Commonwealth to borrow such sums of money as you may, in your discretion, deem necessary for these extraordinary requirements.

It is impossible to predict the lengths to which “the madness that rules the hour” in the rebellious States shall lead us, or when the calamities which threaten our hitherto happy country shall terminate. We know that many of our people have already left the State in the service of the General Government, and that many more must follow. We have a long line of border on States seriously disaffected, which should be protected. To furnish ready support to those who have gone out, and to protect our borders, we should have a well regulated military force.

I, therefore recommend the immediate organization, disciplining and arming of at least fifteen regiments of cavalry and infantry, exclusive of those called into the service of the United States; as we have already ample warning of the necessity of being prepared for any sudden exigency that may arise, I cannot too much impress this upon you.

I cannot refrain from alluding to the generous manner in which the people of all parts of the State have, from their private means, provided for the families of those of our citizens who are now under arms. In many parts of the Commonwealth, grand juries, and courts and municipal corporations have recommended the appropriations of moneys from their public funds, for the same commendable purpose. I would recommend the passage of an act legalizing and authorizing such appropriations and expenditures.

It may be expected that, in the present derangement of trade and commerce, and the withdrawal of so much industry from its ordinary and productive channels, the selling value of property generally will be depreciated, and a large portion of our citizens deprived of the ordinary means of meeting engagements. Although much forbearance may be expected from a generous and magnanimous people, yet I feel it my duty to recommend the passage of a judicious law to prevent the sacrifice of property by forced sales in the collection of debts.

You meet together at this special session, surrounded by circumstances involving the most solemn responsibilities; the recollections of the glories of the past, the reflections of the gloomy present, and the uncertainty of the future, all alike call upon you to discharge your duty in a spirit of patriotic courage, comprehensive wisdom and firm resolution. Never in the history of our peace-loving Commonwealth have the hearts of our people been so stirred in their depths as at the present moment. And, I feel, that I need hardly say to you, that in the performance of your duties on this occasion, and in providing the ways and means for the maintenance of our country's glory and our integrity as a nation, you should be inspired by feelings of self-sacrifice, kindred to those which animate the brave men who have devoted their lives to the perils of the battle-field, in defence of our nation's flag.

Gentlemen, I place the honor of the State in your hands. And I pray that the Almighty God who protected our fathers in their efforts to establish this our great constitutional liberty — who has controlled the growth of civilization and Christianity in our midst, may not now forsake us; that He may watch over your counsels, and may, in His providence, lead those who have left path of duty, and are acting in open rebellion to the Government, back again to perfect loyalty, and restore peace, harmony and fraternity to our distracted country.


SOURCE: George Edward Reed, Editor, Pennsylvania Archives, Fourth Series, Papers of the Governors, Volume 8, p. 371-9

Governor Alexander Ramsey to William H. Acker, April 14, 1861

washington, April 14, 1861.
Wm. H. Acker, Adjutant General Minnesota,

Sir: In the excitement which the attack and reduction of Fort Sumter occasioned here and elsewhere in the East, the states all around made a tender of generous support to the government, and aware that the patriotic people of Minnesota would be offended if there were any delay on my part in doing the same on their behalf, I at once hastened to the War Office and addressed the foregoing communication to General Cameron. The call now issued to the states for men, does not, as you will doubtless have learned by telegraph ere this, include Minnesota, Wisconsin, Iowa or Michigan; but our contingent should be in some degree of readiness, for the call may shortly be extended to us. You had better, therefore, be on the qui vive, and I will write you again to-morrow.

If troops are asked of us, they will probably rendezvous at St. Paul, and the expense of uniforming and of transportation will be borne by the government here.

Very truly,
Alexander ramsey.

SOURCE: Minnesota. Board of Commissioners on Publication of History of Minnesota in Civil and Indian Wars, Minnesota in the Civil and Indian Wars, 1861-1865, Volume 2, p. 1

Senator Stephen A. Douglas to H. G. Crouch, August 7, 1858

Winchester, Aug. 7, 1858.
My dear Sir:—

Your letter of the 28th of July, communicating to me the fact that there is a rumor in circulation in Galena, supposed to have come from Gen. Jones, of Iowa, that pending the Illinois Central Railroad Grant in the Senate of the United States, an arrangement was made between him and me, by which the interests of Galena were sacrificed to those of Dubuque is received. I have a distinct recollection of the facts of the case, and they are in substance as follows: — The bill, as drawn and introduced into Congress by myself, provided for a railroad from the southern terminus of the Illinois and Michigan Canal to the mouth of the Ohio River, with a branch to Chicago and another to Galena, the northwestern terminus of the road. General Jones, his colleague, and perhaps some others, objected to Galena as a terminus on the ground that the road would not connect with the Mississippi River, and thus a hiatus would be created between the east and west side of the river. I endeavored to dissuade them from their objections, and to induce them to allow the bill to pass in the shape I had introduced it, but they were immovable, AND INSISTED ON DEFEATING THE BILL unless we would extend the road to Dubuque. Upon full consultation with my colleagues in both houses of Congress, it was determined to permit the alteration to be made, under the belief that the whole bill would be defeated unless we consented to the change, and we thought it better to allow the change to be made than to lose the bill altogether, although we did not think that our Iowa friends were treating us kindly by attempting to defeat a great measure for our State on a point of the kind. Under these circumstances, I did cheerfully acquiesce and concur in the determination of the united delegation of the State, to agree to the change by which the road should be extended to Dubuque, but carefully omitting to provide at what point the crossing should be, whether at Dubuque, at Tete des Morts, or at any intermediate point. I will only add that any insinuation or intimation on the part of Gen. Jones, or any of his friends, that I had any collusion with him, and was willing to sacrifice the interests of Galena to those of Dubuque, or any other point, is basely and infamously false. Very respectfully,

Your friend,
S. A. Douglas.
H. G. Crouch, Esq. Galena, Illinois.

SOURCE: John Carl Parish, George Wallace Jones, p. 195-7

Senator George W. Jones to Senator Stephen A. Douglas, November 9, 1858

Dubuque, Iowa, Nov. 9, ’58.
Hon. S. A. Douglas,
Chicago, Ill,

Sir: — Herewith is enclosed your letter dated August 7th, 1858, to H. G. Crouch, editor of the Galena, Illinois, Courier, cut from that paper of the 2d instant, with the editorial accompanying the same, headed — A Base Calumny. I will not condescend to notice the scurrilous editorial, predicated upon the many wilful [mis]representations of your letter, preferring to deal with you, as more responsible than your instrument. I say wilful misrepresentation, because you say you "have a distinct recollection of the facts in the case,'' and because the journals of the Senate prove your statements to be wholly destitute of truth, so far as you refer to my colleague (Gen. A. C. Dodge,) myself and our friends as having ever expressed or entertained the idea, as you say, of “defeating the bill unless the road was extended to Dubuque,” though we surely had as much right so to amend it as our Southern friends of Kentucky, Tennessee and Alabama had to suggest and require, as I think they did, that you should make the road extend to Mobile, through those three States.

You knew well that neither you nor your colleague, Gen. Shields, ever had such consultation, either between yourselves or your colleagues of the House, before I offered my amendment to make the road terminate at this place, instead of at Galena. You moreover knew equally well that when I approached you towards the close of the debate in the Senate on the bill with my amendment, and asked you whether you had any objections to my offering it, stating as I did that it was merely to extend your road to Dubuque, 12 or 15 miles further West, that you not only freely assented thereto, but thanked me for the suggestion, and that I immediately thereafter, in your presence and hearing, obtained the assent of your colleagues to the same effect;— that I then offered it and it was passed without a dissenting vote or objection from any quarter whatever, as the records show.

You must also recollect that within twenty-four hours after the passage of the bill through the Senate, I informed you that I had had a conversation with Col. Baker, the then Representative from Galena in Congress, and that he declared to me that he would not allow the bill to pass the House without having my amendment stricken from it, and that you then said that you cared not what Baker wished — that it was right that the road should terminate on the Mississippi, and so connect with our proposed railroad, and that you would so state to your colleagues, Col. Richardson, Major Harris, and others of the House, who would take charge of the bill, and would prevent Baker from making any such amendment in that body.

The assertion on your part that I or my colleague, or any one of our friends had determined to defeat your bill upon the ground stated by you, or for any other reason whatever is false, and its publication being deferred until the day of the Illinois election, too late to be contradicted by myself or others, shows that you and he (your Galena organ) who acted for you, designed to mislead the Galena people, and accomplish your selfish purpose. The journals and the debates of the Senate show that Gen. Dodge and I heartily cooperated with you and your colleague in every effort and every vote which was given on that question. For many considerations we could not but be deeply interested in the passage of that bill.

At the celebration of the completion of the Illinois Central Railroad to Dunleith, held at this place in July, 1855, you complimented me, in exalted terms, in your speech on that occasion as the person who procured the amendment, making Dubuque the terminus of the road, and although you knew that hundreds of your own constituents were there present, you did not intimate that the same had been done contrary to your wishes. You were then addressing an Iowa audience whom you wished to propitiate.

Again, sir, when you last visited Dubuque, (26th August, 1857,) you had an interview with J. B. Dorr, the editor of the Express and Herald of this city, who had, ever since you introduced the Kansas and Nebraska Bill in the Senate, been your bitter opponent, and the opponent of that measure. The next morning an editorial article appeared in that paper, of which the following is an extract:

"But Illinois is not the only State which has been benefited by the policy and by the labors of Stephen A. Douglas. All the Western States are indebted to him for the material improvement which is observable within her borders. We believe, however, that our own State, Iowa, stands next to Illinois in her obligations to Mr. Douglas. To him more than to any living man is owing the magnificent railroad system planned out for her — the system which is destined to make her one of the wealthiest and most important States in the West. Even our own good city of Dubuque owes, in a great measure, her present importance to the labors of Mr. Douglas. She knows that the extension of the north western branch of the Illinois Central to the opposite bank of the Mississippi has greatly added to her prosperity, and the land grant roads running from here to the interior will still add more towards making her the commercial metropolis of the region North and West of Chicago.''

Two numbers of the paper containing the above extract were sent to you the next day, one to Galena and the other to Chicago, with the expectation that you would have the honesty to spurn the offer thus made you by your newly acquired advocate here, to the detriment of myself, for whom you then professed friendship. Instead of doing so, however, the same article was republished in the Times, your organ at Chicago, and that, too, within a very few days after it came out here, and whilst you were still at Chicago, and necessarily within your knowledge, if not at your request. Thus, sir, at one time you extolled me in unmeasured terms for causing Dubuque to be made the terminus of the Illinois Central Railroad when addressing an Iowa audience; at another, you allow Dorr, your ally and my unscrupulous opponent here, to filch that which justly belongs to me and appropriate it to your temporary benefit. And now, when arraigned by your constituents for allowing me to make an amendment to your bill, to the disadvantage of Galena, (as the people there believe,) you resort to the dishonest and unworthy pretext of saying you were compelled either to allow the amendment to be made, or to lose the bill entirely, because they (myself and colleague) were immovable and insisted on defeating the bill, &c. Neither Gen'l Dodge, his father nor myself, ever voted against you or Gen'l Shields on any amendment or proposition offered to the bill. The vote was generally two to one in favor of the bill and it finally passed by yeas and nays 26 to 14, so we had not, as you allege, the power to defeat the bill, as still it would have passed.

My amendment was offered without consultation with any one, not excepting my own colleague, or any one of my constituents. I am proud of having procured such a benefit for the State which has trusted and honored me, but I would spurn it had it been obtained “by collusion” with yourself or any one else — a charge never within my knowledge made at Galena or elsewhere, until now meanly insinuated by yourself.

This, sir, is the third time that you have made infamously false accusations against me, and that I have been compelled to fasten the lie upon you. Though you may, at the sacrifice of Democratic organization, have effected a triumph in your own State, as you say “over Executive and Congressional dictation,” I can but look with contempt upon any fame or position you may have acquired by a union with “white spirits and black, blue spirits and grey,'” Black Republicans, South Americans, disappointed office-seekers, &c., as I do upon the miserable resort to opprob[r]ious epithets connected with my name, but covered with a contingency which gave you a sure escape.

George Wallace Jones.

P. S. This was prepared at the time and place that it bears date, and would have been sent to you had I known where it would reach you. As you are still canvassing the country, I address it to you at your own home, and publish a copy of the same in order to make sure of it being seen by you,

Geo. W. Jones.

SOURCE: John Carl Parish, George Wallace Jones, p. 197-202

Senator James Shields to Senator George W. Jones, November 19, 1858

Washington, November 19, 1858.
My dear Friend:—

I have no very distinct recollection of the minute circumstances attending your amendment to the Illinois Land Grant Bill extending the Railroad line from Galena to Dubuque, but I know you made that amendment with my consent and take it for granted with the consent of Judge Douglas also. I do not remember a single objection made to your amendment in the Senate by any one at the time it was offered, or at any other time. I have no recollection of any consultation between my colleagues and myself in reference to that amendment and never entertained a doubt but the bill would receive the hearty support of your colleague, General Dodge, and yourself, whether the amendment was adopted or rejected; certainly neither of you ever intimated to me any intention to oppose our bill under any circumstances. On the contrary, I regarded you both as our best friends. I hope this reply will suffice to cover all your inquiries and therefore hasten to send it to you.

Yours sincerely,
Jas. Shields.
Honorable George W. Jones
Dubuque, Iowa.

SOURCE: John Carl Parish, George Wallace Jones, p. 203-4

John Wilson to Senator George W. Jones, January 9, 1859

Washington, Jan. 10, 1859.
Dear Sir:—

I have examined with much care your letter of 9th of November, 1858, to Hon. Stephen A. Douglas, as published in the Chicago Herald of December 16, 1858. This letter is exactly what I expected in view of the high minded, honorable and independent course you have always pursued.

The public characters of public men belong to the country, and when wilful misrepresentations are made of them, it is a duty the party maligned owes to himself and his fellow citizens to place the matter right. In doing this I much prefer such good, old English terms as you have used to more high sounding expressions, which might leave doubts on the minds of the readers of the intentions of the writer.

Truly yours,
John Wilson,
Late Commissioner of the General Land Office.
Gen. George W. Jones, U. S. Senate.

SOURCE: John Carl Parish, George Wallace Jones, p. 204-5

Proclamation of Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood, September 10, 1861


FELLOW CITIZENS OF IOWA: – More soldiers are required for the war.  I therefore appeal to your patriotism to complete at once the quota demanded of our State.  Six regiments of infantry and two of cavalry, composed of your friends, your neighbors and your relatives, are now in the field.  Three more regiments of infantry and two of cavalry, composed of the same precious materials, are now in camp nearly organized, and eager to join their brothers in arms who have preceded them, and still four more regiments are required.  Will you permit these patriots who have gone forth animated with the spirit of their cause, to remain unsupported, and to fight alone the battles that are imminent?  Remember that they will not fight for themselves alone; it is for your cause as well as theirs in which they are engaged.  It is the cause of the Government, of home, of country, of freedom, of humanity, of God himself.  It is in this righteous cause that I call upon the manhood and patriotism of the State for a cordial and hearty response.

The gallant achievements of our noble Iowa First, have bestowed upon our State an imperishable renown.  Wherever fortitude is appreciated, and valor recognized as the attributes of a brave and greathearted people, the Iowa volunteer is greeted with pride and applause.  Shall it be said that you were unworthy the great deeds which were done in your behalf by that regiment of heroes, that you were laggard in the noble work which they so well begun?  Shall the fair fame of the State which they have raised to the highest point of greatness, lose its luster through your backwardness to the call of your country, made in the holiest cause that has ever engaged the efforts of a people? With you rests the responsibility. Men alone are wanted. Arms, equipments, liberal pay, the applause and gratitude of a Nation await the volunteers.  I cannot believe you will prove insufficient for the occasion when you know your country's need. Two regiments of those yet needed, are required for the defense of our own borders against the incursion of predatory tribes of Indians. While our loyal armies have been engaged with civilized traitors in a deadly struggle for the supremacy of the Government, the maintenance of the Constitution, the enforcement of the laws, and the protection of innocent and defenseless citizens, our own borders have become exposed to the ravages of savages. Some of the lawless tribes are now in league with the leaders of the rebellion in Arkansas and Missouri. Others have been incited by them to seize this opportunity to prey upon the defenseless inhabitants of our State. Some of our sparsely settled counties imperatively demand protection, and they must have it.

Four regiments in addition to those now organizing are needed. They must be had speedily. I hope for the good name of our State they will be furnished without resort to any other mode than that heretofore so successfully adopted. Let those who cannot volunteer lend encouragement and assistance to those who can. Let everyone feel that there is no more important work to be done until these regiments are filled.


SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 161-2

Senator James W. Grimes to J. H. Gear, W. F. Coolbaugh, A. W. Carpenter, Joshua Copp, J. G. Foote, and other Citizens of Burlington, August 17, 1861

Burlington, August 17, 1861.

I have received your favor of the 15th instant, in which you congratulate me upon my return to the State, and invite me to address the people of this city, at such time and place as I may designate, on the important questions now before the country, involving the existence of the Government.

I appreciate, as I ought, the kind feeling that prompted this invitation, and return you my sincere thanks for it. I would address you at any time and at any place, if I supposed I could communicate a particle of information not already in the possession or within the reach of every citizen of the State. I could only say in many words, what I now say in a few, that it seems to me that there is no safe alternative before us, but to give a firm and ardent support to the Government in its attempt to put down insurrection and rebellion. More than any State in this Confederacy, Iowa should resist the pretended right of a State to secede from it. Our position in the centre of the continent, without foreign commerce, dependent upon other States for our markets and for our means for transportation to reach them, would soon, if the right to destroy the Union by the secession of the States be conceded, place us in the character of a dependent and conquered province. We need, and must have, at whatever cost, a permanent government and unrestricted access to the Atlantic Ocean and to the Gulf of Mexico. There must be no foreign soil between us and our markets.

As one of the Representatives of Iowa in the Federal Congress, I have sought to give expression by my votes to what I believe to be the opinions of the people of the State, and have uniformly voted all the men, money, ships, and supplies, that were asked for. In doing so, I have not only expressed what I believed to be their wishes, but I have acted upon my own convictions of duty. I shall continue to do so until this unholy war shall be brought to a successful conclusion.

The public debt that this war will impose upon us will appall some and perhaps dampen the patriotism of some. Most erroneous impressions, however, seem to prevail as to the magnitude of our present indebtedness, and that which we are likely to create. The entire public indebtedness of this country on the 6th instant, the day Congress adjourned, was a hundred and eleven million dollars, most of which was inherited from the preceding Administration, and the estimated expenses of the next year, for military, naval, and civil purposes, were less than three hundred million dollars, less than the annual expenses of Great Britain in a time of profound peace. In connection with the aggregate of these two sums let us remember that England paid eight thousand five hundred million dollars to carry on her wars with the first Napoleon. She was contending for her commercial rights, and the result showed that her money was well expended: we are not only contending for our commercial rights, but we seek to uphold and perpetuate the best Government ever known among men.

Foreigners call us, with great truth, the most impatient people on the earth. This natural impatience is greatly increased by our present troubles. We all want peace restored and business revived, and most of us believe that a permanent peace can only be established by the victorious arms of our soldiers. Our anxieties in this regard are very liable to cause us to do great injustice to the Government and to ourselves also. We clamor for victories, forgetting that the most thorough preparation is necessary to achieve them. We forget the condition of the country four months ago, and ask that that shall be done in a week which requires months of arduous labor to perform. Very few fully appreciate the difficulties by which the President of the United States found himself surrounded, when he assumed power on the 4th of March last. Many of the Executive Departments had recently been under the control of traitors. The army had been dispersed and demoralized, and many of the most trusted and prominent officers were disloyal. Our vessels-of-war were scattered upon foreign and remote stations. The Departments were full of spies and traitors. The public armories had been plundered and their contents delivered to the rebels. The President was without an army, without a navy, without arms or munitions of war, and with enemies within and without. In this condition of things, and after an almost uninterrupted peace of fifty years, he was called upon to organize in a few weeks five armies, each of them larger than any that had ever been marshaled on this continent, and to improvise a navy with which to blockade a coast greater in extent than that which England was unable to blockade with more than four hundred vessels-of-war in 1812-’14. That there have been mistakes committed in the selection of agents and officers cannot be denied, but, that there has been any lack of energy or of devotion to the cause of the country, it seems to me that no fail man who examines the subject will assert. Few persons comprehend all the labor, the time, and the perplexities involved in furnishing clothing, arms, transportation, stores and pay for four hundred and fifty thousand men, and in purchasing or building, manning, arming, and equipping two hundred vessels-of-war by a Government whose credit was impaired, whose armories had been destroyed, and whose munitions of war had been stolen, and to do all this in the space of three months.

It becomes us to be hopeful and patient, bearing in mind that the authorities in Washington are resolved that their preparation for the conflict shall correspond with the magnitude of the conspiracy they are compelled to encounter.

You say, gentlemen, that you address me without distinction of party, and I find among the signatures appended to your letter the names of many to whom I have always been politically opposed. Permit me to say that the time has arrived when I am anxious to forget all party names, and party platforms, and party organizations, and to unite with anybody and everybody in an honest, ardent, and patriotic support of the Government — not as a party Government with a Republican at its head, but as the national Government, ordained by and for the benefit of the whole people of the country.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 147-50

John Brown to his Family, Sunday, October 14, 1855

Sabbath Eve, October 14.

I notice in your letter to Salmon your trouble about the means of having the house made more comfortable for winter, and I fondly hope you have been relieved on that score before now, by funds from Mr. Hurlbut, of Winchester, Conn., from the sale of the cattle there. Write me all about your situation; for, if disappointed from that source, I shall make every effort to relieve you in some other way. Last Tuesday was an election day with Free-State men in Kansas, and hearing that there was a prospect of difficulty we all turned out most thoroughly armed (except Jason, who was too feeble); but no enemy appeared, nor have I heard of any disturbance in any part of the Territory. Indeed, I believe Missouri is fast becoming discouraged about making Kansas a slave State, and I think the prospect of its becoming free is brightening every day. Try to be cheerful, and always "hope in God," who will not leave nor forsake them that trust in him. Try to comfort and encourage each other all you can. You are all very dear to me, and I humbly trust we may be kept and spared to meet again on earth; but if not, let us all endeavor earnestly to secure admission to that eternal home, where will be no more bitter separations, "where the wicked shall cease from troubling and the weary be at rest." We shall probably spend a few days more in helping the boys to provide some kind of shelter for winter, and mean to write you often. May God in infinite mercy bless, comfort, and save you all, for Christ's sake!

Your affectionate husband and father,
John Brown.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 201-2

Diary of Major Rutherford B. Hayes: Sunday, August 11, 1861

Raining this morning, very warm. Arrested, on complaint of a Union man, H. T. Martin, a secession editor, who is charged with holding communication with James and William Bennett, leaders of a guerrilla party. He was formerly from Ohio. Is a Southern state's-right Democrat in talk, and makes a merit of holding secession opinions. Having been engaged in getting up troops for the Southern army, the colonel will probably send him to Ohio.

Colonel Lytle's men fired on near Bulltown; one killed, four wounded; guerrilla party in the hills out of reach. Our regiment did not destroy records. We have sent two captains and eighty men after the guerrillas.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 63

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, February 29, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, February 29, 1864.

Yesterday Mr. Dorr, from Christ Church, preached for us, and afterwards dined and spent the evening with me. During the evening one of the escaped prisoners from Libby prison, who had made his way from Richmond right through the main body of Lee's army and into our lines, came to see me, and Mr. Dorr seemed very much interested in the narrative of his adventures. He returned home this morning, delighted with his visit to the army and all he had seen. He has a son who is a captain in Chapman Biddle's regiment, the One Hundred and Twenty-first Pennsylvania Volunteers.

My cavalry expedition for Richmond got off last night, and at 2 A. M., the last I heard from them, they were getting on famously, not having met any one or being, as far as they could tell, discovered by the enemy. I trust they will be successful; it will be the greatest feat of the war, if they do succeed, and will immortalize them all. Young Dahlgren,1 with his one leg, went along with them. The weather from having been most favorable, now that the expedition has gone, begins to look suspicious, and to-night we have a little rain.

I see Congress has passed the Lieutenant General bill. This will make Grant Commander-in-Chief; what will become of Halleck I can't tell, and possibly when Grant is responsible for all military operations, he may want some one else whom he knows better in command of this army.

1 Ulric Dahlgren, killed March 4, 1864.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 168

Brigadier-General Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, January 15, 1865

Headquarters Third Division,
Detachment Army Of The Tennessee,
in The Field, Sunday, Jan. 15, 1865.

I am now once more fairly in the field, and at the head of my command. My tent is pitched upon a pleasant knoll in a very hilly, almost mountainous country, from whence I have a view of the Tennessee river, and parts of three States, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama. The ground is gravelly and the forests pine, so that I keep comparatively dry; the floor of my tent is carpeted with pine boughs that make a pleasant smell. For some days past the weather has been delightful, clear, bright and warm, yet bracing. Already the rose and briar are putting forth green leaves and bulbous roots are springing from the ground. The atmosphere is about as it would be in your latitude, say the 1st of May, or thereabouts. My health improves, bowels decidedly better, appetite pretty good, and the most that troubles me now is a tendency to take cold, cold with an irritation of the throat. This is to be expected, for I could hardly go from careful nursing directly into the field without some shock to the system.

My command is not yet thoroughly organized, and I have some new appointments of staff officers to make; in the course of a day or two I shall publish my staff, and will send you a copy. . . . I have three brigades; our detachments are about being organized into a corps of three divisions, each division of three brigades. The division commanders are General McArthur, General Garrard (Kenna Garrard of West Point, oldest son of Mrs. McLean), and myself, all under command of Gen. A. J. Smith.

A large mail has come to-day with the fleet that brought up General Thomas and troops, but I am disappointed in finding nothing for me.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 378-9

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Monday, November 2, 1863

It was my turn on the picket line today. Our picket post is three miles below Vicksburg on the main road to Warrington, and I was stationed right on the bank of the Mississippi. Our reserve post has one lieutenant, one sergeant, two corporals and thirty privates. Six men under a sergeant go out on the public highway from four to six miles, twice a day, to see that there are no rebels advancing.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 150

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: December 14, 1863

On picket, which comes every other day and night. All things seem to be very quiet. Bought a watch. The first one I ever owned. Paid one of the boys ten dollars. Wrote many letters to friends at home. When off duty visited the many points of interest around the town. Here old John Brown was tried and hung for treason against the state of Virginia. I visited the court house where he was tried, the jail where he was confined, and the ground just outside of town where he was hung. These places were pointed out to us by old residents of the town.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 31

4th Ohio Independent Cavalry Battalion

Organized at Cincinnati, Ohio, for 6 months August 3 to September 21, 1863. Mustered out February 15 to March 14, 1864.

Battalion lost during service 16 by disease.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1480