Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: Monday, May 18, 1863

This morning we had the gratification of a short visit from General Lee. He called and breakfasted with us, while the other passengers in the cars breakfasted at the hotel. We were very glad to see that great and good man look so well and so cheerful. His beard is very long, and painfully gray, which makes him appear much older than he really is. One of the ladies at table, with whom he is closely connected, rallied him on allowing his beard to grow, saying, “Cousin R., it makes you look too venerable for your years.” He was amused, and pleaded as his excuse the inconvenience of shaving in camp. “Well,” she replied, “if I were in Cousin Mary's place (Mrs. L’s) I would allow it to remain now, but I would take it off as soon as the war is over.” He answered, while a shade passed over his bright countenance, “When the war is over, my dear L., she may take my beard off, and my head with it, if she chooses.” This he said as the whistle summoned him to his seat in the cars, not meaning to depress us, or imagining for an instant that we would think of it again; but it proved to us that he knew that the end was not yet, and disappointed us, for after every great victory we cannot help hoping that the Federal Government may be tired of war and bloodshed, rapine and murder, and withdraw its myriads to more innocent pursuits.

Yesterday evening we were agreeably surprised by a call from W. B. C., just recovered from his dreadful wound, received at Fredericksburg last winter. He is an infantry captain of the Stonewall Brigade, and is just returning to his company. Alas! alas! his great Captain has passed away during his absence, which makes his return very sad. He thinks that General Ewell is the man of all others to put in his place, though no man can fill it. General Ewell, he says, is one of General Jackson's most enthusiastic admirers, believing him to have been almost an inspired man. General E. relates an incident of him, when on their victorious march through the Valley last summer, which is beautifully characteristic of General J. One night, when it was evident that there must be a battle next day, he (General E.) went to General Jackson for his plans. General J. replied that he would give them to him next morning, as they had not yet been formed. General E. felt uneasy and restless, and could not sleep. About midnight he arose, and, passing through the sleeping multitudes, he reached General Jackson's tent, and was about to raise the curtain to enter it, when his attention was arrested by the voice of prayer. General Jackson was praying fervently for guidance through the coming day. General E. remarked to a friend that he had never before heard a prayer so devout and beautiful; he then, for the first time, felt the desire to be a Christian. He retired to his tent quietly, without disturbing General J., feeling assured that all would be well. The next morning a fight came off, replete with victory. General Ewell was subsequently wounded at the second battle of Manassas, and it is said that he has since become a Christian. God grant that it may be so!

I have been in Richmond for two days past, nursing the wounded of our little hospital. Some of them are very severely injured, yet they are the most cheerful invalids I ever saw. It is remarked in all the hospitals that the cheerfulness of the wounded in proportion to their suffering is much greater than that of the sick. Under my care, yesterday, was one poor fellow, with a ball embedded in his neck; another with an amputated leg; one with a hole in his breast, through which a bullet had passed; another with a shattered arm; and others with slighter wounds; yet all showed indomitable spirit; evinced a readiness to be amused or interested in every thing around them; asked that the morning papers might be read to them, and gloried in their late victory; and expressed an anxiety to get well, that they may have another “chance at them fellows.” The Yankees are said to have landed at West Point, and are thence sending out raiding parties over the country. Colonel Davis, who led the party here on the third, has been severely wounded by a scouting party, sent out by General Wise towards Tunstall's Station. It is said he has lost his leg. So may it be!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 214-6

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 2, 1864

Sherman again. Artillery parked and a line of battle formed before Atlanta. When we asked Brewster what Sam meant to do at Atlanta he answered, “Oh — oh, like the man who went, he says he means to stay there!” Hope he may, that's all.

Spent to-day with Mrs. McCord at her hospital. She is dedicating her grief for her son, sanctifying it, one might say, by giving up her soul and body, her days and nights, to the wounded soldiers at her hospital. Every moment of her time is surrendered to their needs.

To-day General Taliaferro dined with us. He served with Hood at the second battle of Manassas and at Fredericksburg, where Hood won his major-general's spurs. On the battle-field, Hood, he said, “has military inspiration.” We were thankful for that word. All now depends on that army at Atlanta. If that fails us, the game is up.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 317

Mary Boykin Chesnut to Charlotte Cross Wigfall, late January 1863

My dear friend,

My heart is heavier to-day than it has been since this murderous war began. I daresay I have told you, over and over, as I always talk of what is uppermost, that my cronies in Columbia, my bosom friends, were Mrs. Preston, Mrs. McCord and Mrs. Izard. Captain Cheves McCord, only son of my friend, lies dead at a Mr. Meyers' only a few doors below us. I did not know he was here. Mr. Chesnut had a letter from him yesterday dated Fredericksburg. He was wounded at the Second Manassas, two balls in his leg, and one in his head. Contrary to the advice of his doctors, he had rejoined his company, and this is the end. He died in convulsions from a pressure on the brain. His mother is expected by every train — poor thing — I could not sleep for thinking of her. She seemed to have but one thought in this world — “My Son.” He is barely twenty-one—is married— his wife a beautiful girl—unfortunate and miserable and wretched is it all!

. . . I will try to see you as soon as possible, but I will not, as I had hoped, take the box with you. This unhappy boy, lying dead so near me, makes the thought of theatres hateful to me just now.  . . . I feel you are too true hearted a mother not to sympathize.

Your friend,

M. B. C.

SOURCE: Louise Wigfall Wright, A Southern Girl in ’61, p. 83-4

EDITOR’S NOTE: Captain Langdon Cheves McCord, son of David James McCord and Louisa Susannah Cheves, died January 23rd 1863.  This undated letter, citing the fact that Captain McCord “lies dead at a Mr. Meyers' only a few doors below us,” it is evident this letter was written shortly after his death and before his burial.

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Thursday, September 11, 1862

Two weeks since Hooker drove Ewell at Bristow Station — and what weeks! Ten days of battle, and then such changes, — changes in which it is difficult to see the public good! How singularly all our worst defeats have followed Administrative co—no, blunders! McDowell defeated at Bull Run, because the Administration would not supercede Patterson by a General of more capacity, vigor and devotion to the cause. McClellan defeated at Richmond, because the Administration recalled Shields and forced Fremont to retire from the pursuit of Jackson, in order that McDowell's force might be concentrated at Manassas to be sent to McClellan before Richmond. Pope defeated at Bull Run because the Administration persisted in keeping McClellan in command of the Army of the Potomac, after full warning that, under his lead and influence, that army would not cooperate effectively with Pope.

After breakfast this morning Mr. Hamilton took leave of me, and I prepared to go to Fairfax Seminary to visit Butterfield, who, according to the papers, is sick there. Before starting, however, I thought best to send Bannister to the War Department to learn if any-thing of importance had occured. He returned with a note to the effect that nothing important had come from the army but that an important question was for consideration and decision, and if I would come up he would send for Genl. Halleck and the President. Went up immediately. It rained. On arriving at the War Department, found Genl. Wright, of Penna., there, with a request from Gov. Curtin to call into active service all the able bodied men of the State. The President, Gen. Halleck and Mr. Stanton submitted the question, “What answer shall be returned to Gov. Curtin?” — Gen. H. thought the important thing was to mass all the force possible on this side the enemy, and defeat him; and that a general arming of Pennsylvania would not be sufficiently available to warrent the vast expenses sure to be incurred. — Mr. Stanton expressed no-opinion as to defeat of the enemy from this side, but thought Gov. Curtins proposal too large to be entertained, and stated that the arms for a general arming could not be furnished.

I asked Gen. H., “What force, in your opinion, has the enemy?” — “From the best evidence I have — not satisfactory, but the best — I reckon the whole number in Maryland and the vicinity of Washington, at 150,000.” — “How many in Maryland?” “Two-thirds probably, or 100,000.” — “What in your judgment as a soldier, are the designs of the enemy?” — “Impossible to judge with certainty. Suppose he will do what I would do if in his place — rest, recruit, get supplies, augment force, and obtain all possible information; and then strike the safest and most effectual blow he can — at Washington, Baltimore, or Philadelphia. If not strong enough to strike a blow, he will, after getting all he can, attempt to cross into Virginia.” — “You think, there is no probability of an advance into Pennsylvania at present.” —  “None, unless a raid.” —Upon these statements, I expressed the opinion, that, considering the situation of our troops sent out to attack the rebel army, it was not impossible that a raid, at least, would be attempted into Pennsylvania, and that Gov. Curtin was wise in making provision for it; that the proposition to arm the whole people was, however, too broad; and that I thought it would be well to authorize the Governor to call out as many troops as could be armed with the arms he reported himself as having — say 30,000. The President said he was averse to giving the order, on the score of expense; but would think of it till to-morrow.

The President and Secy. Stanton having left the room, I took occasion to ask Gen. Halleck what, in his judgment, were the causes of the demoralization of the troops. He replied, there were several causes; first, the incapacity of officers from inexperience, or want of ability or character; second, the want of proper discipline; third, — a political cause, the action of the late Congress in its abolition and confiscation measures, which were very distasteful to the army of the West, and, as he understood, also to the army of the Potomac. I expressed my conviction that the influence of the last was exaggerated, and dropped the subject. I abandoned the idea of visiting Butterfield and returned to the Department, where I transacted usual routine business.

In the evening, called to enquire for Mrs. Douglas, taking some—

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 74-5

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: Tuesday. September 16, 1862

The papers to-day give no account of our army in Maryland. General Loring has been successful in the Kanawha Valley, in driving the enemy, taking prisoners, and 5,000 stand of arms, etc. Our success in the West still continues. Kentucky is represented to be in a flame of excitement. General Kirby Smith asks for 20,000 stand of arms to be sent him to arm Kentuckians, who are rushing to his standard. Cincinnati preparing for defence, etc.

Yesterday I was surprised and delighted to see my nephew, W. B. C. After passing through the bloody fight at Manassas, he found he could not march into Maryland, in consequence of the soreness of his wound received last spring at Kernstown. He gives a graphic account of our army's trials, tribulations, and successes at Manassas. Our dear ones all passed safely through the fights.

Winchester once more disenthralled. My dear S. B. S. about to return to her home there — but in what state will she find it? When Jackson drove Banks down the Valley, Dr. S., in passing through Winchester, stepped into the open door of his house; found it had been Banks's headquarters; the floors covered with papers torn up in haste; the remnant of the General's breakfast on the dining-room table, and other unmistakable signs of a recent and very hurried departure.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 154-5

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: Sunday. September 14, 1862

Just returned from church. Mr. K. gave us a delightful sermon on our dependence on God as a people. “When Moses held up his hand, then Israel prevailed; and when he let down his hand, then Amalek prevailed.” Oh, that our hands may always be “held up” for our cause and armies! Next Thursday (18th) is the day appointed by our President as a day of thanksgiving for our successes. His proclamation is so beautiful that I will copy it:

To The People Of The Confederate States:

Once more upon the plains of Manassas have our armies been blessed by the Lord of Hosts with a triumph over our enemies. It is my privilege to invite you once more to His footstool, not now in the garb of fasting and sorrow, but with joy and gladness, to render thanks for the great mercies received at His hands. A few months since our enemies poured forth their invading legions upon our soil. They laid waste our fields, polluted our altars, and violated the sanctity of our homes. Around our capital they gathered their forces, and with boastful threats claimed it as already their prize. The brave troops which rallied to its defence have extinguished their vain hopes, and under the guidance of the same Almighty hand, have scattered our enemies and driven them back in dismay. Uniting those defeated forces and the various armies which had been ravaging our coasts with the army of invasion in Northern Virginia, our enemies have renewed their attempt to subjugate us at the very place where their first effort was defeated, and the vengeance of retributive justice has overtaken their entire host in a second and complete overthrow. To this signal success accorded to our arms in the East has been graciously added another, equally brilliant, in the West. On the very day on which our forces were led to victory on the plains of Manassas, in Virginia, the same Almighty arm assisted us to overcome our enemies at Richmond, in Kentucky. Thus, at one and the same time, have two great hostile armies been stricken down, and the wicked designs of our enemies set at naught. In such circumstances it is meet and right that, as a people, we should bow down in adoring thankfulness to that gracious God who has been our bulwark and defence, and to offer unto Him the tribute of thanksgiving and praise. In His hand is the issue of all events, and to Him should we in a special manner ascribe the honour of this great deliverance. Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States, do issue this, my proclamation setting apart Thursday, the 18th day of September, as a day of thanksgiving and prayer to Almighty God, for the great mercies vouchsafed to our people, and more especially for the triumph of our arms at Richmond and Manassas, in Virginia, and at Richmond in Kentucky; and I do hereby invite the people of the Confederate States to meet on that day, at their respective places of public worship, and to unite in rendering thanks and praise to God for these great mercies, and to implore Him to conduct our country safely through the perils which surround us, to the final attainment of the blessings of peace and security.

Given under my hand and the seal of the Confederate States, at Richmond, this fourth day of September, A. D 1862.

JEFF. DAVIS, Pres. of the C. S.

J. P. BENJAMIN, Sec. of State.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 152-4

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 4, 1862

Our victory at Manassas complete; the fight lasted four days. General Kearney was killed in a cavalry fight at Chantilly. Beautiful Chantilly has become a glorious battle-field. The splendid trees and other lovely surroundings all gone; but it is classic ground from this time. In those fights I had eight nephews! Are they all safe? I have heard from two, who fought gallantly, and are unscathed. It is said that our army is to go to Maryland.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 151

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: September 2, 1862

Lynchburg. – The papers to-day give glorious news of a victory to our arms on the plains of Manassas, on the 28th, 29th, and 30th. I will give General Lee's telegram:

army Of Northern Virginia,

Groveton, August 30 — 10 P. M.

Via Rapidan.

To President Davis: — This army achieved to-day, on the plains of Manassas, a signal victory over the combined forces of McClellan and Pope. On the 28th and 29th, each wing, under Generals Longstreet and Jackson, repulsed with valour attacks made on them separately. We mourn the loss of our gallant dead in every conflict, yet our gratitude to Almighty God for his mercies rises higher each day. To Him and to the valour of our troops a nation's gratitude is due.

(Signed)

R. E. Lee.

Nothing more to-day — my heart is full. The papers give no news of the dead and wounded. The dreaded black-list yet to come. In the mean time we must let no evil forebodings mar our joy and thankfulness.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 150-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, September 10, 1862

Colonel Marston of New Hampshire, who has been with the Army of the Potomac for a year, called on me to-day. Says he has no confidence in McClellan as a general; thinks him neither brave nor capable; expresses distrust of the integrity and patriotism of other generals also. Marston is not a brilliant or great man, nor perhaps a very competent military critic to judge of the higher qualifications of his superiors; but he is politically patriotic, and gives the opinion of others with whom he associates as well as his own.

Senator Wilson, who is by nature suspicious and sensational, tells me there is a conspiracy on foot among certain generals for a revolution and the establishment of a provisional national government. Has obtained important information from one of McC.'s staff. Wilson is doubtless sincere in all this, but, being on the military committee, is influenced by Stanton, who is mad with the army and officers who stand by McClellan. There may have been random talk and speculation among military men when idle in camp, but there is nothing serious or intentional in their loose remarks. They and the soldiers are citizens. The government and country is theirs as well as ours.

Secretary Smith says he has heard of these movements. Imputes misfortune and mismanagement to one (Seward) who has the ear of the President and misadvises and misleads him.

H. H. Elliott, Chairman of the Prize Commission in New York, writes me that the public mind there is highly excited and on the eve of revolution. There is, undoubtedly, a bad state of things in New York, and he is surrounded by that class of Democratic partisans whose sympathies and associations were with the Rebels, and who are still party opponents of the Administration.

There are muttering denunciations on every side, and if McClellan fails to whip the Rebels in Maryland, the wrath and indignation against him and the Administration will be great and unrestrained. If he succeeds, there will be instant relief, and a willing disposition to excuse alleged errors which ought to be investigated.

General Halleck is nominally General-in-Chief and discharging many of the important functions of the War Department. I have as yet no intimacy with him and have seen but little of him. He has a scholarly intellect and, I suppose, some military acquirements, but his mind is heavy and irresolute. It appears to me he does not possess originality and that he has little real military talent. What he has is educational. He is here, and came from the West, the friend of Pope, and is in some degree indebted to Pope for his position. Both were introduced here by an intrigue of the War and Treasury with the design of ultimately displacing McClellan, to whom the President has adhered with tenacity, and from whom Stanton alone and unassisted could not alienate him. The President was distressed by McClellan's tardy movements and failure before Richmond, but did not understand the object which the Secretary of War, seconded by Chase, had in view, nor perhaps did either of the two generals, Pope and Halleck, whose capabilities were wonderfully magnified by Stanton, when ordered here. Pope is a connection of Mrs. Lincoln and was somewhat intimate with the President, with whom he came to Washington in 1861. There were some wonderful military operations on the Mississippi and at Corinth reported of him just before he was ordered here, and which led to it, that have not somehow been fully substantiated. Admiral Foote used to laugh at the gasconade and bluster of Pope. Halleck, Foote insisted, was a military imbecile, though he might make a good clerk. Pope was first brought here, and soon began to second Stanton by sounding the praises of Halleck. On one or two occasions I heard him express his admiration of the extraordinary capacity of Halleck and his wish that H. could be on this field, where his great abilities would comprehend and successfully direct military operations. Stanton would on these occasions back Pope so far as to hope there could be some change. The President listened, was influenced, and finally went to West Point and saw General Scott. Chase had in the mean time abandoned McClellan, and I well remember the vehement earnestness with which, on one occasion when we were examining the maps and criticizing operations before Richmond, he maintained with emphasis we had begun wrong, and could have no success until the army was brought back here, and we started from this point to reach the James River.

How far Halleck was assenting to or committed to Stanton's implacable hostility to McClellan, or whether he was aware of its extent before he came here, I cannot say. Shortly after he arrived I saw that he partook of the views of Stanton and Chase. By direction of the President he visited the army on the James and became a partner to the scheme for the recall of the troops. This recall or withdrawal he pronounced one of the most difficult things to achieve successfully that an accomplished commander could execute. The movement was effected successfully, but I did not perceive that the country was indebted to General Halleck in the least for that success. The whole thing at Headquarters was slovenly managed. I know that the Navy, which was in the James River cooperating with the army, was utterly neglected by Halleck. Stanton, when I made inquiry, said the order to bring back the army was not his, and he was not responsible for that neglect. I first learned of the order recalling the army, not from the General-in-Chief or the War Department, but from Wilkes, who was left upon the upper waters of the James without orders and a cooperating army. When I called on Halleck, with Wilkes's letter, he seemed stupid, said there was no further use for the Navy, supposed I had been advised by the Secretary of War. When I suggested that it appeared to me important that the naval force should remain, with perhaps a small number of troops to menace Richmond, he rubbed his elbow first, as if that was the seat of thought, and then his eyes, and said he wished the Navy would hold on for a few days to embarrass the Rebels, but he had ordered all the troops to return. I questioned then, and do now, the wisdom of recalling McClellan and the army; have doubted if H., unprompted, would himself have done it. It was a specimen of Chase's and Stanton's tactics. They had impressed the President with their ideas that a change of base was necessary. The President had, at the beginning, questioned the movement on Richmond by way of the Peninsula, but Blair had favored it.

Pope having been put in command of the army in front of Washington, it was not difficult to reinforce him with McClellan's men. Stanton, intriguing against that officer, wanted to exclude him from command. Chase seconded the scheme, but, fearing the influence of McClellan with the President and the other generals and the army, the plan of his dismissal at the instigation of the Cabinet was projected. McClellan, by an unwise political letter, when his duty was military, weakened himself and strengthened his enemies. Events must have convinced him that there was an intrigue against him, that he was in disfavor. Perhaps he was conscious that he had failed to come up to public expectation and do his whole duty. He certainly committed the great error, if not crime, after Halleck's appointment and his recall, of remaining supine, inactive, at Alexandria while the great battle was going on in front; and he imparted his own disaffected feelings to his subordinates.

Halleck, destitute of originality, bewildered by the conduct of McClellan and his generals, without military resources, could devise nothing and knew not what to advise or do after Pope's discomfiture. He saw that the dissatisfied generals triumphed in Pope's defeat, that Pope and the faction that Stanton controlled against McClellan were unequal to the task they were expected to perform, and, distrustful of himself, Halleck, without consulting Stanton, assented to the President's suggestion of reinstating McClellan in the intrenchments to reorganize the shattered forces; and subsequently recommended giving him again the command of the consolidated armies of Washington and the Potomac.

The President assured me that this appointment of McClellan to command the united forces and the onward movement was Halleck's doings. He spoke of it in justification of the act. I was sorry he should permit General H. to select the commander in such a case if against his own judgment. But the same causes which influenced H. probably had some effect on the President, and Stanton, disappointed and vexed, beheld his plans miscarry and felt that his resentments were impotent, at least for a time.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 118-22

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Saturday, September 6, 1862

Genl. and Mrs. Worthington breakfasted with me; — also Genl. McDowell and Mr. Haven[.]

After Breakfast, Genl. McDowell read me the draft of his letter, which I thought excellent, but suggested one or two modifications which he adopted. I then went to the Department.

Soon after, the President came in, and asked what McDowell had determined to do. I told him. “Where is the letter?” He took it, intending to have it copied I suppose. “Well, it ought to be done immediately; for the corps must march, and Genl. Halleck feels that he must be relieved, at all events, from command. Where can he be found?” — “I cannot tell. An orderly, no doubt, can find him.” The President went away, and, later in the day, I heard that Genl. McDowell had been relieved at his own request. He came in himself, afterwards, stating the fact and adding. “I did not ask to be relieved — I only asked for a court.” I explained as well as I could, and he left me.

Afterwards, I started to War Department, but meet Seward, who said Stanton was not there. Went to President's, where Stanton was. He spoke of McDowell's letter, and praised it in the strongest terms.

Mr. Barney came this morning about the labor contract in New York, about which quite a difference of opinion and interest exists — one or two of our most influential journals being concerned in its continuance. The question was, whether the Contract, by its own terms, was not limited to three years, and whether an extension of it beyond that time would be, in reality, a new Contract. Doubting on the point, I referred it to the Attorney-General, who returned an answer expressing a decided opinion that the Contract was so limited and could not be extended without a new Contract. — Before receiving this opinion, I telegraphed Mr. Field to come on, if he desired to say anything further!

In the evening, Genl. Pope came in. He expressed strong indignation against Fitz-John Porter and McClellan, who had, as he believed, prevented his success. He wanted his Report published, as an act of justice to himself and his army. I stated my objection to present publication, on the ground of injury to service at this critical time; but said that a General Order, thanking his army for what they had done ought to be promulgated. He said this would be satisfactory, (partially so, at least) but that Halleck would not publish one. I said, I would see the President and urge it.

(Mr Barney and others also called, — B. having declined invitation to breakfast, but said he would come at nine, to meet Field who telegraphed he would come and call at that hour. — ) Maj. Andrews came in and spoke so of Col. Crook, that I agreed to ask that he be make Brigadier-General. Major Andrew wrote a statement of what Crook did in Western Virginia.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 67-8

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Friday, September 5, 1862

The President, at Cabinet meeting, read Pope's Report, which strongly inculpates McClellan, Porter, Franklin and Griffin; and asked opinion as to its publication. All against it on the score of policy under existing circumstances. President stated that Porter, Franklin and Griffin would be relieved from command and brought before a Court of Inquiry; and also, I think, that the Order had been made.

The President had previously, at the Department, told me that the clamor against McDowell was so great that he could not lead his troops unless something was done to restore confidence; and proposed to me to suggest to him the asking for a Court of Inquiry. I told him I had already done so, and would do so again. So, availing myself of a Messenger from Genl. Pope who came during the meeting, I sent a note to McDowell, asking him to come over. He accordingly came in the evening, and I suggested the matter to him. He thought it hard to make the demand when there were no charges. I told him I thought he could assume the charge made by the Michigan officer who, when dying, scrawled a letter saying he died a victim to Pope's imbecility and McDowell's treachery. He reflected, and then said he would make the demand. He staid again all night.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 66

Diary of Gideon Welles: Sunday, September 7, 1862

The report prevalent yesterday that the Rebels had crossed the upper Potomac at or near the Point of Rocks is confirmed, and it is pretty authentic that large reinforcements have since been added.

Found Chase in Secretary's room at the War Department with D. D. Field. No others present. Some talk about naval matters. Field censorious and uncomfortable. General Pope soon came in but stayed only a moment. Was angry and vehement. He and Chase had a brief conversation apart, when he returned to Stanton's room.

When I started to come away, Chase followed, and after we came down stairs asked me to walk with him to the President's. As we crossed the lawn, he said with emotion everything was going wrong. He feared the country was ruined. McClellan was having everything his own way, as he (Chase) anticipated he would if decisive measures were not promptly taken for his dismissal. It was a reward for perfidy. My refusal to sign the paper he had prepared was fraught with great evil to the country. I replied that I viewed that matter differently. My estimate of McClellan was in some respects different from his. I agreed he wanted decision, that he hesitated to strike, had also behaved badly in the late trouble, but I did not believe he was unfaithful and destitute of patriotism. But aside from McClellan, and the fact that it would, with the feeling which pervaded the army, have been an impolitic step to dismiss him, the proposed combination in the Cabinet would have been inexcusably wrong to the President. We had seen the view which the President took of the matter and how he felt at the meeting of the Cabinet on Tuesday. From what I have seen and heard within the last few days, the more highly do I appreciate the President's judgment and sagacity in the stand he made, and the course he took. Stanton has carried his dislike or hatred of McC. to great lengths, and from free intercourse with Chase has enlisted him, and to some extent influenced all of us against that officer, who has failings enough of his own to bear without the addition of Stanton's enmity to his own infirmities. Seward, in whom McC. has confided more than any member of the Administration, from the common belief that Seward was supreme, yielded to Stanton's malignant feelings, and yet, not willing to encounter that officer, he went off to Auburn, expecting the General would be disposed of whilst he was away. The President, who, like the rest of us, has seen and felt McClellan's deficiencies and has heard Stanton's and Halleck's complaints more than we have, finally, and I think not unwillingly, consented to bring Pope here in front of Washington; was also further persuaded by Stanton and Chase to recall the army from Richmond and turn the troops over to Pope. Most of this originated, and has been matured, in the War Department, Stanton and Chase being the pioneers, Halleck assenting, the President and Seward under stress of McClellan's disease “the slows,” and with the reverses before Richmond, falling in with the idea that a change of commanders and a change of base was necessary. The recall of the army from the vicinity of Richmond I thought wrong, and I know it was in opposition to the opinion of some of the best military men in the service. Placing Pope over them roused the indignation of many. But in this Stanton had a purpose to accomplish, and in bringing first Pope here, then by Pope's assistance and General Scott's advice bringing Halleck, and concerting measures which followed, he succeeded in breaking down and displacing McClellan, but not in dismissing and disgracing him. This the President would not do or permit to be done, though he was more offended with McC. than he ever was before. In a brief conversation with him as we were walking together on Friday, the President said with much emphasis: “I must have McClellan to reorganize the army and bring it out of chaos, but there has been a design, a purpose in breaking down Pope, without regard of consequences to the country. It is shocking to see and know this; but there is no remedy at present, McClellan has the army with him.”

My convictions are with the President that McClellan and his generals are this day stronger than the Administration with a considerable portion of this Army of the Potomac. It is not so elsewhere with the soldiers, or in the country, where McClellan has lost favor. The people are disappointed in him, but his leading generals have contrived to strengthen him in the hearts of the soldiers in front of Washington.

Chase and myself found the President alone this Sunday morning. We canvassed fully the condition of the army and country. Chase took an early opportunity, since the report of Pope was suppressed, to urge upon the President the propriety of some announcement of the facts connected with the recent battles. It was, he said, due to the country and also to Pope and McDowell.  I at once comprehended why Chase had invited me to accompany him in this visit. It was that it might appear that we were united on this mission. I therefore promptly stated that this was the first time I had heard the subject broached. At a proper time, it seemed to me, there would be propriety in presenting a fair, unprejudiced, and truthful statement of late disasters. The country craved to know the facts, but the question was, Could we just now with prudence give them? Disclosing might lead to discord and impair the efficiency of the officers. The President spoke favorably of Pope, and thought he would have something prepared for publication by Halleck.

When taking a walk this Sunday evening with my son Edgar, we met on Pennsylvania Avenue, near the junction of H Street, what I thought at first sight a squad of cavalry or mounted men, some twenty or thirty in number. I remarked as they approached that they seemed better mounted than usual, but E. said the cavalcade was General McClellan and his staff. I raised my hand to salute him as they were dashing past, but the General, recognizing us, halted the troop and rode up to me by the sidewalk, to shake hands, he said, and bid me farewell. I asked which way. He said he was proceeding to take command of the onward movement. “Then,” I added, “you go up the river.” He said yes, he had just started to take charge of the army and of the operations above. “Well,” said I, “onward, General, is now the word; the country will expect you to go forward.” “That,” he answered, “is my intention.” “Success to you, then, General, with all my heart.” With a mutual farewell we parted.

This was our first meeting since we parted at Cumberland on the Pamunkey in June, for we each had been so occupied during the three or four days he had been in Washington that we had made no calls. On several occasions we missed each other. In fact, I had no particular desire to fall in with any of the officers who had contributed to the disasters that had befallen us, or who had in any respect failed to do their whole duty in this great crisis. While McClellan may have had some cause to be offended with Pope, he has no right to permit his personal resentments to inflict injury upon the country. I may do him injustice, but I think his management has been generally unfortunate, to say the least, and culpably wrong since his return from the Peninsula.

He has now been placed in a position where he may retrieve himself, and return to Washington a victor in triumph, or he may, as he has from the beginning, wilt away in tame delays and criminal inaction. I would not have given him the command, nor have advised it, strong as he is with the army, had I been consulted; and I feel sad that he has been so intrusted. It may, however, be for the best. There are difficulties in the matter that can scarcely be appreciated by those who do not know all the circumstances. The army is, I fear, much demoralized, and its demoralization is much of it to be attributed to the officers whose highest duty it is to prevent it. To have placed any other general than McClellan, or one of his circle, in command would be to risk disaster. It is painful to entertain the idea that the country is in the hands of such men. I hope I mistake them.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 111-5

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Thursday, September 4, 1862

McDowell came over to-day and gave me a circumstancial account of the recent battles — attributing our ill success to the conduct of McClellan in not urging forward reinforcements, and especially to the conduct of Porter and his division on the day of the last battle. He stayed all night.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 66

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: August 4, 1862

The girls just returned from a visit to Mrs. A. of several days, which they enjoyed greatly. Every thing there very bright and cheerful, except the hearts of the parents — they yearn for their sons on the field of danger! A battle is now expected between Jackson and Pope.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 130

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: July 21, 1862

Mr. ––– sick, but better to-day. This is the anniversary of the glorious battle of Manassas. Since that time we have had many reverses, but our victories, of late, have atoned for all, except the loss of life.

We have had another naval fight on the Mississippi, just north of Vicksburg. Our large gun-boat, Arkansas, ran into the Federal fleet of twelve or thirteen gun-boats and rams, and overcame them completely. Vicksburg stands the bombardment with unflinching gallantry. No news from the Army of the Potomac. It is reported that General Jackson has gone to meet General Pope, who is on this side of the Blue Ridge, marching, it is supposed, to join McClellan.

Mr. ––– takes a ride to-day; the first since his sickness.

My heart is full of gratitude for public and private blessings.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 127

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, July 23, 1863

Centreville, July 23, 1863.

People used to tell me, when I was at Cambridge, that those were to be the happiest years of my life. People were wrong. Dissatisfied as I have always been with myself, I have yet found that, as I grew older, I enjoyed more and more.

I picked a morning-glory (a white one) for you on the battlefield of Bull Run, the other day, but crushed it up and threw it away, on second thought, — the association was not pleasant; and yet it was pleasant to see that morning-glories could bloom on, right in the midst of our worries and disgraces. That reminds me that I haven't narrated where I went on Tuesday; we started very early and went over the whole Bull Run battleground down to Bull Run Mountains and Thoroughfare, thence to Warrenton, and back to near Manassas Junction, by the Orange and Alexandria R. R., — a killing march of between 52 and 54 miles on a scorching day and nothing learnt, except this, that there was nothing to learn. However, men and horses have stood it pretty well. At Manassas Junction I met General Gregg and his division of Cavalry. Gregg told me he had applied for my regiment some time ago; that he had a brigade of five regiments which he meant to give me, but the War Department didn't answer his application, — the Brigade was still waiting for me; — provoking, isn't it?¹  However, I long ago gave up bothering about such things; I see so many good officers kept back, because they are too good to be spared, and so many poor ones put forward merely as a means of getting rid of them, that I never worry. Don't think that a piece of vanity, I don't mean it so. I don't call any cavalry officer good who can't see the truth and tell the truth. With an infantry officer, this is not [so] essential, but cavalry are the eyes and ears of the army and ought to see and hear and tell truly; — and yet it is the universal opinion that P—'s own reputation, and P—'s late promotions are bolstered up by systematic lying.

_______________

¹ General David McM. Gregg had known Lowell in the Peninsula, having been a captain with him in the Sixth U. S. Cavalry.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 278-9, 429

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, September 5, 1862

We have a report this morning that the Rebels have crossed the Potomac at Edwards Ferry, but the War Department says the report wants confirmation and that we have no stragglers from there, as we should have if the rumors were true.

Wilkes claims that he ought to have the position of Acting Admiral. There is reason in his claim, though some are opposed to it. He is not in favor with his professional brethren, has given great trouble and annoyance to the Department heretofore and will be likely to give us more trouble, but I believe it best to give him under the circumstances the position with the squadron.

*   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *   *

The question of publishing the report of General Pope was before us. Some little discussion took place. I did not consider it strictly a report, for it was not accompanied by the reports of the other officers, or any statistics of killed, wounded, losses, or captures, but a statement from an officer in command, who felt himself aggrieved and who expressed himself in a manner to give offense. Much was said, and all concurred or acquiesced in non-publication for the present, especially as there is to be an inquiry into the subject-matter reported upon.

There is a good deal of demoralization in the army; officers and soldiers are infected.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 110-1

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Tuesday, September 2, 1862

Cabinet met, but neither the President nor Secretary of War were present. Some conversation took place concerning Generals. Mr. F. W. Seward (the Secretary of State being out of town) said nothing. All others agreed that we needed a change in Commander of the Army. Mr. Blair referred to the report [support?] he had constantly given McClellan, but confessed that he now thought he could not wisely be trusted with the chief command. Mr. Bates was very decided against his competency, and Mr. Smith equally so. Mr. Welles was of the same judgment, though less positive in expression.

After some time, while the talk was going on, the President came in, saying that not seeing much for a Cabinet meeting to-day, he had been talking at the Department and Head Quarters about the War. The Secretary of War came in. In answer to some inquiry, the fact was stated, by the President or the Secretary that McClellan had been placed in command of the forces to defend the Capital — or rather, to use the President's own words, he “had set him to putting these troops into the fortifications about Washington,” believing that he could do that thing better than any other man. I remarked that this could be done equally well by the Engineer who constructed the Forts; and that putting Genl. McClellan in command for this purpose was equivalent to making him second in command of the entire Army. The Secretary of War said that no one was now responsible for the defense of the Capital; — that the Order to McClellan was given by the President direct to McClellan, and that Genl. Halleck considered himself relieved from responsibility although he acquiesced, and approved the Order; — that McClellan could now shield himself, should anything go wrong, under Halleck, while Halleck could and would disclaim all responsibility for the Order given. The President thought Genl. Halleck as much responsible as before; and repeated that the whole scope of the Order was, simply, to direct McClellan to put the troops in the fortifications and command them for the defense of Washington. I remarked that this seemed to me equivalent to making him Commander in Chief for the time being, and that I thought it would prove very difficult to make any substitution hereafter, for active operations, — that I had no feeling whatever against Genl. McClellan; — that he came to the command with my most cordial approbation and support; — that until I became satisfied that his delays would greatly injure our cause, he possessed my full confidence; — that after I had felt myself compelled to withdraw that confidence, I had (since the President, notwithstanding my opinion that he should, refrained from putting another in command) given him all possible support in every way, raising means and urging reinforcements;—that his experience as a military commander had been little else than a series of failures;—and that his omission to urge troops forward to the battles of Friday and Saturday, evinced a spirit which rendered him unworthy of trust, and that I could not but feel that giving the command to him was equivalent to giving Washington to the rebels. This and more I said. Other members of the Cabinet expressed a general concurrence but in no very energetic terms. (Mr. Blair must be excepted but he did not dissent.)

The President said it distressed him exceedingly to find himself differing on such a point from the Secretary of War and Secretary of the Treasury; that he would gladly resign his plan; but he could not see who could do the work wanted as well as McClellan. I named Hooker, or Sumner, or Burnside — either of whom, I thought, would be better.

At length the conversation ended and the meeting broke up, leaving the matter as we found it.

A few Tax Appointments were lying on the table. I asked the President to sign them which he did, saying he would sign them just as they were and ask no questions. I told him that they had all been prepared in accordance with his directions, and that it was necessary to complete the appointments. They were signed, and I returned to the Department.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 63-5

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: January 9, 1863

So eventless have the last few days been that it has not been worth while to make any note of them. Have been busy as usual, sewing, &c.  . . . It is amazing, and sorrowful too, to see how the language, operations, &c. of war are understood and imitated by the children. Almost their entire set of plays have reference to a state of war. George cuts lines of soldiers every day; marches them about; has battles; beats “the Yankees,” and carries off prisoners. Builds hospitals with blocks and corn-cobs; drives ambulances with chairs; administers pills to his rag-boy-babies, who are laid up in bed as sick and wounded soldiers. He gets sticks and hobbles about, saying that he lost a leg at the Second battle of Manassas; tells wonderful stories of how he cut off Yankees' heads, bayoneted them, &c. He has an old cartridge box and haversack, and with a stick for a sword, and something stuck in his belt for pistols, he struts about, bids me good-by daily with entire gravity, as his furlough is out and he must go to his regiment again. Little Herbert also kills “Lankees,” as he calls them, and can talk war lingo almost as well as George. The children are more familiar with war language than I was when I was grown up. They can tell all about pickets, cavalry, cannon, ambulances, &c. Sad indeed that very infancy has learned such language!

. . . Had a present that I hailed with a joy that cannot be easily imagined, yesterday — a pair of coarse shoes for little Herbert! Agnes sent them to him. The last two pair I had made him, and I had no more soles, so was at my wits' end; no shoemaker can be prevailed upon, for any money, to make a pair of child's shoes. Heard W. F. J. say, the other day, that he had married K. G. not long since, in a plain bombazine dress, the simple dress pattern of which cost $110! Potatoes are now $5 a bushel. The price of negroes is enormous. A young girl sold on the street the other day for a few dollars short of $2000. Heard of a not at all “likely” woman of 40 and her two babies selling for $3000.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 158-9

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Sunday, August 31, 1862

Much busied at Department to-day, although it is Sunday; and spent much time with the President, endeavoring to close appointments under Tax Law.

David Dudley Field called and said we had sustained a serious defeat yesterday, and that the Secretary of War wished to see me. Went to the Department and found that Genl. Pope had, in fact, been defeated partially, and had fallen back to Centreville. Fitz John Porter was not in the battle, nor was Franklin or Sumner, with whose corps the result would have probably been very different. Little fighting to-day. Clerks went out to battle-field as nurses, Mr. Harrington went with them.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 62-3