Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, April 2, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, April 2, 1864.

I left Washington this morning, bidding dear Pennie¹ good-bye at the hotel, which he was to leave half an hour after me. He has had a pretty pleasant time, and his visit has been a source of great happiness to me.

I enclose you a letter I addressed the Department,² with an autograph reply from the President.³ I feel quite sure the President meant to be very kind and complimentary in paying me the distinguished honor of writing a reply in his own hand, and under this conviction I am bound to be satisfied. You will perceive, however, that the main point of my request is avoided, namely, my desire that the letter of Historicus should be submitted, with my letter, to General Sickles, and if he acknowledged or endorsed it, then I wished a court of inquiry, not otherwise. However, Mr. Stanton told me the true reason, which was that it was concluded submitting the letter to Sickles was only playing into his hands; that a court of inquiry, if called at my request, although it might exonerate me, yet it would not necessarily criminate him; and that, on the whole, it was deemed best not to take any action. Butterfield, I hear, was very bitter in his testimony, and made wonderful revelations. I went before the committee yesterday and replied only to his assertion that I instructed him to draw up an order to retreat. This I emphatically denied; also denied any knowledge of his having drawn up such an order; presented documentary evidence to show that, if I had any such idea, that my orders and despatches were contradictory, and referred to numerous officers who ought to have and would have known if I entertained any idea of the kind.⁴

I find I have three warm friends on the committee — Odell of New York, Gooch of Massachusetts, and Harding of Oregon. It is believed Wade, of Ohio, is favorably inclined. If either he or one of the others should prove so, it would make a majority in my favor. Old Zach Chandler is my bitterest foe and will show me no quarter. While going up to Washington I had a long and satisfactory talk with Grant, who has expressed himself and acted towards me in the most friendly manner. Among other things he said he heard Horace Greeley had been in Washington, demanding my removal, and that Thomas be brought here. Grant said, if he saw Greeley he should tell him that when he wanted the advice of a political editor in selecting generals, he would call on him. The President, Secretary, indeed every one I met, were civil and affable to me.

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¹ Spencer Meade, son of General Meade.

² For letter mentioned, see Appendix M.

³ For letter mentioned, see Appendix N.

⁴ This attack on General Meade was continued until long after the war, and even after his death, when, in defence of General Meade, Colonel Meade published in 1883 a pamphlet entitled, "Did General Meade Deaire to Retreat at the Battle of Gettysburg?" For pamphlet, see Appendix Y.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 186-7

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, March 14, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, March 14, 1864.

I wrote you, I think, on the evening of the 10th, the day Grant was here. It rained all that day, and as he could not see anything, he determined to return to Washington the next day. The President having invited both General Grant and myself to dinner on Saturday, the 12th, I had of course to go up to Washington, and as I wanted to add to my testimony to the committee, I concluded to go up with General Grant. When I arrived, I immediately went before the committee and filed documentary evidence to prove the correctness of my previous assertion that I never for an instant had any idea of fighting anywhere but at Gettysburg, as soon as I learned of Reynolds's collision and obtained information that the ground was suitable. Mr. Wade was the only member present. He took great pains to endeavor to convince me the committee were not responsible for the newspaper attacks on me, and I might rest assured there was no disposition on their part to do me injustice. Afterwards I saw Mr. Stanton, who told me Mr. Wade had been to see him, and said my testimony was the clearest statement that had ever been made to the committee, and that, as far as he could see, it was perfectly satisfactory in explanation of all charges against me. I soon found the tide had turned in my favor, and that Sickles had overreached himself. I also ascertained that Chandler and Wilkinson were my foes on the committee, that Wade was rather friendly, and that Harding, of the Senate, Gooch and Odell, of the House, were my warm friends.

I think I wrote to you that the Secretary had officially inquired of me by what authority I had written to Hon. Reverdy Johnston, a Senator, about military affairs, and that I had replied to him I did not require any authority to write a private letter to a friend, defending myself from slanders. When I saw Mr. Stanton I referred to this matter, when he told me his letter had been written in my interest; that I had made a great mistake in writing to Mr. Johnston, who was showing it to everybody, and making it appear he was my chosen champion; and that his political status was such that any identification with him could not fail to damage me and my cause. He said he was aware of how I had been led into the step, and all he wanted was just such a reply as I had made, which he would now show to Senators and Representatives when they called on him to know what my relations were with Reverdy Johnston. I fortunately met Mr. Johnston in the street, begged him to consider my letter strictly private, and borrowed it to copy for file in the War Department.

I think I told you I was very much pleased with General Grant. In the views he expressed to me he showed much more capacity and character than I had expected. I spoke to him very plainly about my position, offered to vacate the command of the Army of the Potomac, in case he had a preference for any other. This he declined in a complimentary speech, but indicated to me his intention, when in this part of the country, of being with my army. So that you may look now for the Army of the Potomac putting laurels on the brows of another rather than your husband.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 177-8

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, March 6, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, March 6, 1864.

I returned from Washington to-day. I went there Friday morning on business connected with the reorganization of the army. The night before I left I saw Mr. Wilkeson's attack on me in the Senate and Reverdy Johnston's reply and defense. When I reached Washington I was greatly surprised to find the whole town talking of certain grave charges of Generals Sickles and Doubleday, that had been made against me in their testimony before the Committee on the Conduct of the War. On Saturday I was summoned before the committee. I found there only Mr. Wade, of Ohio. He was very civil, denied there were any charges against me, but said the committee was making up a sort of history of the war and was now taking evidence to enable it to give an account of the battle of Gettysburg, and my administration since commanding the army. I then occupied about three hours giving a succinct narrative of events. Subsequently Mr. Stanton told me (this is strictly confidential), that there was and had been much pressure from a certain party to get Hooker back in command, and that thinking, through Sickles and others, they might get me out (a preliminary step) they had gotten up this halloobaloo in the Committee on the Conduct of the War; but that I need not worry myself, there was no chance of their succeeding. The only evil that will result is the spreading over the country certain mysterious whisperings of dreadful deficiencies on my part, the truth concerning which will never reach the thousandth part of those who hear the lies. I suppose and fear you will be worried about them, but I beg you to be calm and quiet, and rest satisfied that I will come out all right in the end.

I saw nobody in Washington, except people about the Government, except Mr. Howard, of Michigan, whom I went to see and to whom I explained the absurd charge of Sickles, that I had ordered a retreat at Gettysburg, and that that battle was fought in spite of all my efforts to prevent it.

It is a melancholy state of affairs, however, when persons like Sickles and Doubleday can, by distorting and twisting facts, and giving a false coloring, induce the press and public for a time, and almost immediately, to take away the character of a man who up to that time had stood high in their estimation. However, I suppose we cannot change human nature; we must be patient, await the period when the truth will slowly and surely make itself be known.

You have doubtless seen that Kilpatrick's raid was an utter failure. I did not expect much from it. Poor Dahlgren I am sorry for.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 169-70

James G. Blaine to Senator William P. Fessenden, May 16, 1860

Private.

Chicago, Monday A. M., May 16, 1860.

My Dear Sir, — I arrived here Saturday night.  . . . I may mention, however, that the Seward force is on the ground and assume an air of dictation which is at once unwarranted and offensive, and which I think will create a reaction before Wednesday. They cannot count up more than a third of the votes from States that can carry the ticket, and how much they intend or expect to make from such delegates as come from slave States has not yet transpired. Should he be nominated by the aid of the delegates that can promise him no support, the Pennsylvanians would consider it a most insulting disregard of their rights and wishes. I do not myself believe that he will be nominated, though a great many here think otherwise. If he is not, I will adhere to the opinion I expressed to you in Portland, that the game lies between Lincoln and yourself — Chase, McLean, Banks, and Bates stand no chance. Cameron is hotly urged by a majority of the Pennsylvanians, but the proposition is scouted on all hands outside of that State. Wade cannot be made a compromise candidate. His speeches in Maine and on the Western Reserve are remembered by too large a number.

SOURCE: Francis Fessenden, Life and Public Services of William Pitt Fessenden, Volume 1, p. 112

Major General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, May 20, 1863

CAMP NEAR FALMOUTH, VA., May 20, 1863.

The battle of Chancellorsville was a miserable failure, in which Hooker disappointed me greatly. His plan was admirably designed, and the early part of it, entrusted to others, was well executed; but after he had assembled his army on the other side near Chancellorsville, instead of striking at once vigorously and instantly, before the enemy, who were surprised, could concentrate, he delayed; gave them thirty-six hours to bring up and dispose of their troops; permitted them to attack him, and after their doing so, failed to take advantage of their error in dividing and separating their forces, but allowed them to engage only about half his army and to unite their forces after driving back a portion of ours. He then assumed the defensive, doing nothing for two days, while we could hear Sedgwick's guns, and knew they were trying to crush him and must succeed. Finally he withdrew to this side, giving up all the advantages gained, and having to recross with all the obstacles and difficulties increased. Notwithstanding these are my views, I have abstained from making them known to any one, out of consideration for Hooker, who has always pretended to be very friendly to me. I declined to join Couch in a representation to the President, when he was down here, and I refused to join Slocum, who desired to take action to have Hooker removed. I told both these gentlemen I would not join in any movement against Hooker, but that if the President chose to call on me officially for my opinions, I would give them. I have spoken to no one but Governor Curtin, and to him only because he came to see me and spoke so freely and bitterly against Hooker, that I allowed myself to say a part of what I have above written. I considered my conversation with Governor Curtin private, and did not expect he would repeat it or quote me. I have seen Senators Wade, Chandler, Wilson and Doolittle, all of whom have been down here to find out what they could, but I have abstained from saying anything, as they did not think proper to ask me any questions. Hooker is safe, I think, from the difficulty of finding a successor, and from the ridiculous appearance we present of changing our generals after each battle. He may, and I trust he will, do better next time; but unless he shows more aptitude than in the last affair, he will be very apt to be defeated again. Lee committed a terrible blunder in allowing us to come back; he might have destroyed us by a vigorous attack while we were retreating.

The review of my corps passed off very well yesterday, and Lord Abinger expressed himself greatly pleased. After the review I had a collation at my quarters, which seemed to be equally pleasing to his lordship. He said that if he had time to stop in Philadelphia, he would hunt you up.

Turnbull, who was at the review, showed me a few lines he had received from Proctor Smith, by a flag of truce that went after the wounded. Smith is Chief Engineer on Lee's staff. He begs to be remembered to you and me. Beckham is major of artillery and commands a battery with Stuart's cavalry. Smith is colonel.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 379-80

Major General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, March 17, 1863

CAMP NEAR FALMOUTH, VA., March 17, 1863.

I returned to-day from Washington. I went up day before yesterday, the 15th, arriving in Washington about 7 P. M. I went to Willard's, where, as usual, I saw a great many people. Finding Burnside was in the house, I sent up my name and was ushered into his room, where I found himself and Mrs. Burnside, the latter a very quiet, lady-like and exceedingly nice personage, quite pretty and rather younger than I expected to see. Burnside was very glad to see me, and we had a long talk. Among other things he read me a correspondence he had had with Franklin. Franklin had called his attention to the letter which appeared in the Times, said this was known to be written by Raymond, the editor, and it was generally believed his information was derived either from Burnside himself or some of his staff. Hence this letter was considered authority, and as it did him, Franklin, great injustice, he appealed to his, Burnside's, magnanimity to correct the errors and give publicity to his correction. Burnside replied that he had not read the article till Franklin called his attention to it; that he was not responsible for it, nor was he aware that any of his staff had had any part in its production. Still, he was bound to say that in its facts it was true; that as to the inferences drawn from these facts, he had nothing to say about them and must refer him to Raymond, the reputed author. Several letters had passed, Franklin trying to get Burnside to (as he, Burnside, expressed it) whitewash him. This Burnside said he was not going to do; that Franklin must stand on his own merits and the facts of the case; that he had never made any accusation against him, except to say that the crossing of the river, being against his, Franklin's, judgment, he thought Franklin had been wanting in a zealous and hearty co-operation with his plans. That about the time my attack failed, hearing from one of his, Burnside's, staff officers, just from the field, that Franklin was not attacking with the force and vigor he ought to, he immediately despatched him an order "directing him to attack with his whole force if necessary," which order he assumed the responsibility of not executing, and he must now take the consequences, if blame was attached to him for it.

The next morning I went up to the Capitol, to the committee room, and found only the clerk present. He said the committee had been awaiting me some days; that Senators Chandler and Wade were the only two members present, and now down town; that he would hunt them up, and have them at the room by three o'clock, if I would return at that hour. At three I again presented myself to the committee, and found old Ben Wade, Senator from Ohio, awaiting me. He said the committee wished to examine me in regard to my attack at Fredericksburg. I told him I presumed such was the object in summoning me, and with this in view I had brought my official report, which I would read to him, and if he wanted any more information, I was prepared to give it. After hearing my report, he said it covered the whole ground, and he would only ask me one or two questions. First, was I aware that General Burnside, about the time of my attack, had ordered General Franklin to attack with his whole force? I answered, "At the time of the battle, No; indeed, I only learned this fact yesterday evening, from General Burnside himself." Secondly, what, in my judgment, as a military man, would have been the effect if General Franklin had, when my attack was successful, advanced his whole line? I said I believed such a movement would have resulted in the driving back of the enemy's right wing; though it would, without doubt, have produced a desperate and hard-contested fight; but when I reflected on the success that attended my attack, which was made with less than ten thousand men (supports and all), I could not resist the belief that the attack of fifty thousand men would have been followed by success. This was all he asked, and except the last question, the answer to which was a mere matter of opinion, I don't think any one can take exception to my testimony. My conversations with Burnside and Wade satisfied me that Franklin was to be made responsible for the failure at Fredericksburg, and the committee is seeking all the testimony they can procure to substantiate this theory of theirs. Now, Franklin has, first, his orders, as received from Burnside, and then the fact that the execution of these orders was entrusted to Reynolds, for his defense. Before the committee, of course, he will not be heard, but after their report comes out, it will be incumbent on him to notice their statements and demand an investigation. I feel very sorry for Franklin, because I like him, and because he has always been consistently friendly to me.

After returning from the Capitol, I dined with General and Mrs. Burnside and Parke. Parke said he was about being left off the list of major generals, when Burnside's opportune arrival saved him, Halleck giving as a reason that he had exercised no command since his appointment. Burnside, however, had his name sent in, and now he is going to supersede Baldy Smith and take command of the Ninth Corps, which is to accompany Burnside in his new command, to which he, Burnside, expects to be ordered in a few days.

The best piece of news I learned when in Washington was that the President was about issuing his proclamation putting in force the conscription law, and ordering immediately a draft of five hundred thousand men. Only let him do this, and enforce it and get the men, and the North is bound to carry the day.

I sometimes feel very nervous about my position, they are knocking over generals at such a rate. Among others, Wright, who was my beau ideal of a soldier, and whom I had picked out as the most rising man, has had his major-generalcy and his command both taken away from him, because he could not satisfy the extremists of Ohio (anti-slavery) and those of Kentucky (pro-slavery), but tried by a moderate course to steer between them.

Did I tell you the old Reserves had subscribed fifteen hundred dollars to present me with a sword, sash, belt, etc.? It is expected they will be ready about the close of the month, when I am to go, if possible, to their camp near Washington to receive them.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 358-61

Major General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, December 20, 1862

OPPOSITE FREDERICKSBURG, December 20, 1862.

My last letter was dated the 17th instant. Since that day I have been quite busy moving camp, and to-day have been occupied in writing my official report of the recent battle. I am quite anxious to know what you think and hear of my doings. For my part, the more I think of that battle, the more annoyed I am that such a great chance should have failed me. The slightest straw almost would have kept the tide in our favor. We had driven them for some distance. Lee in his report acknowledges that two brigades of A. P. Hill's division gave way before our attack. All we had to do was to have held our own, to have organized on the hill we had gained, and prepared for their assault till our reinforcements could get up. Instead of that, owing to the death of General Jackson and the wounding of Colonel Sinclair, two brigades were without commanders. It being in the woods, and no one being able to see what was going on around, our men pushed too far, and got right on a large body of the enemy, drawn up in line ready to receive them. Of course they immediately poured in a deadly fire, which staggered my disorganized line, and finally drove it back, with the loss of all it had gained. Had it been otherwise — that is to say, had we held the position gained till our reinforcements came up — I should have been the great hero of the fight, as every other attack had not only failed, but without even the success we could boast of. Well, I suppose it is all for the best, and cannot be helped; but it made me feel worse at the time than if we had been repulsed from the first. Yesterday I went to see Burnside, and found him engaged with the War Investigating Committee of Congress. They were just going to lunch and insisted on my going in. Zach. Chandler, Ben. Wade, John Covode and others were there, all of whom treated me with great distinction, particularly Covode, who claimed me as a Pennsylvanian. Old Chandler inquired very affectionately after you, but did not refer to your loyalty. They examined Burnside, Sumner, Hooker and Franklin. What the result will be I don't know, though it is said John Covode affirmed that when he got back he was going to raise a howl, and intimated it would not be against Burnside. Burnside proved that the crossing of the river had been peremptorily ordered from Washington, in the face of his opinion and of the majority of his principal officers. It is understood Halleck says: "This army shall go to Richmond, if it has to go on crutches," which (as over ten thousand cripples were made the other day) seems likely to occur before long. The army are willing enough to go to Richmond, if they could only see the way to get there. Two routes have already been tried this fall — the one by Gordonsville and this by Fredericksburg. Both have failed, and the only one deemed by military men as practicable they obstinately refuse to let us take — by the Peninsula. In our new camp I have fortunately got a room in a house for my headquarters, so that I am quite comfortable.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 339-41

Diary of Edward Bates, April 22, 1862

Judge Black⁶ dined with me today. Talked very freely about the latter weeks of Buchanan's adm[inistratio]n. Cobb,⁷ Floyd,⁸ Thompson⁹ &c[.]  Thinks "Jake Thompson" as honest a man as he ever knew — Was very slow to believe in F[loyd]'s rascality but had finally to come to it.

Prest. B.[uchanan] said he would rather suffer death by torture than suffer S.[outh] C.[arolina] to take the Forts in Charleston harbor — and ordered them to be supplied — Floyd pretended to agree to it, but did not do it.

Trescott¹⁰ (Asst. Secy of state) gave information that Floyd had promised the Carolinians that it should no[t] be done. B.[uchanan]  insisted, F.[loyd] flew into arage [sic] and spoke violently and went out in a huff. The Prest then asked Black to go and tell F.[loyd] that he must resign. He, Black, refused — Then some other, Toucey,¹¹ bore the message, and F. [loyd] resigned giving for reason, that he could, no longer, consistently with his honor, serve with such an adm[inistratio]n.! Mr. Black agreed with me that old Buck ought to have kicked him out — Black call[e]d it "spitting in the Presfs face and then resigning^ " Still the Prest. did not strengthen the Forts, and sunk [sic] so low as to assign the reason that he had given the Carolinians reason to think that he wd. not,¹² and because he feared that  war wd. come in his time, if he did —

At night at Senator Wade's¹³ met i. a. Mr. Gurley¹⁴ of Ohio, who is proud of a speech he made some time ago denouncing Genl. McClellan's tardiness. The speech, it seems, has been printed both in England and France, and (as Mr. G[urley] thinks) had great influence in preventing the Govts, both of England and France from acknowledging the C.[onfederate] S.[tates of] A[merica].

Mr. G.[urley] is very open in denouncing Genl. McClellan, believes him a traitor and that he will continue to have his own army beaten, if possible — Says that just before his appointment to command he declared, in presence of his Physician (Dr. [  ] — the famous Homeopath) that the South was right and he wd. never fight against it — that the Southern Democracy had always governed the country and ought to govern it[.]  Gu[r]ley evidently believe[s] him a traitor[.]

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⁶ Supra, Oct. 28, 1859, note 22.

⁷ Supra, Sept. 4, 1860, note 86.

⁸ Supra, Dec. 3, 1859, note 11.

⁹ Jacob Thompson of Mississippi: Democratic congressman, 1839-1851; secretary of the Interior, 1857-1861; governor of Mississippi, 1862-1864; inspector-general of the Confederate Army, 1864; confidential agent in Canada, 1864-1865.

¹⁰ William H. Trescot of Charleston, South Carolina: secretary of Legation in London, 1852-1860; assistant secretary of State, 1860-1861; member of the South Carolina Legislature; officer in the Confederate Army; holder of various minor diplomatic posts, 1876-1889.

¹¹ Isaac Toucey of Hartford, Connecticut: Democratic congressman, 1835-1839; governor of Connecticut, 1847 ; U. S. attorney-general, 1848-1849 ; U. S. senator, 1852-1857; secretary of the Navy under Buchanan, 1857-1861.

¹² On December 8 and 10, 1860, Buchanan had had two interviews with McQueen, Miles, and Bonham, representatives of South Carolina, in which they had assured him that Sumter would not be fired upon so long as Buchanan did not alter the status quo. The President apparently promised nothing, but none the less regarded this interview as creating a tacit understanding between him and the South Carolinians.

¹³ Supra, Aug. 10, 1859, note 77.

¹⁴ John A. Gurley: Universalist minister, 1835-1838; editor of the Cincinnati Star and Sentinel later called the Star in the West, 1838-1854; now a Republican congressman, 1859-1863, who was defeated for reelection in 1862.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, The Diary of Edward Bates, published in The Annual Report Of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930 Volume 4, p. 252-3

Confiscation of Rebel Property

So little has been said upon this subject of late by the papers, and the action of Congress seem to be so decisive in favor of adopting a measure for the relief of the over-taxed citizens of the North, by calling upon those in rebellion at the South to assist, nolens volens, in defraying the expenses of the war, that we were quite surprised to see our cotemporary of the Democrat come out in his issue of Saturday, and oppose the passage of such an act.  Our neighbor is entitled to his opinion, though he come out flat-footed in favor of the North meekly bearing the entire expense of the rebellion; but he will find very few persons, even among those for whom he is in the habit of catering, who will agree with him in that particular.

The Democrat opposes the passage of a confiscation act, because it thinks it may conflict with the constitution.  If such an act be passed, it will no doubt be so worded as not to conflict with the constitution, so that the tender consciences of those who would feign have the people believe they are the specially appointed guardians of that instrument,  may not be wounded.  It is a plain and every day principle in common law, that where a party commits a trespass or inflicts an injury, he shall not only repair the damages but pay the costs of suit.  We believe with Ben. Wade, the noble Senator from Ohio, when he said, that as no jurist has undertaken to define the limits to which a man might go in the defence of his life when assailed, so no statesman would undertake to limit the powers which the Government might use to preserve its life when assailed by traitors.”  This proposition challenges contradiction.  The constitution is not only threatened but is assaulted.  Shall those who would destroy the constitution use that instrument to effect their object?  That’s the question, and here the law of self-preservation comes in to upset the casuistain of theorists and lawyers.

But the subject of confiscation is not one for debate just now, as newspaper discussion cannot affect the result, and that result is bound to be the passage of an act confiscating the property of rebels.  If Congress do not pass such law, the President, as the constitution fully empowers him, will issue a proclamation declaring all the property of men in arms against the Government confiscate after a certain day.  In the meantime, our loyal Generals are freeing the rebels’ slaves – which, after all, is the secret of the “constitutional” cry against confiscation, uttered by the pro-slavery press – as witness the following sweeping order, said to have been recently issued by Gen. Hunter, of the Military Department of the South.  We doubt very much, if true, whether the order will be permitted to stand; nevertheless it strikes at the very heart of the rebellion, and it is only by the adoption of such stringent measures that the rebels will be brought to their senses:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH

HILTON HEAD, May 9th, 1862.

GENERAL ORDER NO. 10 – The three States of Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina, comprising the Military Department of the South, having deliberately declared themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of America, and having taken up arms against the United States, it became a military necessity to declare martial law.  This was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862.  Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible.  The persons in these three States – Georgia, Florida, and South Carolina – heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, May 19, 1862, p. 2

Major General William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, October 14, 1863

CORINTH, MISS., October 14, 1863.

I was much relieved at the receipt of your two letters from Cairo and Cincinnati, both of which came out last night. I shew your message to Dr. Roler, who was affected to tears. Poor Doctor, although I have poured out my feelings of gratitude to him, he seems to fear we may have a lingering thought that he failed somehow in saving poor Willy. Your loving message may have dispelled the thought, and I shall never fail to manifest to him my heartfelt thanks for the unsleeping care he took of the boy. I believe hundreds would have freely died could they have saved his life. I know I would, and occasionally indulged the wish that some of those bullets that searched for my life at Vicksburg had been successful, that it might have removed the necessity for that fatal visit. . . .

Everybody in Memphis manifested for me a respect and affection that I never experienced North. I am told that when the report went into Memphis that my train was surely captured at Collierville, the utmost excitement prevailed at Memphis, and a manifest joy displayed when they heard the truth, that we were not only safe, but that we had saved Collierville and the railroad. At Lagrange, east of Collierville, Gen. Sweeny, the one-armed officer you may remember at St. Louis Arsenal, hearing that I was captured started south with his whole force, determined to rescue Gen. Sherman. As soon as I learned the fact I sent a courier to overtake him, advising him of my safety, but advising him to push on and drive Chalmers far to the south. He is still out. I have this moment received a despatch from Gen. Grant at Memphis. He is en route to Cairo to communicate by telegraph with Washington. I know there is a project to give him command of the Great Centre, the same idea I foreshadowed in my days of depression and insult. I advise him by all means to assent, to go to Nashville and command Burnside on the Right, Rosecrans Centre, and Sherman Left. That will be an Army, and if our ranks were full I would have hopes of great and decisive results. I have stood by Grant in his days of sorrow. Not six miles from here¹ he sat in his tent almost weeping at the accumulated charges against him by such villains as Stanton of Ohio, Wade and others. He had made up his mind to leave for good. I begged him, and he yielded. I could see his good points and his weak points better than I could my own, and he now feels that I stood by him in his days of dejection and he is my sworn friend. Corinth brings back to me the memory of those events and bids me heed my own counsels to others. Oh! that poor Willy could live to reap the fruits of whatever is good in me, and avoid the evil. If it so be that he can see our hearts from above he will read in mine a love for him such as would not taint the purest heaven that you ever dreamed of. God spare us the children that are left, and if I am pardoned for exposing them wrongfully I will never again. . . .

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¹ See p. 228

SOURCES: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman, p. 277-9.  A full copy of this letter can be found in the William T Sherman Family papers (SHR), University of Notre Dame Archives (UNDA), Notre Dame, IN 46556, Folder CSHR 2/07.

From Washington

WASHINGTON, May 6.

The U. S. gunboat Huron captured, on the 19th ult., off Charleston, the schooner Glide, of Charleston, while attempting to run the blockade.  She was bound to Nassau, and was loaded with 1,000 bales of cotton and five tierces of rice.  Her papers and logbooks were thrown overboard during the chase.

A number of members of the committees on military affairs of both Senate and House, accompanied by Gen. Clark, executive clerk of the Senate, and Mr. Smith, clerk of the House’s military committee, have gone to Ft. Monroe and the headquarters of Gen. McClellan, to prosecute enquiries touching the charges against Gen. Smith, and other matters of importance in the prosecution of the war.

Senator Wade’s bill, in aid of agricultural colleges, provides that the public lands shall be donated to the States and Territories which may establish colleges to teach the science of agriculture and the mechanical arts, in proportion of 30,000 acres for each senator and Representative.  The funds acquired by the sale of the lands to be invested in government or other stocks yielding at least five per cent.  One college at least must be endowed and supported in the State or Territory which received the donation.

The Senate committee on Finance has reported about 260 amendments to the House tax bill, after having heard delegations representing various interests.  Among the amendments, they have stricken out the tax on ale, and mixed and increased that on distilled spirits to 20 cents per gallon, to be collected at distilleries, but not to operate on stock on and previous to the passage of this act.  The tax on domestic wines is stricken out.  Lager beer and other malt liquors remain undisturbed.  3 per ct. is proposed on the gross receipts of railroads, steamboats, &c.; 30 instead of 5 cts. on cattle, adding 5 cts. on calves; tobacco 20 cts. per lb.; cigars from 10 to 35 cts. according to quality.  The tax of 1 ct. per lb. on cotton is stricken out, and schedule A, taxing pianos.

An order from John M. Casson, assistant P. M. General, directs that all letters for New Orleans should be sent to New York for transmission by government steamers.

The associated press agent gives some additional particulars from our advance near Williamsburg, dated Monday evening:  In the fight there our loss was 17 killed, and about 40 wounded.  80 rebels were left dead on the field, and 40 wounded.  We took nearly 200 prisoners.  Their dead were buried by us on the field.  A stand of colors, belonging to rebel cavalry captured are now on the way to Washington.

Gen. McClellan and staff arrived on the field at 5 o’clock.  He rode to the front greeted by cheers from the troops.  He immediately assumed command.

The rain has poured down in torrents all day.

Jeff. Davis was at Richmond at last accounts.

The enemy’s works [at] Williamsburg were very formidable, extending across the peninsula.

Herald’s Dispatch.

The report of the finance committee of the Senate upon the tax bill is accompanied by an amendment, offered by Senator McDougal, one of the committee, as a substitute for the whole bill.  The bill proposes to raise revenue from the following sources:  1st, capital active and circulating, to be reached by a tax on receipts of business, as hotels, &c., one hundred and ten millions.  2nd, capital fixed, and realized income duties on interests, from interest paying bonds and securities, ten millions.  3d, excises on spirits, malt liquor and manufactured tobacco, forty millions.  4th, duties on legacies and inheritances, granted from one to eight per cent., seven millions.  The system of payment by ad valorem stamps is adopted throughout.  The officials employed to be, 1st, a commissioner of internal revenue at Washington to supervise all.  2nd, inspectors in the several districts with deputies to be appointed by them.  3d, a stamp agent in each district, or more than one if necessary, for the disposal of stamps.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 8, 1862, p. 2

Major General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, April 23, 1863

CAMP BEFORE VICKSBURG, April 23, 1863.

Dear Brother:

I have noticed in the Conscript Act the clauses which empowered the President to consolidate the ten companies of a regiment into five, when the aggregate was below one-half the maximum standard, and to reduce the officers accordingly. Had I dreamed that this was going to be made universal, I should have written you and begged you for the love of our ruined country to implore Lincoln to spare us this last and fatal blow. Two years of costly war have enabled the North to realize the fact that by organized and disciplined armies alone can she hope to restore the old and found a new empire. We had succeeded in making the skeletons of armies, eliminating out of the crude materials that first came forth the worthless material, and had just begun to have some good young colonels, captains, sergeants and corporals. And Congress had passed the Conscript Bill, which would have enabled the President to fill up these skeleton regiments full of privates who soon, from their fellows, and with experienced officers, would make an army capable of marching and being handled and directed. But to my amazement comes this order. . . . This is a far worse defeat than Manassas. Mr. Wade, in his report to condemn McClellan, gave a positive assurance to the army that henceforth, instead of fighting with diminishing ranks, we should feel assured that the gaps made by the bullet, by disease, desertion, &c., would be promptly filled, whereas only such parts of the Conscript Law as tend to weaken us are enforced, viz.: 5 per cent for furlough and 50 per cent of officers and non-commissioned officers discharged to consolidate regiments. Even Blair is amazed at this. He protests the order cannot be executed, and we should appeal to Mr. Lincoln, whom he still insists has no desire to destroy the army. But the order is positive and I don't see how we can hesitate. Grant started to-day down to Carthage, and I have written to him, which may stave it off for a few days, but I tremble at the loss of so many young and good officers, who have been hard at work for two years, and now that they begin to see how to take care of soldiers, must be turned out. . . .

If not too late, do, for mercy’s sake, exhaust your influence to stop this consolidation of regiments. Fill all the regiments with conscripts, and if the army is then too large disband the regiments that prefer to serve north of the Potomac and the Ohio. Keep the war South at all hazards. If this Consolidation Law is literally enforced, and no new draft is made, this campaign is over. And the outside world will have a perfect right to say our Government is afraid of its own people. . . .

Affectionately yours,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman letters: correspondence between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 199-200

Specials to the New York Papers

(Tribune Correspondence.)

WASHINGTON, Feb. 16. – Gen. Sanders resignation has not been received here, and people who know his impatience for a fight pray it may not come.

Little has been said of the prize money earned by the crews of our blockading vessels, but the amount cannot be small.  The share due to Commander Alden, of the South Carolina, which made so many captures in the Gulf, is one hundred thousand dollars.  Nineteen times that sum is to be divided among his officers and men.

Gen. Grant was nominated as a Major-General to-day.  The Senate, which has since had no Executive Session, will not confirm him until the official reports are received.

The House Committee on Territories will soon report a bill organizing Arizona as a free Territory.  The Wilmot Proviso will be a part of the bill.

Mr. S. A. Allen has been appointed an agent to accompany our forces into Tennessee to take charge of the cotton crop in behalf of the Government.

(Times’ dispatch.)

Andy Johnson will probably proceed to Nashville as soon as Gen. Buell’s army takes possession of that city, and assist in organizing a Provisional Government for Tennessee.  The people there are panting for freedom, and a resumption of their connection with the union.  They will probably send a full delegation of loyal men to Congress by the last of March.

The President to-day nominated Col. Garfield of Ohio, as Brigadier General in compliment for his thrashing Humphrey Marshall.

The War Department has proofs, which is considered conclusive, that young Walworth is a spy.

(World’s Correspondence.)

WASHINGTON, Feb. 19. – The recent news from Europe touching the determination of the allied powers to put Hapsburg as a ruler over Mexico, would thus create a monarchy on our borders, is exciting profound emotion here.  The fact that some such scheme was on the table has been in the possession of the Department for some time past and it will be found that the dispatches have been already sent to our Ministers at London, Paris and Madrid protesting energetically against any such project.

(Tribune Correspondence.)

The Navy Department will issue proposals to-morrow for building a number of steam men-of-war of various kinds.  The Department will withhold for the present the proposals for iron-clad steamers.  The construction of gunboats will be urgently pressed.

(World’s Dispatch)

Among other things presented to the House yesterday was the memorial of the American Geographical and Statistical Society asking the intercession of Congress in reference to the ship canal connected the river St. Lawrence and all the great Lakes on the boundary with the Atlantic ocean in the Bay of New York., and any future adjustment of the commercial relations between the United states and Great Britain.

(Tribune’s Dispatch.)

In well informed circles here it is positively asserted that Gen. Fremont has been completely vindicated of all the charges brought against his conduct of the war in Missouri, by the vote of the joint Committee of Investigation.  A highly important command is indicated for him in the far West.

(Herald’s Dispatch.)

A disposition has been manifested in the Senate to pass over most of the nominations for Brigadier Generals for the present and let the nominees win their stars by gallantry and efficiency in the field before they are confirmed.

A broad line of distinction has been drawn in the Senate between officers who lounge about the hotels or dawdle in drawing rooms, and those who devote their attention to the improvement of the efficiency of their command or are in active duties in the field.  Whenever these come up, the nomination of one against whom or in whose favor there is nothing particularly to be said by common consent, it is passed over to await the future conduct of the candidate and let him prove his merit by his deeds.

NEW YORK. Feb. 20. – A special states that Senator Wade and Andrew Johnson had an interview with Gen. McClellan yesterday and urged the necessity of action with the army on the Potomac as well as in the West.

The Senate will take up the Mexican treaty in Executive Session.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 22, 1862, p. 3

The Republican Party

The Republicans, as a political organization, have a family resemblance to the old Whig party, so much so that we sometimes have wondered if a man who at heart had ever been an old line Whig, could honestly turn square around and put his neck into the same yoke with men whom for long years he had bitterly denounced as everything that was corrupt, rather than act with the Republican party.  The chief point in which our present political associates resemble those with whom we formerly affiliated, is in that disposition they occasionally manifest to repose confidence in the honesty or uprightness of the Democratic party.

In Ohio, Illinois, and it may be in some other States, the Democrats found themselves at the last election, from the inevitable destiny of their principles, sadly in the minority.  What they could not effect by hard fighting, they determined to accomplish by cool stratagem; so proposed to the Republicans of these States, that as the war was for the Union, political matters should be shelved, and all unite in one common party and elect men on the ground of their capability and without regard to past political associations.  The bait was so tempting to the good Republicans of those States, they having the weal of their country at heart and, perhaps, not possessing the sagacity of the older politicians of the Empire State, that they eagerly swallowed it.  Of course they were caught, as the Democrats afterwards, true to their party instincts, made use of the Union movement to foist into power men of their own stripe.

In the Constitutional Convention that has just adjourned in Illinois, and in the unsuccessful effort to re-elect Ben. Wade in Ohio, we see some of the fruits of this strange alliance, and if the Republicans of these States are ever again caught with such chaff, they will deserve to suffer the consequences.  The effort to similarly seduce the Republicans of Iowa signally failed, and since they have observed the consequences in other localities and learned that the movement was wholly preconcerted, they have perhaps taken more credit to themselves than they really deserve.

This weakness of the Republican party, inherited possibly from the old Whig party, of placing reliance in anything emanating from the Democratic leaders, when power or influence is at stake, has been so seriously punished that it should be a lesson for all time to come, under no circumstances or for any purpose, to affiliate with the Democrats, especially under the new regime when Democracy and Slavery, by their own show, are recognized as synonyms.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, April 4, 1862, p. 2

COLUMBUS, Ohio, March 11 [1862]

Senatorial caucus to-night.  9^th ballot – Wade 46, Delano 38, Groesbeck 5, scattering 11.  13^th ballot – Wade 40, Delano 33, Ewing 4, Odlin 6, Groesbeck 12, scattering 3; necessary to a choice, 50.  Adjourned till to-morrow night.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, March 13, 1862, p. 2

Gen. Fremont Exculpated by the War Committee --- Secretary Stanton Promises to Reinstate Him

From the Wash. Cor. of the Philadelphia Inquirer.

The President and a number of the cabinet are favorable to giving Fremont another command, but it is opposed by the anti-Fremonters.

The Committee on the Conduct of the War express themselves satisfied with his course, part of his original plan having been to go up the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers, seize the railroads, and then take Memphis, and open the cotton ports, instead of carrying on a filibustering war around the Missouri swamps and Arkansas wilds; first having left St. Louis so that it could be defended against all odds by a small force.

The committee called on Secretary Stanton and asked the reinstatement in command at once of Fremont, and informed him that his war record was clear.  Ben. Wade wanted him to have command of the whole army of the Potomac.  Secretary Stanton pledged his word that he should be placed where he could fight for his country.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, February 17, 1862, p. 2

First Session -- 37th Congress

WASHINGTON, May 14 – SENATE – Mr. WRIGHT presented a petition form citizens of Indiana asking Congress to leave off the agitation of the negro question, and attend to the business of putting down the rebellion.  He said he believed those were the sentiments of a very large majority of the people of his State.

On motion of Mr. WILSON, of Massachusetts, the resolution to suspend the payment of troops actually employed in the Department of the West was taken up.  He stated that under the act, it has been reported that great frauds have been perpetrated, and the only remedy is to have a Commission appointed to investigate the claims.  After a discussion the resolution was laid over.

The resolution by Mr. POWELL, asking the Secretary of State for the number and names of prisoners arrested in Kentucky, how long imprisoned, why they are, &c., was taken up.

The question was on the amendment by Mr. SUMNER that the President be requested to inform the Senate, if compatible with the public interests, concerning the arrests in Kentucky, which was adopted, yeas 30, nays 7.

Mr. POWELL offered an amendment to Mr. Sumner’s amendment, which the Chair said was substantially the same as the original resolution, therefore it was not in order.

Mr. POWELL appealed from the decision of the Chair.

The decision was sustained, 34 to 1.

Mr. POWELL read a letter concerning an interview by the citizens of Kentucky with the Secretary of State, when he refused to give them any information, and said he did not care a damn for the opinion of Kentucky, but meant to hold her in the Union, &c!

The resolution, as amended, was adopted.

Mr. CLARKE, from the special Committee on Confiscation, reported a bill.

Mr. TRUMBULL offered a resolution that the President inform the Senate, if consistent with the public interests, of any information he may have of any design on the part of any foreign Power to interfere in the contest now existing, and whether any foreign nation has made any arrangement with the insurgents or has it in contemplation to do so.  Laid over.

After consideration and amendment of the Indian Appropriation Bill the Senate went into Executive Session.  Adjourned.

HOUSE. -  Mr. WALTON, of Vermont, reported back from the Committee on Printing the joint resolution requiring the Superintendent of the Census to keep records of the names of adults, heads of families and free holders.  The subject was discussed.

Mr. ELLIOTT, from the Select Committee on Confiscation, reported two bills.  He said the time for the restoration of this subject ought not to be much longer postponed.  He suggested that it be made the special order for Monday next.  The first bill provides that all estates, property and money of persons holding, or hereafter holding, office under the so-called Confederacy be forfeited to the United States, and that the President be requested to issue a proclamation giving sixty days.

Mr. PHELPS, of Missouri, suggested that it made the special order for Tuesday, after the morning hour, and the rest of the week be given for debate.

Mr. ELLIOT acquiesced in this, and further that the vote be taken on Monday week on both sides.

Mr. SHELLABARGER offered a resolution calling on the Secretary of the Interior to inform the House what retrenchments can be made in the expenditures.  Passed.

Mr. WICKLIFFE had ineffectually endeavored to offer an amendment, calling on the Secretary of War, to state whether he had provided arms and clothing to arm the fugitive slaves in the South.

The house went into Committee on the Army Appropriation bill.

Mr. CRISFIELD made a speech against confiscation.

Several amendments were offered to the army bill.  One by Mr. Calvert, that no portion of the appropriation should be appropriated to keeping, supporting or equipping fugitive slaves for service in the army.

After debate it was rejected.

The Army Appropriation bill passed without amendment.

Adjourned.

WASHINGTON, May 15. – Mr. WADE presented petitions in favor of confiscation.

Mr. GRIMES presented a petition for a ship canal from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi River.

Mr. WADE, from the Committee on Territories, reported back the house bill to provide for the temporary government of Arizona.

Mr. WILKINSON, from the same Committee, reported back a bill to amend the act for the government of Colorado.  The bill makes the Governor’s veto qualified instead of absolute. – The bill was passed.

Mr. BROWN, from the same committee, reported back the House bill to secure freedom to the people of the Territories, with an amendment which changes the language of the bill to that of the ordinance of 1787.

HOUSE – On motion of Mr. FENTON, the House proceeded to the consideration of the bill introduced by him for the adjudication of claims for loss or destruction of property belonging to loyal citizens, and the damage done them by the troops of the United States during the present rebellion.

The bill provides for the appointment by the President of three Commissioners, together with a Clerk and Marshal.  The commissioners are prohibited from taking cognizance of claims for slaves, while the bill is guaranteed to prevent disloyal citizens from being benefitted by the act.  The claims ascertained are to be reported to Congress, to the end that provisions may be made for their relief, as may be deemed just and proper.

Report agreed to 24 to 28.

A message was received from the President recommending a vote of thanks to Com. Farragut and other officers in his expedition.

The Conference Committee on the homestead bill made a report which was agreed to.

A resolution was offered calling on the Secretary of the Navy for the number of iron clad gunboats under contract, their armaments and when they will be ready for service.  Laid over.

Mr. HARRIS offered a resolution asking the Secretary of State what were the rights and obligations of the United States and Great Britain in regard to the maintenance of armaments on the Lake.  Laid over.

The Indian appropriation bill was taken up and discussed.

A message was received from the House announcing the death of Geo. F. Barley, of Massachusetts.

Mr. SUMNER paid a brief tribute to his worth, &c.

The customary resolutions were passed.

Adjourned.

Mr. FENTON said this bill had been materially considered by the Committee on Claims and was based on the principle of equity and justice.  While sincerely desirous of indemnifying Union men for the losses they had sustained, he was anxious that congress should pass a confiscation bill, denouncing special pains and penalties against the leaders of the rebellion, who having plundered loyal men and sequestrated their estates, shall not escape punishment.  Their property and substance should be used to pay the expenses incidental to the suppression of the most wicked and causeless rebellion.

Mr. WEBSTER moved an amendment making it the duty of the Commissioners to take cognizance of the losses of slaves, which the bill, as reported, prohibits.

Mr. MORRIL, of Vermont, moved the postponement of the bill till Monday.  The bill should be maturely considered, as it involved the expenditure of $100,000.  If passed it might supercede the amount of claims.

Mr. FENTON explained that all adjudicated claims have to be reported to Congress, which is to control the appropriation.

Mr. MORRIL’S motion was adopted.

The House passed the Senate bill authorizing the appointment of medical store-keepers for the army, and hospital chaplains.

Among the measure passed on are the following:

The Senate bill setting apart 10 per cent of the taxes paid by the colored persons to be appropriated for the education of colored children of the District.

The Senate bill requiring the oath of allegiance to be administered to persons offering to vote whose loyalty shall shall [sic] be challenged.

The House bill requiring the oath of allegiance to be taken by attorneys and solicitors in Court within the District of California.

Mr. POTTER from the Conference Committee on the homestead bill, made a report which was adopted.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 17, 1862, p. 3

Slavery in the District

The bill providing for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia, introduced by Senator Wilson, and referred to the district Committee, was intrusted [sic] to Senator Morrill, who has prepared a bill which provides for the immediate emancipation of all the slaves in the District, and for a limited compensation to Loyal owners, not to exceed $200 a slave on the average.  Owners must, within 90 days, file their claims, together with proofs of value, and of loyalty, with Commissioners.  These are to report within nine months.  They are authorized to examine the slave as well as the master, in order to determine the latter’s right to compensation.  It is believed that the bill will recommend itself to a majority of the committee.  It is composed of Messrs. Grimes, Dixon, Morrill, Wade, Anthony, Kennedy and Powell.  The number of slaves now in the district is about 3,000.  Probably more than half belong to masters who will swear that they are loyal.  The total cost to the nation of emancipating cannot be over $1,000,000, and may not be more than $500,000.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, February 15, 1862, p. 2

Washington News

WASHINGTON, May 6. – The gunboat Ham captured on the 19th ult., off Charleston the schooner Glenn of Charleston, while attempting to run the blockade. She was bound to Nassau and was [loaded] with one thousand bales of cotton and five tierces of rice. The papers and log book were thrown overboard during the chase.

A number of the members of the Committee on Military affairs, of both Senate and House, accompanied by Gen. Clarke, executive clerk of the Senate, and Mr. Smith, Clerk of the House Military Committee, have gone to Fortress Monroe and the headquarters of Gen. McClellan, to prosecute enquiries touching the charges against Gen. Smith and other matters of importance in the prosecution of the war.

Senator Wade’s bill in aid of agricultural colleges, provides that the public lands shall be donated to the States and territories which may establish colleges to teach the science of agriculture and the mercantile arts, in the proportion of 30,000 acres for each Senator and representative; the funds acquired by the sale of the lands to be in Government or other stocks, yielding at least five per cent; one college at least must be endowed and supported in the State or territory which received the donation.

The Senate Committee on Finance has reported about 260 amendments to the House tax bill, after having heard the representation of delegations representing various interests; among the amendments they have stricken out the tax on all rectified and mixed liquors and increased that on distilled spirits to 20 cent per gallon, to be collected at the distilleries, but not to operate on the stock in hand previous to the passage of this act; the tax on domestic wine is stricken out; lager beer and other malt liquors remain undisturbed; three per cent is proposed on the gross receipts of railroads, steamboats &c.; thirty instead of fifty cents a head on cattle, adding five cents on calves, tobacco twenty cents per pound; cigars from ten to thirty five cents, according to the quality, the tax of one per cent per pound on cotton is stricken out.


WASHINGTON, May 7. – The Senate will, without unnecessary delay, proceed to consider the tax bills which have been presented, and it is thought the report of the Committee on Finance will be adopted without material change. The tax of twenty cents per gallon on whiskey and twenty cents per pound on tobacco it is stated will yield $40,000,000. Should the views of the minority of the Committee prevail it is supposed the revenue from this source would be considerably increased.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 10, 1862, p. 3

From Washington

WASHINGTON, April 24.

The Senate in executive session to-day confirmed the nomination of Horatio King, ex-Postmaster General, as one of the commissioners under the act for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. – The Board will organize immediately.

Mr. Hutchins’ resolution censuring Mr. Vallandigham for alleged violation of the rules and decorum of the House, by making use of denunciatory language against Senator Wade, after quoting from the latter’s recent speech in the Senate, will com up to-morrow for final action.

The participants in the colloquy, Messrs. Vallandigham and Blake, exhibited intense earnestness. The scene for a while was exceedingly spirited, but abruptly terminated by adjournment.

The ratifications of the Seward-Lyons treaty for suppression of the African salve trade, will soon be exchanged. The main points are, mutual right of search without regard to the number of vessels to be emptied, and the summary trial and punishment of those engaged in illegal traffic.

The Yankee has arrived from the neighborhood of Fredericksburg, and reports that one day this week the [Anacostia] while passing Lowry’s point, on the Rappahannock, was fired into by a small body of rebel infantry. She threw a few shells at them which caused them to rapidly disperse. The flotilla is still actively engaged in seizing rebel crafts. It has captured 16 schooners.


WASHINGTON, April 24.

The Senate to-day by unanimous vote ratified the Seward Lyons treaty recently negotiated for the suppression of the slave trade.

The French Minister, after his return here, visited the State Department and had a long interview with Seward.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, April 26, 1862, p. 1