Diary of Laura M. Towne: Sunday, May 4, 1862

My thirty-seventh birthday yesterday. Never thought I would spend it in South Carolina, on a plantation too, and there by right as occupant.

It was beautiful this morning at church. The live-oaks were more mossy and gray than ever and the spot more lovely. The crowd was greater, and the dresses cleaner and more picturesque too. The man with the carpet poncho did not have it on to-day, probably as it was so warm. But the turbans were grand. Mr. Horton conducted the services finely, with plenty of old-fashioned doctrine, to be sure, but with good sense, especially when he told them how much greater men are than the beasts of the field. One old negro made a fine prayer after the service, just what it should be, in which he prayed that God would guide and bless the good folks who had come down to help them. He did not dare to mention General Hunter's call for black soldiers, and all the superintendents fear it will not be responded to. Will Capers has enlisted, however, and others talk of it. Will is a fine fellow in every respect.

After church, groups formed outside. It was a beautiful scene. The church overflowed; there were over three hundred inside and many out — seven hundred and thirty-eight in all, Mr. Horton says. The children behaved well and I think the Sunday School was a success. I talked of Christ's love for children and how He would take them to Heaven if they were kind to each other. I had between twenty and thirty in my class. I also taught them their letters and a card of words. There were several black teachers. After church the superintendents gathered around and had a little talk. Their ration bread was taken in the carriage with us and distributed after church. That is the time for getting letters, too, for those poor, out-of-the-way fellows on some plantations.

It was amusing to see the vehicles by which some of the gentlemen came. Mr. Philbrick rode on a skin-and-bone horse with rope for bridle, and a side saddle. Mrs. Philbrick accompanied him in a sulky, holding the ropes and an umbrella, while the little negro clung on the “tree” between the wheels with the whip and used it when directed by Mrs. P. Behind was tied a square box for bread. As we left the church, the long line of negroes going slowly home was very pretty. Some of them carried shoes to church in their hands and kept them so, to show they owned a pair, I suppose. Decidedly they were more cleanly and better clothed to-day than before, and happier too. Paying them even a little has reassured them. They are very eager to believe we are their friends, but have had some things to make them doubt. At the paying-off on this plantation the other night they seemed all thankful, though some objected to the bank bills. Mr. Pierce was very sorry they had not specie to give them. It was a strange looking spectacle, all those black faces peering in at door and window, for they assembled on the front porch and answered when Mr. Pierce called their names. Mr. Hooper had the money and handed it over to Mr. Pierce, who gave it to each. The earnings were from seventy-five cents to three dollars each. Cotton only is paid for, not corn. Each man took his money with a scrape backwards of his foot, each woman with a curtsey. Rina says that they never had anything but ground for floors to their cabins, and they had no lofts. But after massa left, they took his boards, floored their own cabins and put in lofts. This does not seem as if they preferred to live in their present style.

Mr. Boutwell, of the Coast Survey, was here to-day. He says the St. Helena people were hard, and not considered well educated or good specimens of planters. Certainly they were hard to their negroes, especially on this place. It was being prepared for Mr. Fuller's residence when the flight occurred.

Yesterday Mrs. French, Mrs. Nicholson, and Miss Curtis were here with Lieutenant Gregory and Lieutenant Belcher, of the Michigan regiment. They have some special care of the ladies at Mr. French's. Lieutenant Gregory said we have but 4000 soldiers here; 15,000 in all Port Royal; and the enemy are concentrating around us. They have already 20,000 surrounding us and may take it into their heads to rout us. Their approach would be in three directions, one through this island.

We have heard to-day that there is a mail to Beaufort, a late one, the earlier having been detained at Hampton Roads — why, we know not. It is over three weeks since a mail came in. I expect Ellen to-night. I have often expected her before; but to-night she must come, and Mr. Hooper has gone for her and the letters.

I heard a story of a negro the other day who was saying all manner of hard things of the old masters and his own in particular. “Well,” said an officer, standing by, “we have caught him and now what shall we do with him?” “Hang him, hang him — hanging is too good for him,” cried the negro, in great excitement. “Well,” said the officer, “he shall be hung, boy, and since he injured you so much, you shall have a chance now to pay him back. You shall hang him yourself, and we'll protect you and see it done.” “Oh, no, can't do it — can't do it — can't see massa suffer. Don't want to see him suffer.” . . .

One of the most touching of all songs I have heard is that “croon” in a minor key —

“Poor Rome — poor gal —

(is to)

Heaven (will) be my home."

I never heard anything so sad. I will get the words and tune some day.

My housekeeping experiences are very funny. No milk — and breakfast. I send Lucy to send Aleck to find Robert and bring the milk. Aleck comes back, saying, “Can't get no milk, ma’am. Calf run away. Cow won't give milk if the calf don’t suck, ma’am.” Two hours or so after, milk comes. The cow will give no milk except while the calf is having its supper, and so it is a race between old Robert and the calf to see which will get the most or enough.

There are sometimes six negroes in the dining-room at once during meal-times — the other day Aleck making his appearance with two huge fish, which he held up triumphantly, raw and fresh from the water. On the other hand, often at meal-times not a negro can be found; the table is not set, for Lucy has gone; the fire cannot be kindled, for there is no wood and Aleck has gone; the milk has not come, etc., etc.

A sad thing here is the treatment of animals. The other day one of the oxen came home almost flayed, with great skinless welts, and a piece of skin (and flesh, too, I think), taken out over the tail. This afternoon Miss Winsor and I stopped Joe, who had taken Mr. Whiting's little colt and harnessed him without any permission. Then he drove him at a gallop, with negroes hanging on, through the deep sand, so that he came home all of a tremble. All the gentlemen being gone, and nearly all the ladies, they thought they could do as they pleased; but Miss Winsor, with admirable tact and authority, made Joe dismount, unharness, and care for the horse after his return from a first trip. The dogs are all starved, and the horses are too wretched.

Last night we heard the negroes singing till daylight. Rina said they thought as they had Sunday to rest they would keep up their meeting all night. It was a religious meeting.

Mr. Hooper has returned with letters — none from home for me; one from Sophie, fortunately. The other two were with supplies from Philadelphia — $2000 worth to be distributed by me. They speak of having read my letters to committees, etc., and that frightens me.

New Orleans is ours — has capitulated. Mr. Hooper, Mr. Ruggles, and Mr. Horton, the Baptist minister, were sitting in the parlor this Sunday afternoon. Suddenly we heard three lusty cheers. I ran in, little bird in hand, and heard the joyful announcement of this news.

Miss W. has been sick and I have taught her school. Did very well, but once heard a slash and found Betty with a long switch whipping two of the girls. I soon stopped that and told them I had come here to stop whipping, not to inflict it. Aleck, that “limb,” stopped in front of the desk and harangued me in orator style to prove that Betty was authorized by Miss Nelly. Mr. Severance drove me there and back, with a rabble of negroes hanging on behind. We rode to church to-day with nearly half a dozen somewhere about the carriage.

Lieutenant Belcher, who was Provost Marshal of Port Royal, is a stanch homoeopathist, and we have promised to doctor each other should occasion require. I have a great many patients on hand — “Too many,” as the negroes say.

SOURCE: Rupert Sargent Holland, Editor, Letters and Diary of Laura M. Towne: Written from the Sea Islands of South Carolina 1862-1864, p. 32-7

Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Edwin M. Stanton, May 25, 1862

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,

New Orleans, May 25, 1862.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

SIR: In matters pertaining to the conduct of affairs in my own department which affect that alone I will trouble you for instructions as little as possible, but in those which affect the administrative policy of the country I beg leave to refer to the help of the War Department for advice and direction. The question now pressing me is the state of negro property here and the condition of the negroes as men. It has a gravity as regards both white and black appalling as the mind follows out the logical necessities of different lines of action. Ethnological in its proportions and demands for investigation, it requires active administrative operations immediately upon the individual in his daily life, his social, political, and religious status as a human being, while some of the larger deductions of political economy are to be at once worked out by any given course of conduct. It cannot be solved therefore without thought or discussion by a phrase or a paragraph. The question now comes to me in a different form from that in which it has presented itself to any other military commander.

At Fortress Monroe during the last summer I found the negro deserted by his master or having been forced by him into the fortification as the builder and thus made to aid in the rebellion. The rights of property under that condition of things could be easily settled. The man was to be treated as a human being wrecked upon a civilized coast, all his social ties and means of living gone, to be cared for because he was a man. My action thereupon is well known and was approved by the Government.

At Port Royal the same condition of things substantially obtained and I suppose will be dealt with in like manner. Here, however, an entirely different state of the question is disclosed.

The general commanding finds himself in possession of a tract of country larger than some States of the Union. This has submitted to the Government of the United States; a community with whom by proclamation the President is about opening commercial relations with all the world except for that which is contraband of war; rich in fertile lands; in it a city of the first class, wherein its inhabitants by a large majority are attending to their usual avocations and endeavoring in good faith to live quietly under the laws of the Union, and whoever does not do so is speedily punished and his compeers thereby admonished.

To this city and vicinage has been pledged the governmental protection and inviolability of the rights of property under the laws of the United States so long as these conditions of peace and quiet shall be preserved, and that pledge has been accepted by the good, loyal, and peaceful, and the power of the Union is respected by the wicked, so that they have become peaceful, if not loyal. It is found that a large portion of property held here is in slaves. They till the soil, raise the sugar, corn, and cotton, lead and unload the ships; they perform every domestic office, and are permeated through every branch of industry and peaceful calling.

In a large degree the owners of the soil, planters, farmers, mechanics, and small traders have been passive rather than active in the rebellion. All that had real property at stake have been the led rather than the leaders in this outbreak against law and order. In the destruction of cotton and sugar even, which has been so largely effected, the owners and producers have not been the destroyers, but in many cases the resistants of destruction.

There is still another class. Those actively in arms and those who for motives of gain or worse have aided the rebellion in their several spheres.

The property of these I am hunting out and holding for confiscation under the laws. There is in most cases no military necessity for its immediate confiscation. Such act, if done, would in many instances work injustice to the bona fide loyal creditor, whose interest the Government will doubtless consider. I am only confiscating in fact in cases where there is a breach of a positive order, for the purpose of punishment and example. In all these cases I have no hesitation as to the kinds of property or rights of property which shall be confiscated, and make no distinctions, save that where that property consists in the services of slaves I shall not sell it until so ordered.

Now, many negroes (slaves) have come within my lines. Many have sought to be kept, fed, and to live in the quarters with my troops. Loyal and disloyal masters have lost them alike. I have caused as many to be employed as I have use for. I have directed all not employed to be sent out of my lines, leaving them subject to the ordinary laws of the community in that behalf.

I annex all orders and communications to my officers upon this matter up to the date of the transmission of this dispatch.

Now, what am I to do? Unless all personal property of all rebels is to be confiscated (of the policy of which a military commander has no right to an opinion) it is manifestly unjust to make a virtual confiscation of this particular species of property. Indeed it makes an actual confiscation of all property, both real and personal, of the planter if we take away or allow to run away his negroes as his crop is just growing, it being impossible to supply the labor necessary to preserve it. Again, if a portion of these slaves only are to be taken within my lines, and if to be so taken is a benefit to them, it is unjust to those that are not taken. Those that come early to us are by no means the best men and women. With them, as with the whites, it is the worse class that rebel against and evade the laws that govern them. The vicious and unthrifty have felt punishment of their masters as a rule, the exception being where the cruel master abuses the industrious and well-behaved slave, and the first to come are those that feel particular grievances.

It is a physical impossibility to take all. I cannot feed the white men within my lines. Women and children are actually starving in spite of all that I can do. Ay, and they too without fault on their part. What would be the state of things if I allowed all the slaves from the plantations to quit their employment and come within the lines is not to be conceived by the imagination.

Am I then to take of these blacks only the adventurers, the shiftless, and wicked, to the exclusion of the good and quiet? If coming within our lines is equivalent to freedom, and liberty is a boon, is it to be obtained only by the first that apply?

I had written thus far when by the Ocean Queen I received a copy of an order of Major-General Hunter upon this subject in the Department of the South. Whether I assent or dissent from the course of action therein taken it is not my province to criticise it.

I desire, however, to call attention to the grounds upon which it seems to be based and to examine how far they may be applicable here.

The military necessity does not exist here for the employment of negroes in arms, in order that we may have an acclimated force. If the War Department desires, and will permit, I can have 5,000 able bodied white citizens enlisted within 60 days, all of whom have lived here many years, and many of them drilled soldiers, to be commanded by intelligent loyal officers. Besides, I hope and believe that this war will be ended before any body of negroes could be organized, armed, and drilled so as to be efficient.

The negro here, by long habit and training, has acquired a great horror of fire-arms, sometimes ludicrous in the extreme when the weapon is in his own hand. I am inclined to the opinion that John Brown was right in his idea of arming the negro with a pike or spear instead of a musket, if they are to be armed at all. Of this I say nothing, because a measure of governmental policy is not to be discussed in the dispatch of a subordinate military officer.

In this connection it might not be inopportune to call to mind the fact that a main cause of the failure of the British in their attack on New Orleans was the employment of a regiment of blacks brought with them from the West Indies. This regiment was charged with the duty of carrying the facines with which the ditch in front of Jackson's line was to be filled up and the ladders for scaling the embankment. When the attacking column reached the point of assault the facines and ladders were not there. Upon looking around for them it was found that their black guardians had very prudently laid themselves down upon the plain in the rear and protected their heads from the whistling shot with the facines which should have been to the front in a different sense.

I am further inclined to believe that the idea that our men here cannot stand the climate, and therefore the negroes must be freed and armed as an acclimated force, admits of serious debate.

My command has been either here or on the way here from Ship Island since the 1st of May, some of them on shipboard in the river since the 17th of April. All the deaths in the general hospital in this city since we have been here are only 13 from all causes, 2 of these being accidental, as will appear from Surgeon Smith's report, herewith submitted. From diseases at all peculiar to the climate I do not believe we have lost in the last thirty days one-fifth of one per cent. in the whole command; taking into the account also the infirm and debilitated, who ought never to have passed the surgeon's examination and come here.

Certain it is, if we admit the proposition that white men cannot be soldiers in this climate, we go very far toward asserting the dogma that white men cannot labor here, and therefore establish the necessity for exclusively black labor, which has ever been the corner-stone of African slavery.

We have heard much in the newspapers of the free-negro corps of this city organized for the defense of the South. From this a very erroneous idea may have been derived. The officers of that company called upon me the other day upon the question of the continuance of their organization and to learn what disposition they would be required to make of their arms; and in color, nay, also in conduct, they had much more the appearance of white gentlemen than some of those who have favored me with their presence claiming to be the “chivalry of the South.”

I have satisfied myself, if I have failed to satisfy the Department, that no military necessity exists to change the policy of the Government in this respect within my command.

I have given hurriedly amidst the press of other cares some of the considerations that seem to me to bear upon the question. I only add as a fact that those well-disposed to the Union here represent that the supposed policy of the Government, as indicated by General Hunter's order, is used by our enemies to paralyze all the efforts to co-operate with us.

Reared in the full belief that slavery is a curse to a nation, which my further acquaintance with it only deepens and widens, from its baleful effects upon the master, because as under it he cannot lift the negro up in the scale of humanity therefore the negro drags him down, I have no fear that my views will be anywhere misunderstood. I only accept the fact of its present existence, the “tares among the wheat,” and have asked the direction of the Department, “lest while I gather up the tares I root up also the wheat with them,” or shall I “let both grow together till the harvest?”

Respectfully, &c.,

 BENJ. F. BUTLER,

 Major-General, Commanding.

[lnclossures.]

• Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Brigadier General John W. Phelps, May 9, 1862
• Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Brigadier General John W. Phelps, May 10, 1862
• Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Brigadier General John W. Phelps, May 21, 1862
• Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Brigadier General John W. Phelps, May 23, 1862

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 15 (Serial No. 21), p. 439-42

Abraham Lincoln to James G. Bennett, May 21, 1862

Private

Executive Mansion

May 21, 1862.

James G. Bennett, Esq

Dear Sir:

Thanking you again for the able support given by you, through the Herald, to what I think the true cause of the country, and also for your kind expressions towards me personally, I wish to correct an erroneous impression of yours in regard to the Secretary of War. He mixes no politics whatever with his duties; knew nothing of Gen. Hunter's proclamation; and he and I alone got up the counter-proclamation. I wish this to go no further than to you, while I do wish to assure you it is true.

Yours truly

A. LINCOLN

SOURCE: Roy P. Basler, Editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, p. 225

Edwin M. Stanton to Congressman Galusha A. Grow, June 14, 1862

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Washington City, D.C., June 14, 1862.

Hon. GALUSHA A. GROW,

Speaker of the House of Representatives:

SIR: A resolution of the House of Representatives has been received, which passed the 9th instant, to the following effect:

Resolved, That the Secretary of War be directed to inform this House if General Hunter, of the Department of South Carolina, has organized a regiment of South Carolina volunteers for the defense of the Union composed of black men (fugitive slaves) and appointed the colonel and other officers to command them.

2. Was he authorized by the Department to organize and muster into the Army of the United States as soldiers the fugitive or captive slaves?

3. Has he been furnished with clothing, uniforms, &c., for such force?

4. Has he been furnished, by order of the Department of War, with arms to be placed in the hands of those slaves?

5. To report any orders given said Hunter and correspondence between him and the Department.

In answer to the foregoing resolution I have the honor to inform the House—

First. That this Department has no official information whether General Hunter, of the Department of South Carolina, has or has not organized a regiment of South Carolina volunteers for the defense of the Union composed of black men (fugitive slaves) and appointed the colonel and other officers to command them. In order to ascertain whether he has done so or not a copy of the House resolution has been transmitted to General Hunter, with instructions to make immediate report thereon.

Second. General Hunter was not authorized by the Department to organize and muster into the Army of the United States the fugitive or captive slaves.

Third. General Hunter, upon his requisition as commander of the South, has been furnished with clothing and arms for the force under his command without instructions as to how they should be used.

Fourth. He has not been furnished, by order of the Department of War, with arms to be placed in the hands of “those slaves.”

Fifth. In respect to so much of said resolution as directs the Secretary “to report to the House any orders given said Hunter and correspondence between him and the Department,” the President instructs me to answer that the report at this time of the orders given to and correspondence between General Hunter and this Department would, in his opinion, be improper and incompatible with the public welfare.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 147-8

Robert Mallory in the United States House of Representatives, July 5, 1862

I shall redeem my implied pledge to the House not to take up much of their time upon this matter.  I merely wish to put myself right in regard to a statement made to my venerable colleague [Charles A. Wickliffe] who just addressed the house.

I cordially concur in most of the sentiments expressed by my colleague in regard to this letter of General Hunter, which a few days since was read from the Clark’s desk.  Neither he nor any other man can condemn in severe terms than I do the whole spirit of that letter and its whole style.  No man can disapprove more strongly the system of arming slaves, which that general has sought to inaugurate in the South, as shown by his letter to the Secretary of War.  I believe, as my colleague does, and as I hope many gentlemen of the Republican party in this House believe, that it is contrary to the rules that should govern a civilized nation in conducting a war.

I shrink from arming the slave, using him to shoot down white men, knowing his depraved nature as I do.  I would as soon think of enlisting the Indian, and of arming him with the tomahawk and scalping knife, to be let loose upon our rebellious countrymen, as to arm the negro in this contest.

But I recollect, and I shall continue to do as long as I live, the scene which occurred in this Hall when that memorable letter was read at the Clerk’s desk.  Many things have been said here, many statements have gone the rounds of the public press about the indecorum and disorder which prevail in this Hall, that, in my opinion were calumnies upon the character of this House; but none of them can overdraw the picture which was presented here the other day when that letter was read.  The scene was one of which I think this House should forever be ashamed.

We were here in the consideration of questions the most solemn and grave that ever claimed their attention of an American Congress.  Grave consideration, calm and deliberate reflection, should have characterized the proceedings of this body on that occasion.  But, sir, when that letter was read at the Clerk’s desk, a spectator in the gallery would have supposed we were witnessing the performance of a buffoon or of a low farce actor upon the stage.  And the reading of the letter on that occasion, containing, as it did, sentiments calculated to shock humanity, written in a style showing the contempt of the writer for this House, was received with loud applause and boisterous manifestations of approbation by the Republican members of the House.  I never witnessed a scene more deeply mortifying.  I shall not lose the memory of it while I live.  It was a scene, in my opinion, disgraceful to the American Congress.

SOURCE: United States. Congress. The Congressional Globe: Containing the Debates and Proceedings of the Second Session of the Thirty-Seventh Congress, book, 1862; Washington D.C.. (digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc30813/: accessed October 2, 2017), University of North Texas Libraries, Digital Library, digital.library.unt.edu; crediting UNT Libraries Government Documents Department., July 5, 1862, p. 3,124-5

Major-General David Hunter to Edwin M. Stanton, January 29, 1862

Fort Leavenworth

Jan. 29. 1862.

Hon. E. M. Stanton,

Secretary of War:

Dear Sir: I congratulate our country on your appointment as Secretary of War.  Your predecessor did me the honor to request that I would communicate fully, freely and frankly with him; and I think it right and proper that a general commanding should have such frank communication with the political Chief of the Army.  If you think differently, please notify me, and I will not presume again to address you.

In the expedition about to go south from this Department, I beg that I may have a large discretion that I may be allowed to strike wherever I can do the most harm.  Selfishness might dictate a different request, but I do not fear responsibility if I can injure our enemy.  Please let me have my own way on the subject of slavery.  The administration will not be responsible.  I alone will bear the blame; you can censure me, arrest me, dismiss me, hang me if you will, but permit me to make my mark in such a way as to be remembered by friend and foe.

I have the honor to be,

Very Respect^y,

Your ob. servant,

David Hunter,

Major General.

 SOURCE: Stanton, Edwin Mcmasters. Edwin McMasters Stanton Papers: Correspondence, 1831 to 1870; 1862; 1862, Jan. 14-Feb. 2. 1862. Manuscript/Mixed Material. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/mss41202002/, Images 216 & 217. (Accessed September 28, 2017.)

Major-General David Hunter to Edwin M. Stanton, April 3, 1862

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE SOUTH,

Hilton Head, Port Royal; S.C., April 3, 1862.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

SIR: I have the honor to report my arrival here on the 30th ultimo. I address you by the first opportunity since my arrival.

I find about 17,000 troops scattered along the coast from Saint Augustine, Fla., to North Edisto Inlet, South Carolina, distributed as follows:

At Saint Augustine, Fla.	200
At Jacksonville, Fla.	1,400
At mouth of Saint John's River, Fla.	70
At Fernandina, Fla.	900
At Tybee Island, Ga.	2,200
At Daufuskie Island, S. C.	1,600
At Bird Island, S. C.	300
At Jones Island, S. C.	300
At Hilton Head, S. C.	4,500
At Bay Point, S. C.	80
At Beaufort, S. C.	3,600
At Otter Island, S. C.	450
At North Edisto River, S. C.	1,400
	17,000

It is my opinion that this force is entirely too much scattered and is subject to be cut off in detail.

I shall order an abandonment of Jacksonville, Fla., and the re-enforcement of Forts Marion and Clinch. From later accounts I may add the Union feeling in Florida is not so strong as we were first induced to believe.

The batteries for opening on Fort Pulaski have been retarded by the non-arrival of the necessary guns, ammunition, &c. But Captain Gillmore, who deserves great credit for his untiring and scientific exertions, is now nearly ready, and by the next steamer I hope to be able to announce to you the fall of Pulaski. We then shall be able to hold the Savannah River with a small force and to concentrate on Charleston.

General Sherman made a requisition in December for five steamers drawing not more than 6 feet each. He informs me that they were purchased for him and sent from New York, but put into Hatteras in a storm, and are there detained by General Burnside. We are still very much in want of these light-draught boats, and, as we have but three wagons to a regiment, they are absolutely essential.

On my leaving Washington you had the kindness to promise me whatever force I might ask. We shall do all that men can do with the small force we have; but it distresses me to be in such a beautiful situation for striking strong blows without the arms to strike. I beg that you will send us at once as many men as you think we can use to advantage, as all the officers in command report the re-enforcement of the enemy on their respective fronts.

I most earnestly request that 50,000 muskets, with all the necessary accouterments, and 200 rounds for each piece, may be sent to me at once, with authority to arm such loyal men as I can find in the country, whenever, in my opinion, they can be used advantageously against the enemy.

It is important that I should be able to know and distinguish these men at once, and for this purpose I respectfully request that 50,000 pairs of scarlet pantaloons may be sent me; and this is all the clothing I shall require for these people.

I believe the rebel regiments as they retreat from the Army of the Potomac come directly to their respective States and that in this way the force opposed to us here is becoming considerably augmented.

I have the honor to be, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

 D. HUNTER,

 Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 27-8

Diary of Edward Bates: Tuesday, October 22, 1861

Cabinet Council

Present all. Capt Cravens¹¹ U. S. N. commanding Flotilla in the Potomac, reports great progress made by the rebels with their batteries along the river — stretching from Matthias’ point¹² up — at intervals, for more than 25 miles, and having at the different places, at least 40 heavy guns — so as, in fact to command the river. Two of his vessels are between their strongest batteries, and opposite Acquia Creek.¹³

The Capt says — judging by the camp fires — that the enemy is increasing his force below, near the batteries, every day — Each night there are more and more fires, and less in the region of Occoquan.¹⁴ He thinks they are preparing to pass over into Maryland.

If that be so, they are growing desperate in their present position; and if we let them cross it is our folly and crime. The fact that we allow them to obstruct the river is our deep disgrace.

There was some discussion about the battle near Leesburg¹⁵ yesterday and last night — a most unsatisfactory affair.

Baker's¹⁶ brigade was driven back with great loss. Baker and several other high officers were killed — the total loss not known but supposed from 2 to 300. McClellan¹⁷ was to go up in person.

< I hear tonight that a large part of our force has passed the river— both Banks¹⁸ and Stone¹⁹ are on the Va. side and I do and [sic] not doubt that the most strenuous efforts will be made to press the enemy, for our Generals are I think by this time, (besides other motives) heartily ashamed of inaction and inefficiency — the weather is very bad for active operations, by reason of constant rain last night and today, still I expect hard fighting. >

Another subject in C.[abinet] C.[ouncil] was the vexed question of the recall of Genl. Fremont. The report of Adj't. Genl. Thomas,²⁰ made by direction of the Sec of War put it, I thought, beyond all question that the removal must be made and instantly — The President seemed to think so, and said it was now clear that Fremont was not fit to for the command — that Hunter²¹ was better — Still, at the very pinch, the Sec of State, came again, as twice before, to the rescue — and urged delay — “not today, put it off a little” — The idea (gotten by Mr. Chase from Dr. Eliot²²) seemed to be that the Army was devoted to Fremont and had full confidence in him! while the evidence to the contrary is overwhelming — Hunter and Curtis²³ openly declared it — as stated in Adjutant Genl. Thomas' report, and as far as I know, none actively support him, but his own pet officers and contractors — Yet strange! both Cameron and Chase gave in and timidly yielded to delay; and the President still hangs in painful and mortyfying [sic] doubt. His suffering is evidently great, and if it were not connected with a subject so momentous, would be ludicrous.

I spoke as heretofore, plainly, urging the Prest. to avoid the timorous and vacillating course that could but degrade the Adm[inistratio]n. and make it weak and helpless — to assume the powers of his place and speak in the language of command. Not to send an order clogged with conditions and provisos — send a positive order or none at all. To leave him there now would be worse than prompt removal — for you have degraded him before the world and thereby unfitted him for the command, if otherwise capable — You have countermanded his orders,²⁴ repudiated his contracts and denounced his contractors, suspended his officers and stopped the progress of his

fortifications — If under these circumstances we still keep him in command, the public will attribute the fact to a motive no higher than our fears. For me — I think too well of the soldiers and the people, to be afraid of any Major General in the Army. I protested against having my State sacrificed on such motives and in such a cause.

Still I fear he will be allowed to hang on until he drops in very rottenness. And if we persist in this sort of impotent indecision, we are very likely to share his fate — and, worse than all, deserve it.

_______________

¹² Spelled “Mathias.” A village thirty miles below Washington.

¹³ A river-port at the outlet of a deep tidal channel about fifty-five miles below Washington. It was the terminus of a railroad from Richmond.

¹⁴ A village about six miles up the Occoquan River from where it flows into the Potomac not far below Mount Vernon.

¹⁵ The Battle of Ball's Bluff where the Union force was disastrously defeated when General Stone, under misinformation about the enemy, actually crossed the Potomac into Virginia instead of making a feint of doing so.

¹⁶ Supra, Oct. 12, 1859, note 9. He had raised a regiment of volunteers and, though still senator, had led a brigade at Leesburg.

¹⁷ George B. McClellan, West Point graduate of 1846, served in Mexico, on the Pacific Coast, and in Europe, but resigned in 1857 to become chief engineer and later vice-president of the Illinois Central Railroad. When the War came, he was given command of the Department of the Ohio with the rank of major-general. After the Battle of Bull Run he commanded the Army of the Potomac until political considerations and his constitutional unwillingness to attack led Lincoln to remove him in November, 1862. He became the candidate of the combined opposition to Lincoln in 1864 and ran for the Presidency as a man who could secure both peace and union — Lincoln seemed to have sacrificed both — but he ran on a platform that seemed to urge peace even at the cost of union, and was defeated.

¹⁸ See supra, July 27, 1859, note 57. At this time Banks was serving as major-general of volunteers in the Department of the Shenandoah.

¹⁹ Charles P. Stone, graduate of West Point in 1845, had served in the Mexican War and on the Pacific Coast until he resigned in 1856. At the outbreak of the War he was put in command of the District of Columbia. His disaster at Balls Bluff led him to ask a Court of Inquiry, but McClellan exonerated him and the matter was dropped until he was suddenly arrested in February, 1862. See infra, Nov. 1, 1861, note 28.

²⁰ Supra, Oct. 1, 1861, note 9.

²¹ David Hunter, graduate of West Point in 1822, had served in Mexico and on the frontier, had commanded the main column at Bull Run, and was now serving as major-general of volunteers in Missouri under Fremont whom he succeeded on November 2.

²² Supra, Feb. 22, 1860, note 79.

²³ Samuel R. Curtis: West Point graduate of 1831; civil engineer in the West; lawyer of Keokuk, Iowa, 1855-1861; Republican congressman, 1857-1861 ; member of the Peace Convention of 1861; at this time brigadier-general in the Department of the West. He commanded the Department of the Missouri, 1862-1863, the Department of Kansas, 1864-1865, the Department of the Northwest, 1865.

²⁴ Lincoln, after first giving Fremont a chance to recall it himself, had countermanded his order of emancipation of the slaves and confiscation of the property of all Missourians who took up arms against the United States. Lincoln also forbade him to carry out his order to shoot as traitors, after a trial by court martial, all Missourians found with arms in their hands.

SOURCE: Howard K, Beale, Editor, The Diary of Edward Bates, 1859-1866, p. 197-9

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, June 10, 1862

Headquarters 2d Division,

James Island, June 10th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I saw a few moments ago a mail-bag walking off — hailed it, and learned that it was going home, and persuaded it to wait a few seconds until I could inform you that I was still safe in limb and life, though we have brisk times in our new position. Genl. Stevens you will notice now has charge of a division. It is a temporary arrangement arising out of the necessities of the case, but I hope it may result in his confirmation as Major-General. I cannot yet say if we are surely to reach Charleston, but hope so. The fact is, I believe Gen. Rosecrans was not far wrong when he charged Genl. Benham with cowardice, drunkenness, and lying. He was Court Martialed and acquitted, and sent down here to take charge of our little army. Right or wrong all despise him. No one trusts him. If we take Charleston it will not be his fault. This is rather bitter, but it is a shame to put such men in command.

Please send Horace $9.00 as my subscription for the Post. I agreed to write an occasional letter for that journal, but have never done so. I shall feel better when it is paid.

When this matter of taking Charleston shall be either brilliantly consummated, thanks to Wright and Stevens, or shall have fizzled out through the folly of Hunter and Benham, if still safe in life and limb, I trust I shall see you once more, but Quien Sabe. We have fighting every day now and new victims swell the list of the battlefield.

Give my best love, my darling mother, to my sisters and all my dear friends.

Your affec. and sleepy son,

will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 152

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, May 28, 1862

Beaufort, S. C. May 28th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

After 12 o'clock at night, and the certainty of a fatiguing day to-morrow, to be followed still by days in which sleep will be but stingily indulged in — so I must write briefly. At length a prospect is before us of active service. The long dreamed of time has arrived, and the word "Onward to Charleston" has been spoken. Unless a steamer arrives to-morrow from the North, which shall utterly change all plans, on Friday we will make our start. The same steamer that takes you this will likewise make known to you my fate. I trust I may write you from Charleston. The plan of attack is Benham's. Hunter only suffers it. Capt. Elliott is off to-night to destroy the railroad communication between Charleston and Savannah. He is our principal dependence when anything desperate is to be wisely done.

Multitudes of farewell kisses for yourself, sisters, the little boys, and others claiming love, and the kindest remembrances to Hunt, Tom, Walter, Horace, Sam and others.

Good-bye, dear Mother.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 149

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, May 18, 1862

Beaufort, S. C. May 18th, 1862.

My dear Mother:

I am going to write you a short letter to-night, as there are some rumors of business on hand this week, which may not leave me much time for correspondence. If it should turn out a false alarm, I will try and write again shortly. Time is slipping by rapidly, as my clothes testify especially, and unless I soon receive a reinforcement to my stock, I shall look like a “Secesh” after a twelve-month blockade. My present suit, after standing by me nobly for several months, seemed all of a sudden to give out all over, as you know clothes will do at times. Fact is, I supposed I should have been home for a few days long before now, but a favorable moment does not seem to turn up ready made to suit my case exactly. If you have a chance, please send me a cravat, as my own, under the influence of the weather, after passing through a thousand varieties of color, has finally settled into such rueful hues, that I have concluded to beg for another. Any lady that will make me a present of a new cravat, shall receive in exchange the old one as a specimen of what things come to after having been through the wars. A box of tooth-powder would likewise be acceptable as my teeth are getting quite shabby. Never mind, I will come home and get tinkered up one of these days, a thing I am mightily in need of. I wonder whether opening the Port of Beaufort will bring hitherward a large installment of the commerce of the world; if so, never mind about the tooth-powder.

We have all been pleasantly excited by the cunning escape of the negroes from Charleston with the Steamer “Planter.” The pilot, Robert, is the hero of the hour, and is really a most remarkable specimen of the dusky sons of Africa (alias nigger), never using a word of less than three syllables when an opportunity offers.

We all were in the habit of abusing Genl. Sherman in old times, but with customary fickleness, wish him back again now. This last batch of General officers with the “Great Superseder” (Hunter) at the head, is poor trash at best, so that there are few who would not rejoice to have "Uncle Tim" (Sherman) back again, notwithstanding his dyspepsia and peripatetic propensities. This is entre nous, and quite unofficial, for as my superior officer, I must recognize in the “Great Superseder” a miracle of wisdom, forecast and discretion. Oh my, what an illnatured letter! Never mind, behind it all there is lots of love in it for those whose eyes it is likely to meet, and kisses too for my mother, sisters, nephews and others where they would be at once desirable and proper.

The “Connecticut” has arrived, but the mail has not been distributed yet.

Yours affec'y.,

W. T. Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 147-8

Diary of John Hay: June 23, 1864

The President arrived to-day from the front, sunburnt and fagged, but still refreshed and cheered. He found the army in fine health, good position, and good spirits; Grant quietly confident; he says, quoting the Richmond papers, it may be a long summer's day before he does his work, but that he is as sure of doing it as he is of anything in the world. Sheridan is now on a raid, the purpose of which is to sever the connection at junction of the Richmond and Danville Railroads at Burk's, while the army is swinging around to the south of Petersburg and taking possession of the roads in that direction.

Grants says he is not sufficiently acquainted with Hunter to say with certainty whether it is possible to destroy him: but that he has confidence in him that he will not be badly beaten. When McPherson or Sherman or Sheridan or Wilson is gone on any outside expedition, he feels perfectly secure about them, knowing that, while they are liable to any of the ordinary mischances of war, there is no danger of their being whipped in any but a legitimate way.

Brooks says of Grant that he seems to arrive at his conclusions without any intermediate reasoning process — giving his orders with the greatest rapidity and with great detail. Uses the theoretical staff-officers very little.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 209-10. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 210 for the full diary entry.

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, May 23, 1863

Met the President, Stanton, and Halleck at the War Department. Fox was with me. Neither Du Pont nor General Hunter has answered the President's dispatch to them a month since. Halleck does not favor an attack on Charleston unless by the Navy. The army will second, so far as it can. Fox, who commanded the first military expedition to Sumter, is for a renewed attack, and wants the Navy to take the brunt. Stanton wants the matter prosecuted. I have very little confidence in success under the present admiral. It is evident that Du Pont is against doing anything, — that he is demoralizing others, and doing no good in that direction. If anything is to be done, we must have a new commander. Du Pont has talents and capability, but we are to have the benefit of neither at Charleston. The old army infirmity of this war, dilatory action, affects Du Pont. Commendation and encouragement, instead of stimulating him, have raised the mountain of difficulty higher daily. He is nursing Du Pont, whose fame he fears may suffer, and has sought sympathy by imparting his fears and doubts to his subordinates, until all are impressed with his apprehensions. The capture of Charleston by such a chief is an impossibility, whatever may be accomplished by another. This being the case, I have doubts of renewing the attack immediately, notwithstanding the zeal of Stanton and Fox. I certainly would not without some change of officers. Having no faith, the commander can accomplish no work. In the struggle of war, there must sometimes be risks to accomplish results, but it is clear we can expect no great risks from Du Pont at Charleston. The difficulties increase daily [as] his imagination dwells on the subject. Under any circumstances we shall be likely to have trouble with him. He has remarkable address, is courtly, the head of a formidable clique, the most formidable in the Navy, loves intrigue, is Jesuitical, and I have reason to believe is not always frank and sincere. It was finally concluded to delay proceedings until the arrival of General Gillmore, who should be put in possession of our views.

Sumner brought me this P.M. a report in manuscript of the case of the Peterhoff mail. I have read it and notice that the attorney, Delafield Smith, takes the opportunity to say, I doubt not at whose suggestion, that there is no report that the public mails have ever been opened and examined. He does not say there is any report they were not, or that there is any report whatever on the subject. All letters and papers deemed necessary are always examined. Upton well said in reply to Smith that the question had never been raised. Much time was spent in arguing this point respecting the mails. It was reported to Seward, and that point was seized upon, and the question raised, which led the President to call on me for a record of a case where public mails had been searched. Seward's man, Delafield Smith, having learned through Archibald, the British Consul, that the Secretary of State had given up our undoubted right to search the mails, set up the pettifogging pretense that there was no report that captured mails ever had been examined, which Judge Betts did not regard, and Upton correctly said the point had never been raised. The court never asked permission of the Executive to try a prize case; there is no report that they ever asked or did not ask; the right was no more questioned than the right to search the mails.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 309-10

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, April 27, 1863

Finished and gave to the President my letter on the subject of mails on captured vessels. It has occupied almost every moment of my time for a week, aided by Eames, Watkins, and Upton, and by suggestions from Sumner, who has entered earnestly into the subject.

The President was alone when I called on him with the document, which looked formidable, filling thirty-one pages of foolscap. He was pleased and interested, not at all discouraged by my paper; said he should read every word of it, that he wanted to understand the question, etc. He told me Seward had sent in his answer this morning, but it was in some respects not satisfactory, particularly as regarded the Adela. He had sent for Hunter, who, however, did not understand readily the case, or what was wanted.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 286

Diary of John Hay: October 29, 1863

I went down to Willard’s to-day and got from Palmer, who is here, a free ticket to New York and back for Walt. Whitman, the poet, who is going to New York to electioneer and vote for the union ticket.

Saw Garfield and Hunter. Hunter is just starting for the West on a tour of inspection. I would give my chances for to go with him, but Nicolay still stays in the sunset, and I am here with a ball and chain on my leg. . . .

I told the Tycoon that Chase would try to make capital out of this Rosecrans business. He laughed and said, “I suppose he will, like the blue-bottle fly, lay his eggs in every rotten spot he can find.” He seems much amused at Chase’s mad hunt after the Presidency. He says it may win. He hopes the country will never do worse.

I said he should not, by making all Chase’s appointments, make himself particeps criminis.

He laughed on, & said he was sorry the thing had begun, for though the matter did not annoy him, his friends insisted that it ought to.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 112-3; For the whole diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 109-11

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: February 21, 1863

Major-Gen. Hood's division passed through the city to day, and crossed over the river. I hope an attack will be made at Suffolk. It is too menacing a position to allow the invader to occupy it longer.

No attack on Charleston yet, and there is a rumor that the command of the expedition is disputed by Foster and Hunter. If it hangs fire, it will be sure to miss the mark.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 262

Diary of John Hay: Sunday, October 18, 1863

I arrived in Washington to-day after an absence of a little more than two weeks.

On presenting myself to the President this morning . . . . I gave him my impression of the conduct of Mr. C. in trying to cut under in way he k doing, instancing what Denison of New York had related. He said “it was very bad taste, but that he had determined to shut his eyes to all these performances; that Chase made a good Secretary, and that he would keep him where he is: — if he becomes President, all right! I hope we may never have a worse man. I have all along clearly seen his plan of strengthening himself. Whenever he sees that an important matter is troubling me, if I am compelled to decide it in a way to give offence to a man of some influence, he always ranges himself in opposition to me, and persuades the victim that he (C.) would have arranged it very differently. It was so with Gen'l Frémont, — with Gen'l Hunter, when I annulled his hasty proclamation — with Gen'l Butler, when he was recalled from New Orleans, — with the Missouri people when they called the other day. I am entirely indifferent as to his success or failure in these schemes, so long as he does his duty as the head of the Treasury Department.”

He talked of the Missouri matter, and read to me the letter he had written Drake for the Committee. As it will probably be published, I forbear synopsis. It is a superb affair, perfectly just and frank, courteous but immoveable. He will not be bullied even by his friends. He tries to reason with these infuriated people. The world will hear him, if they do not. He read to me a letter which he has to-day written to Gov. Gamble, who, it seems, is anxious to have the President espouse his side of the quarrel, and to recognise him as the State Government, and use the federal authority to crush out the radicals, who, he says, meditate revolution and civil war in Missouri. The President answering says he will be at all times ready to extend to Missouri the protection guaranteed by the Constitution against domestic violence, whenever he (the President) shall see cause to suspect such violence as imminent. He does not so regard it at present. He thinks the instructions given to Gen'l Schofield cover the case.

We got into this vein of talk through my telling him what Joe Gillespie says, and what I myself observed, of the tendency of public opinion in the West, almost universally, in favor of the radicals as against the conservatives in Missouri.

Talking of the military situation, he says Lee probably came up the other day thinking our army weaker than it is, and finding his mistake from the fight at Bristow, is holding off at present. Rosecrans is all right, though somewhat bothered about his supplies.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 108-10; For the whole diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 100-2.

Diary of John Hay: July 16, 1863

Nicolay leaves to-day for the Rocky Mountains. . .  Had a little talk with the President about Milroy. Says Halleck thinks Schenck never had a military idea and never will learn one. Thinks Schenck is somewhat to blame for the Winchester business. President says, however you may doubt or disagree from Halleck, he is very apt to be right in the end. . . .

Gen^l Wadsworth came in. He said in answer to Alexander's question, “Why did Lee escape?” “Because nobody stopped him,” rather gruffly.

Wadsworth says that at a council of war of Corps Commanders, held on Sunday the 12th, he was present on account of the sickness of his Corps Commander, he, Wadsworth, being temporarily in command of the Corps. On the question of fight or no fight, the weight of authority was against fighting. French, Sedgwick, Slocum and —— strenuously opposed a fight. Meade was in favor of it. So was Warren , who did most of the talking on that side, and Pleasonton was very eager for it, as also was Wadsworth himself. The non-fighters thought, or seemed to think, that if we did not attack, the enemy would, and even Meade thought he was in for action, had no idea that the enemy intended to get away at once. Howard had little to say on the subject.

Meade was in favor of attacking in three columns of 20,000 men each. Wadsworth was in favor of doing as Stonewall Jackson did at Chancellorsville, double up the left, and drive them down on Williamsport. I do not question that either plan would have succeeded. Wadsworth said to Hunter who sat beside him: — “General, there are a good many officers of the regular army who have not yet entirely lost the West Point idea of southern superiority. That sometimes accounts for an otherwise unaccountable slowness of attack.”

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 86-8; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 67-8

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, April 23, 1863

Hilton Head, S. C,

April 23, 1863.

MY DEAR NICO:

In yours of the 15th received last night, you say “there was verbal indication of much wrath at the report that Dupont intended to withdraw his fleet and abandon his position.” I was surprised at this. If you have received my different letters you will see why. He would have obeyed orders had he done so. You say we have gained points d'appui for future work. The navy say not. They say they cannot lie off Morris Island to cover the landing of our troops, (or rather the crossing from Folly Island, the only practicable route), without imminent danger of being driven ashore and wrecked by the first northeasterly breeze that comes. It is not for me to say what is, or what is not, possible. My old ideas have been horribly shattered when I have seen two men, each of whom I had formerly considered an oracle on every subject connected with ships, accusing each other of ignorance and charlatanism.

I do not think Dupont is either a fool or a coward. I think there is a great deal of truth in his statement that, while the fight in Charleston harbor demonstrated the great defensive properties of the Monitors, it also proved that they could not be relied upon for aggressive operations.

With an adequate force I think Hunter could dislodge the enemy from Morris Island, and from that point make a hole in Fort Sumter; but even then little has been done. The General is sanguine. He wants a fight. I hope he may have one before I return.

To-day I start for Florida. . . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 83-4; Michael Burlingame, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 37-8 where the entire letter appears.

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, April 16, 1863

Hilton Head, S. C,

April 16, 1863.

MY DEAR NICOLAY:

The General and the Admiral this morning received the orders from Washington directing the continuance of operations against Charleston. The contrast was very great in the manner in which they received them. The General was absolutely delighted. He said he felt more encouraged, and was in better heart and hope than before, at this indication of the earnestness of the government to finish this business here. He said, however, that the Admiral seemed in very low spirits about it. He talked despondingly about it, adhering to the same impressions of the desperate character of the enterprise as I reported to the President after my first interview with him. Perhaps having so strongly expressed his belief that the enterprise was impracticable he feels that he is rebuked by an opposite opinion from Washington.

General Hunter is in the best feather about the matter. He believed before we came back that with the help of the gunboats we could take Morris Island and from that point reduce Fort Sumter; and he is well pleased to have another chance at it. Whether the intention of the government be to reduce Charleston now, with adequate men and means, or by powerful demonstrations to retain a large force of the enemy here, he is equally anxious to go to work again.

I write this entirely confidentially for you and for the President to know the ideas prevalent here.

Gen. Seymour has been with you before this, and has given to the government the fullest information relative to military matters here. His arrival, I suppose, will only confirm the resolution already taken. Admiral Dupont's despatches by the Flambeau of course put a darker shade on the matter than anything Seymour will say, as he was strongly in favor of staying there and fighting it out. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 81-3; Michael Burlingame, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 36-7 where the entire letter appears.