Showing posts with label Flags of Truce. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Flags of Truce. Show all posts

Saturday, May 2, 2020

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes: Sunday, May 29, 1864

Meadow Bluff, Sunday, May 29, 1864.

Dearest: — Still here getting ready — probably delayed some by the change in Department commanders, but chiefly by rains and delays in obtaining supplies. All the brigade now here, camped in sight of where I now sit. We hardly know where we are to come out, but there is a general feeling that unless Grant succeeds soon, we shall turn up in his army.

You notice the compliment to Major Avery, “bravest of the brave.” A good many officers of [the] Twenty-third are talking of going out at the end of the original term, ten days hence. Major McIlrath bid us good-bye this morning. Major Carey is likely to take his place with the veterans of the Twelfth. . . .

My staff now is Lieutenant Hastings, adjutant-general, [Lieutenant William] McKinley, quartermaster, Lieutenant Delay, Thirty-sixth, commissary, and Lieutenant Wood, Thirty-sixth, aide — all nice gentlemen. I enclose Colonel Tomlinson's photograph which he handed me today.

Well, this is a happy time with us. — You must not feel too anxious about me. I shall be among friends.

A flag of truce goes in the morning after our wounded left at Cloyd's Mountain. There were four doctors and plenty of nurses left with them. . . . Love to all the boys.

Affectionately ever,
Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 468-9

Friday, April 17, 2020

Diary of Private Daniel L. Ambrose: November 13, 1861

This morning the steamer Aleck Scott proceeds down the river loaded with the Belmont prisoners, accompanied by federal officers from Cairo, Fort Holt and Bird's Point, for the purpose of consummating an exchange. They are met by the rebel steamer Prince, about half way from Cairo to Columbus, with the Union prisoners, accompanied by a party of Confederate officers, [regailed] in their most dashing colors. Meeting under a flag of truce, the steamers are soon lashed together, and Generals Grant and Polk commence the conference relating to an exchange. The Union officers are in the meantime invited on board the rebel steamer, and are soon mingling promiscuously among the “Southern Empire men.” Friendly, social exchanges were made, but in the language of Tom. Carlyle, “they had their share of wind.” With their gaudy glitter they paced the Prince's deck and vauntingly declared the old Union should die; that they would never surrender to the United States government. The exchange having been consummated, the Aleck Scott and Prince commenced moving in opposite directions, one northward and the other southward. Cheer after cheer rolled from each steamer as they separated. Ere long these men will engage in the carnival of blood. How sad to know that these fostered men, beneath the shadow of the flag, should thus assail the country that gave them birth. The Seventh's officers, Colonel Cook, Lieutenant Colonel Babcock, Major Rowett, Captains Monroe, Mendell, Holden, Allen and Hunter, Lieutenants Johnson, Church, Ring, Smith, Roberts, and others, are now landed at Fort Holt from the steamer Aleck Scott, much elated with their trip to Dixie. From what we can learn, they have been "funny fellows” to-day, but this is neither here nor there. These officers, with their glittering gold, their dangling swords, their feathery plumes and manly faces, carryed with them an impression that will forsooth be the cause of forbodings to the traitors. We imagine that they will have unpleasant dreams to-night.

SOURCES: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 18-20

Sunday, March 1, 2020

William Bross* to Simon Cameron, December 30, 1861

Tribune Office,
Chicago, Ill., Dec. 30, 1861
Hon. SIMON CAMERON
Sec. of War

Dear Sir

Evidence entirely satisfactory to myself and Associate Editors of the Tribune has become so convincing that Gen U. S. Grant commanding at Cairo is an inebriate, that I deem it my duty to call your attention to the matter. The inclosed anonymous letter would not deserve a moment's attention, were not facts abundant from other sources that what the writer says is true. His treatment to myself refered to in the first paragraph I care nothing about, but I was satisfied that he would not have acted as he did, had he been sober. The names on the second page of the letter may assist you to get at the facts. We think it best to call your attention to this painful matter, rather than to attack Gen. Grant in the Tribune. As you may not know me personally I refer to Dr Chas V. Dyer & His Excellency President Lincoln

Your Obt. Servt.
WM. BROSS

Respectfully referred to the President.
SIMON CAMERON.
War Dept.
January 4, 1861.
_______________

On Jan. 4, 1862, Cameron forwarded the letter to President Abraham Lincoln. The anonymous letter is no longer available, but was once the subject of a newspaper article which quoted excerpts. “Your Mr. Bross who was so badly treated here by General Grant and by Captain Lagow ought not to influence you against others of General Grant's staff officers.” The writer went on to accuse Grant of frequently being too drunk to fill his station and of “being perfectly inebriate under a flag of truce with rebels.” The letter continued: “All these things are facts which the world ought to know. Until we can secure pure men in habits and men without secesh wives with their own little slaves to wait upon them, which is a fact here in this camp with Mrs. Grant, our country is lost.” — Robert Anderson, "A New Lincoln Letter," Chicago Sunday Tribune Magazine, Jan. 14, 1962, p. 45.

On Jan. 4, Lincoln endorsed the anonymous letter. “Bross would not knowingly misrepresent. Gen. Grant was appointed chiefly on the recommendation of Hon. E. B. Washburne—Perhaps we should consult him”

On Jan. 6, Cameron added his endorsement. “Respectfully referred to Hon. E. B. Washburne, with the request that he will return these papers to the Dept.”
_______________

* Of the Chicago Tribune.


SOURCES: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant: Volume 4: January 8-March 31, 1862, p. 118-9; Washburne, E. B. E. B. Washburne Papers: Bound volumes, letters received; ; Dec. 6-31, undated. 1861. Manuscript/Mixed Material. https://www.loc.gov/item/mss44651.020/. Image #'s 296, 297, 298.

Thursday, November 21, 2019

Release of Rebel Prisoners

The Secretary of War has, it is stated issued an order stopping the release or parole of prisoners taken at Fort Donelson.  It is known that an agreement for the exchange of prisoners was made some weeks ago, under the direction of the Secretary of War, by General Wool with General Cobb, by which all of our prisoners were to be delivered the next day under a flag of truce.  A boat was sent to receive them, but no prisoners were brought down. The same was repeated for two days without success.  Explanations were demanded by Gen. Wool, but none were furnished.  Pending this breach of faith by the rebels all release or exchange will be refused by our Government.

SOURCE: “Release of Rebel Prisoners,” The Nashville Daily Union, Nashville, Tennessee, Sunday, April 13, 1862, p. 1

Friday, June 14, 2019

Governor John A. Andrew to Edwin M. Stanton, May 19, 1862

Boston, May 19,1862.
Hon. Edwin M. Stanton,
Secretary of War, Washington, D. C.:

Sir, — I have this moment received a telegram in these words, viz: —

The Secretary of War desires to know how soon you can raise and organize three or four more infantry regiments and have them ready to be forwarded here to be armed and equipped. Please answer immediately and state the number you can raise.

L. Thomas, Adjutant-General.

A call so sudden and unforewarned finds me without materials for an intelligent reply. Our young men are all preoccupied by other views. Still, if a real call for three regiments is made I believe we can raise them in forty days. The arms and equipments would need to be furnished here. Our people have never marched without them. They go into camp while forming into regiments and are drilled and practised with arms and march as soldiers. To attempt the other course would dampen enthusiasm and make the men feel that they were not soldiers, but a mob. Again, if our people feel that they are going into the South to help fight rebels, who will kill and destroy them by all the means known to savages, as well as civilized man; will deceive them by fraudulent flags of truce and lying pretences (as they did the Massachusetts boys at Williamsburg), will use their negro slaves against them, both as laborers and as fighting men, while they themselves must never fire at an enemy's magazine I think that they will feel that the draft is heavy on their patriotism.

But, if the President will sustain General Hunter,1 recognize all men, even black men, as legally capable of that loyalty the blacks are waiting to manifest, and let them fight, with God and human nature on their side, the roads will swarm if need be with multitudes whom New England would pour out to obey your call.

Always ready to do my utmost, I remain most faithfully,

Your obedient servant,
John A. Andrew.
____________________

1 Lincoln's proclamation, cancelling Hunter's, bears the same date with this letter of Andrew's, May 19.

SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A. Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 2, p. 11-13

Saturday, January 5, 2019

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, November 15, 1861

Private
Wabash, 15, Nov. 61
Port Royal.     
Dear Mr. Fox,

The Atlantic goes to-morrow to return. She takes my detailed official report and correct map of the battle. Instead of our work wearing away with time, the achievement seems more appreciated by visitors to the forts than ever.

We were rejoiced by O. M. Pettit and Ellen coming in yesterday, they are worth their weight in Gold.

I send you a facsimile of the S. C. Ordinance of Secession with the Cartes de visite of the conspirators, for Mr. Welles, taken from Gen. Drayton's headquarters. We have his military map too, with the forts marked on the rivers &c.

Sherman sent a flag of truce yesterday to a place called the ferry, 7 or 8 miles from Beaufort where I sent his messengers by gun boat. They were cooly recd and it was not wise to send the message. It was elicited by some one a Br [sic] subject asking for protection.

Ought Sherman to have issued a proclamation without my knowledge? I like him but I think Stevens a tortuous man and very smart.

If we were to withdraw our naval and physical protection this army would be prisoners of war in 4 weeks. I don't believe a white man who robs a negro of his subsistence will fight.

Missroon came in to-day, (not his ship) and he has gone off again. I was glad to see him and sent for John Rodgers. The Tybee Isl is fortified and requires a 9-ft draft to approach it and they deem it impossible to put the stone there except under very strong covering with many gunboats, no covering with the frigates. We can put the vessels on the outer bar and you can send them here. I will see further tomorrow.

Curlew must go home. It would be throwing away 45000$ to give that for her. Watmough is grieved at losing his command but in character with himself pronounces her unfit. Will you say to Mr. Welles and to yrself that I would esteem it a particular favor if you will give Lt. Watmough a Gunboat and send him out immediately to me?

I look upon him as the first man afloat of his age — he will be very important.

Connecticut in to day—R Island yesterday. I will write an official letter about Beaufort. Waiting for soldiers to go to Fernandina. I doubt if they dare leave. I think I can hold it with the Marines. Very tired. Excuse this hurried letter.

Ever yrs faithfully
S. F. DP.

I asked Sherman to call Fort Walker, Fort Welles. I think he will do it. Davis saw this fort for the first time yesterday and says they ought to have whipped us.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 71-3

Tuesday, July 10, 2018

Gustavus V. Fox to Montgomery Blair, April 17, 1861

Baltic, 17th April
At Sea, 1861  
Dr Blair,

As I have no writing materials and wish to save tomorrow's mail I use a pencil.

Monday at 6 P.M. of the 8th we dropped down to Sandy Hook and anchored for the night, being too late for the tide. One of my tugs went to sea Sunday night, another one followed the Baltic, and the 3d I left in the hands of Russell Sturgis, to send on if he could charter her, the owner, like many others, being shaky at the last moment. At 8 A.M. of the 9th inst. we discharged the pilot and had constant steady bad weather and heavy sea. At 3 A.M. of the 12th reached the rendezvous 10 miles east of Charleston light — found only the H. Lane. At 6 A.M. saw the Pawnee coming in; boarded her and intimated to her Comdr that I was going in to offer to land provisions, asked him to stand in with me. He said his orders were to remain 10 miles east of the light and await the Powhatan. I took the H. Lane as an escort, and as we drew in saw that the forts had all opened fire upon Sumpter and that Major Anderson was replying gallantly. Seeing a stm'r off the bar, supposed to be the Isabel, I notified Capt. Faunce of the H. Lane and he started after her. It proved to be the Nashville from N. York.

I stood out in the Baltic to let Capt. Rowan of the Pawnee know that firing had commenced. I met him, however, coming in. Though he had expressed himself very averse to doing anything to commence the war, he now seemed willing to go in with his vessel if we had a pilot. I advised both vessels to go close in to the swash channel and anchor, which was done, and as the heavy sea and wind had moderated a little, I thought we had better attempt a couple of boats of provisions this night, the 12th, but as the Powhatan and Pocahontas had not arrived and the Pawnee and Lane were both short of hands and we had but one gun launch, the Pawnee's, I was overruled and consented upon the gallant promise of the officers that they would escort me in after daylight in the morning, defying their batteries. This was their proposition. The vessels of war remained at anchor at the Swash whilst I stood out to the rendezvous for the night in hopes of meeting the Powhatan and Pocahontas. It blew very heavy all night with a great swell and towards morning a thick fog. As Capt. Fletcher of the Baltic returned towards the anchorage, near daylight, he ran onto the Rattlesnake Shoal, but soon got off. The waves run so high that we were obliged to anchor some four miles outside of the war vessels, and having this sea it was impossible to load the boats. I took a boat at 8 A.M. 13th inst., and with the senior army officer Lt. Hudson, we pulled in to the Pawnee. As we drew near I saw, with horror, black volumes of smoke issuing from Sumpter. The barbarians, to their everlasting disgrace be it said, redoubled their fire, and through the flames and smoke the noble band of true men continued their response. The severe weather during the forenoon having prevented us using boats, Capt. Rowan captured an ice schooner and offered it to me to carry in the provisions and men. I accepted it and the night of the 13th I should certainly have gone in, and as certainly been knocked to pcs. My tug boats I knew could not have reached Charleston in the weather we had experienced since leaving N. York, and the Powhatan, I now learned, by a note from Capt. Mercer to Capt. Rowan, dated the 7th (I left the 8th, Rowan left the 9th, Gillis the 10th) that the Powhatan was “detached from duty off Charleston.” As she had the 300 sailors I asked for, and the howitzers and fighting launches, and the other ships of war were simply ordered to await her arrival 10 miles off, you will see that some one determined to utterly extinguish the expedition. I do not think I have deserved this treatment, and at present will not speak as I have felt, and now feel. At about 2 P.M. the Pocahontas arrived, just in time to witness the surrender of Fort Sumpter. I immediately suggested a flag of truce to be sent to offer a passage to Major A. and his command, which was done. Had the Powhatan arrived the 12th we should have had the men and provisions into Fort Sumpter, as I had everything ready, boats, muffled oars, small packages of provisions, in fact everything but the 300 sailors promised to me by the dept. A tug would have accomplished it, but with more risk alongside of the Fort. Capt. Foster the Eng. of Fort Sumpter says we would have got in and so does Hartstein of their navy. You know military people all told the Prest we could not get in, but if we did, the Fort was impregnable. In both instances were they wrong. Sumpter's fire had dispersed their naval preparations and they trusted entirely to their batteries and those light boats to illuminate the channel. What can be said of the builders of the fort? The burning of the officers' quarters has almost ruined the gorge wall, so that a few days more fire would have tumbled it all to pcs. One shot from Cummings point (where Cullum said it never could be breached) went entirely through the wall of the gorge. Another shot passed through an inside wall and struck below the door of the magazine, shattering the wall, so as to prevent the opening of the door, at the same time the flames nearly reached this door. In fact they all expected to be blown up. The coupe next to Cummings point is very severely handled and would soon have been a breach. So that this impregnable fort, with 33 guns and 17 mortars, playing upon it for only 34 hours, is injured $400,000 worth and actually burned as much as battered. I think these facts will make a stir, for not one was ever presented in all the discussion we had. The officers and men from the Major down have covered themselves with glory. A fort of 60 fighting men, surrounded by 9000 men, and a circle of fortifications kept up the first day gun for gun with them and on the 2 replied, though from 8 A.M. until 2 P.M. the fort was a mass of smoke through which, and in which, they fought.

I told the Major how anxious the Prest was that they (S.C.) should stand before the civilized world as having fired upon bread, yet they had made the case much worse for themselves as they knew the Major would leave the 15th at noon for want of provisions (see his correspondence), yet they opened upon 60 men and continued it whilst the fort was burning. The "World" (N. Y.) correspondent came down in the H. Lane and is now with us, and as he is the only reporter on board and is continually with the officers I imagine he will have a faithful account. As several ships brigs and schooners and one N. Y. stmr were detained at the bar by the conflict, it was believed to be a whole fleet for the relief of Sumpter with 9000 men on board. Whereas there was the Pawnee and H. Lane with one 12 lb. launch gun and on board the Baltic 200 RECRUITS only two or three of whom ever saw a gun, sent by the Gen1 in Chief, and the flag ship with her power and efficiency sent away without any intimation conveyed to the other vessels, all of which sailed subsequently to this change. Sunday the Major delivered up the fort after saluting his flag with 50 guns, which he intended to be 100, but a premature explosion killed two men and wounded three others, the only casualties of the whole battle. Monday, at noon, he and his command, and the flag (I enclose a pce) came off in the Isabel stmr and were transferred to this vessel when we sailed, all the vessels saluting. Excepting from the time of the surrender to the transfer, we have had a gale of wind just now abating (midnight).

The men in the fort, though on Pork and Rice, never flinched or grumbled, even when fire was added. I think the Prest will keenly approve the Major's course. As for our expedition, somebody's influence has made it ridiculous.

Very truly
G. V. FOX.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 31-5

Tuesday, July 3, 2018

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Mrs. Delany, July 26, 1863

Camp White, West Virginia, July 26, 1863

Mrs. Delany: — I have seen several officers and men who were with your husband at Wytheville. His company led the attack on the town. Captain Delany's horse was killed under him and some think he was slightly wounded soon after the attack began. Captain Delany continued the attack, encouraging his men by his example until he was killed instantly by a ball in his head. His body was taken to a house outside of the town, and it is a gratification to know that it was left in charge of Father Heidekamp, a friend of your husband, who is in charge of a parish at Wytheville.

I will get together the property of your husband and send it to you as soon as practicable.

A flag of truce will be sent towards Wytheville when further particulars will be known.

Sincerely,
R. B. Hayes,                       
Colonel Commanding First Brigade.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 423-4

Sunday, July 1, 2018

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 27, 1863

Nothing additional has been heard from either Bragg's or Lee's army. But the positions of both seem quite satisfactory to our government and people. How Rosecrans can get off without the loss of half his army, stores, etc., military authorities are unable to perceive; and if Meade advances, there is a universal conviction that he will be beaten.

But there is an excitement in the city. It is reported that the United States flag of truce steamer is down the river, having on board no less a personage than Mr. Seward, United States Secretary of State, and that Mr. Benjamin, and other dignitaries of the Confederate States, are going off this morning to meet him. Of course it is conjectured that terms of peace will be discussed, and an infinite variety of opinions are expressed in relation to them. Some suppose the mission grows out of foreign complications, of which, as yet, we can have no knowledge, and that, to maintain the vantage ground of France or England, or both, Mr. Seward may have a scheme of recognition and alliance, etc., looking to the control of affairs on this continent by the United States and Confederate States in conjunction, with commercial arrangements, etc. Both Seward and Benjamin are regarded by their uncharitable enemies as alike destitute of principle, and of moral or physical courage, and hence that they would have no hesitation in agreeing to any terms likely to be mutually advantageous — to themselves. They are certainly men of great intellectual power, and if they are not strictly honest, as much may be said of the greatest diplomats who have played conspicuous parts in the field of diplomacy during the last century. They may sacrifice men, and castles, etc., as skillful players do chessmen, with no particle of feeling for the pieces lost, for equivalents, etc. Nevertheless, nothing can be finally consummated without the concurrence of all the co-ordinate branches of both governments, and the acquiescence of the people. But these gentlemen are fully aware of the anxiety of both peoples (if so they may be called) for peace, and they may, if they choose, strike a bargain which will put an end to the manslaughter which is deluging the land with blood. Then both governments can go into bankruptcy. It may be a humbug.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 53-4

Wednesday, May 9, 2018

Official Reports of the Action at and Surrender of Murfreesborough, Tenn., July 13, 1862: No. 2. — Report of Brigadier-General Thomas T. Crittenden, U.S. Army, commanding at Murfreesborough.

No. 2.

Report of Brig. Gen. T. T. Crittenden, U.S. Army, commanding at Murfreesborough.

I submit the following report of the affair of July 13, 1862, at Murfreesborough, Tenn.:

While at Athens, Ala., I received the special order of Major-General Buell assigning me to the command of the post of Murfreesborough, and went there as speedily as possible. I arrived there on the same train with Colonel Duffield, of the Ninth Michigan, on July 11. The next day I assumed command of the post and Colonel Duffield of the Twenty-third Brigade. Having no instructions, and knowing nothing of the affairs at the post, I had several interviews with Col. [Henry C.] Lester [Third Minnesota], then in command, and from his statements, made both to myself and Colonel Duffield, it was evident that he apprehended no danger. He stated that the only points from which the enemy could approach were McMinnville and Lebanon, that there was no force between Chattanooga and Murfreesborough, and that Morgan's force was far beyond Lebanon, en route for Kentucky.

Colonel Lester had separated his forces on or about June 23, 1862, leaving five companies of the Ninth Michigan and about 80 men of the Seventh Pennsylvania Cavalry at the old camp, and removing the Third Minnesota Regiment and Hewett's First Kentucky Battery (four guns) about 1¼ miles northwest of the former camp. This was the whole force there on July 13, except one company Ninth Michigan posted in the court-house as provost-guard, altogether numbering about 950 effective men.

I appointed Lieut. [Henry M.] Duffield, Ninth Michigan, acting assistant adjutant-general, Lieut. C. H. Blakey, who had been previously acting, having left for Minnesota on recruiting service on July 12.

Lieutenant Duffield, under my orders, proceeded at once to prepare a morning report, but did not complete it that day.

I then went with Colonel Duffield to look for a proper camp for the whole force, as I would not permit it to remain separated. I found the water, the scarcity of which Colonel Lester assigned as the reason for such division, abundant to supply 5,000 men and a good camp ground within a quarter of a mile of the former camp. I examined other camp sites, but preferred the first, and ordered Colonel Duffield to concentrate his force there.

The same day I rode out with the officer of the day and made an examination of the pickets. Being dissatisfied with its strength and locations, I directed Major Seibert, commanding the cavalry, to double his cavalry force on all the roads to Lebanon and McMinnville, which he did, but withdrew them at night, in accordance with the custom and orders of Colonel Lester under which he had previously acted, of which custom and order I was entirely ignorant. There was no such order on the order-book, it being merely verbal. I had doubled the cavalry on the points of danger, as a temporary strengthening of the pickets, until next day, when I had ordered a much larger detail for picket duty from the infantry. My temporary headquarters were opposite to and about 75 yards from the court-house.

I have been informed that Colonel Lester had some intelligence of a cavalry force of the enemy assembling near McMinnville, but he did not inform me nor did I have any information of impending danger. I found things negligently and loosely done at the post and attempted to remedy all the negligence I saw there.

At daylight of July 13 General Forrest, with 2,500 cavalry, consisting of four regiments and one battalion — among them the First and Second Georgia and Seventh Texas, having marched 48 miles between noon of the 12th and that time — surrounded and captured the pickets on one of the roads to McMinnville without the firing of a gun, rushed at full speed into the camp of the Seventh Pennsylvania Cavalry and into the court-house square and streets of the town. Passing through the cavalry camp they attacked the Ninth Michigan, which was ready to receive them. Severe fighting at this point resulted in driving the enemy back some 300 yards after repeated assaults, both sides losing heavily.

Colonel Duffield, commanding Twenty-third Brigade, was severely wounded early in the action and carried from the field. He was paroled at once, and I have had no report from him.

Lieutenant-Colonel Parkhurst, commanding the Ninth Michigan, after holding his camp nearly eight hours against superior numbers, finding the enemy were surrounding him with their whole force and having no hope of re-enforcement (not receiving any reply to several messages for assistance sent by him to Colonel Lester), surrendered his force, then reduced to 134 men. This fragment of a regiment, under its gallant lieutenant-colonel (Parkhurst), fought splendidly, and deserves honorable mention. Their loss was 11 killed, 86 wounded, and 36 missing.

Company B, Ninth Michigan, the provost guard, made a resolute defense of the court house for three hours during repeated assaults, killing 12 and wounding 18 of the enemy. They did not surrender until the court-house was set on fire. During these hours of suspense only an occasional shot was heard from the Third Minnesota and Hewett's battery. Of course their comparative quiet showed that they were not attacked in three. From the reports of Colonel Lester and Captain Hewett and from other sources I learned that their commands turned out promptly, marched unattacked nearly half a mile, and were there halted by Colonel Lester. Except slight changes of position, they remained there from 4.30 a.m. until 2.30 p.m., twice or three times menaced by small squads and once attacked by about 300 cavalry. The latter were repulsed by the fire of the skirmishers and one volley from two companies on the left flank of the regiment. Within three-quarters of a mile of their position they heard the fighting at the court-house for three hours and during seven hours and a half' the fight at the Michigan camp.

The Third Minnesota was a splendidly drilled regiment. The officers and men were anxious to fight, but Colonel Lester held them there without seeing any enemy in force. Colonel Lester received two dispatches from Lieutenant-Colonel Parkhurst, begging for aid, but would afford none. When all was lost except his own command Colonel Lester went under a flag of truce to see Colonel Duffield, and there saw the enemy, who had not dared to come within range of his artillery, and was so impressed with what he saw that he returned, determined to surrender. This is proved by his calling a council of his company commanders and his lieutenant-colonel [Chauncey W. Griggs]. They, by a viva-voce vote, decided to fight. Part of them went from the council. Colonel Lester reopened and reargued the matter. A ballot vote was taken and the force was surrendered. This was done by the statements and influence of Colonel Lester. Lieutenant-Colonel Griggs bitterly opposed the surrender and voted against it to the last. Not a man was killed in the line of the Third Minnesota during the day. I state the facts without comment.

With a few men I held my headquarters until after the court-house was taken. I early sent a messenger, in citizen's clothes, with orders to Colonel Duffield, but he could not pass through the enemy's lines. They had my quarters surrounded from the time they entered the square. I submit copies of reports made to me and refer to them. I respectfully demand a court of inquiry into the disaster at Murfreesborough.

T. T. CRITTENDEN,            
Brigadier-General, late Commanding Post.
Lieut. Col. J.P. GARESCHÉ,
Assistant Adjutant-General and Chief of Staff.

[Indorsement.]

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE CUMBERLAND,
Nashville, Tenn., November 26, 1862.

Respectfully forwarded to the Adjutant-General of the Army, with the request that this case may receive prompt attention and that Colonel Lester be ignominiously dismissed the service.* As Capt. [John A.]  Tanner is under my command, I propose to avail myself of the authority delegated to me by the Secretary of War and shall dismiss him. General Crittenden I will order to duty.

W. S. ROSECRANS,            
Major-General, U.S. Volunteers, Comdg. Department.
_______________

* Dismissed December 1, 1862.

Dismissed to date September 22, 1862.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 16, Part 1 (Serial No. 22), p. 794-6

Monday, May 7, 2018

Official Reports of the Action at and Surrender of Murfreesborough, Tenn., July 13, 1862: No. 9. — Report of Colonel Henry C. Lester, Third Minnesota Infantry

No. 9.

Report of Col. Henry C. Lester, Third Minnesota Infantry.

LIEUTENANT: I have the honor to report the share taken by my regiment in the action at Murfreesborough, Tenn, on Sunday, July 13, 1862.

The attack was made about daylight upon the camp of the Ninth Michigan, the pickets having been captured without firing a shot. With the first alarm my regiment was formed in line and marched from camp toward town, for the purpose of effecting a junction with the other troops, the camping ground of the two regiments having been necessarily separated about 1½ miles in consequence of scarcity of water. We had proceeded nearly half a mile when the enemy appeared in force in the woods in our front, and also upon our left flank. Line of battle was at once formed upon the crest of a hill and we opened upon the enemy with shell. The firing was principally directed to the woods in front, where they were evidently forming for a charge. In the mean time a small force had made its way through a corn field on our left and attacked our camp, which, after a sharp skirmish with the camp guard they took, killing or capturing the guard and firing the tents. Some time was passed in shelling the woods, when a train arrived from Nashville, and was only stopped when it had reached a point opposite our position and distant from it about 100 yards. As soon as the enemy had seen the train pass they commenced to tear up the track between it and Nashville, and were repeatedly driven off by the artillery. A charge was made upon our left from the woods, but was easily repulsed, with some loss to the enemy. At this time a scout returned from the camp of the Ninth Michigan, reporting the enemy in strong three on the Lebanon road between the Michigan regiment and our position; and as the force in front seemed to be still too strong to attempt to push through with any prospect of success I determined to maintain my own position for the present. The firing in town having ceased for some time I sent a scout through the corn field to try and get news from our friends, but the effort was unsuccessful, the enemy being still in strong force on the Lebanon road. Shortly after a soldier of the Ninth Michigan came through and reported his regiment as having surrendered. Thereupon we fell back to a farm-house a short distance in our rear, which being surrounded by a fence I expected to make as strong as possible and to hold until the end.

While taking up our new position a flag of truce appeared, borne by yourself, and sent at the request of Colonel Duffield, commanding Twenty-third Brigade, for the purpose of procuring an interview with me. I returned to town with the flag and had an interview with the colonel commanding, in which I learned that we were attacked by the rebel General Forrest with a brigade of cavalry. Learning from the Colonel that the enemy were in overwhelming force, and that even should the road be uninjured the forces at Nashville were absent upon an expedition and that there was no hope of re-enforcements, at his suggestion I agreed to refer the matter of surrender to my officers. Accordingly the matter was represented to them as derived from Colonel Duffield, and the great majority, looking upon further resistance as involving the certainty of an ultimate defeat with great loss, and with no possibility of an escape or assistance, it was decided to surrender, which was done at 3.30 p.m.

The force surrendered by me consisted of about 450 infantry. The enemy's force consisted of about 2,600 troops, together with some hundreds of citizens of the country between McMinnville and Murfreesborough, being in all about 3,000 men.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant.

H. C. LESTER,          
Colonel, Commanding Third Minnesota.
Lieut. H. M. DUFFIELD,
Acting Assistant Adjutant-General, Twenty-third Brigade.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 16, Part 1 (Serial No. 22), p. 807-8

Sunday, April 1, 2018

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 7, 1863

Batteries Wagner and Gregg and Fort Sumter have been evacuated! But this is not yet the capture of Charleston. Gen. Beauregard telegraphed yesterday that he was preparing (after thirty-six hours' incessant bombardment) to evacuate Morris Island; which was done, I suppose, last night. He feared the loss of the garrisons, if he delayed longer; and he said Sumter was silenced. Well, it is understood the great Blakely is in position on Charleston wharf. If the enemy have no knowledge of its presence, perhaps we shall soon have reports from it.

Gen. Lee, it is said, takes two corps d’armée to Tennessee, leaving one in Virginia. But this can be swelled to 50,000 men by the militia, conscripts, etc., which ought to enable us to stand a protracted siege, provided we can get subsistence. Fortune is against us now.

Lieut.-Col. Lay reports great defection in North Carolina, and even says half of Raleigh is against “the Davis Government.”

The Secretary of War has called upon the Governor for all the available slave labor in the State, to work on the defenses, etc.

The United States flag of truce boat came up to City Point last night, bringing no prisoners, and nothing else except some dispatches, the nature of which has not yet transpired.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 36

Thursday, March 22, 2018

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, December 22, 1862

Camp Near Falmouth, Va.
Dec. 22nd, 1862.
My dear Mother:

Since the late disastrous affair at Fredericksburg, as before, I look in vain for some tidings from you. These mails! As for me, it is of less importance, for the letters you write me will eventually reach me, but with you I hope that long ere this, you may have had the pleasant tidings of my safety throughout the late battle. Of that fight I have not words to express my indignation. It was so uncalled for. Not being a participant myself, only an anxious witness, I can fully appreciate the terrible character of the massacre. No one was more desirous than I for an onward movement, but not for such an one. The idea of an attempt directly in the front was scouted at by those who professed to know, as sheer madness, concerning which the result could not be doubtful. Yet it was attempted, but at whose orders we cannot tell. Rumors reach us of the resignation of Lincoln's Cabinet. God grant this be true. We may fall into worse hands, but there is the hope of something better. I have lost faith in Halleck, and for this reason. Last summer I wrote Walter I had cheered the last time for McClellan. I did this on the authority of Gen. Halleck. Halleck was an unsuccessful competitor of Stevens for the honors of his class. At Newport News Halleck had an interview with Stevens, the result of which I afterwards learned. In this interview Halleck represented McClellan as solely responsible for the misfortunes of the Peninsula; represented that McClellan had received everything from the administration he had requested; that McClellan was responsible for the division in his command, resulting in the creation of McDowell's Department. This and much else against McClellan, which Halleck's subsequent report, and the revelations from the McDowell Court of Inquiry, prove to have been base and malignant falsehoods. Since then it has been my good fortune to have been twice in battle under McClellan. How admirably those battles were planned and executed, I, who have seen so much mismanagement, so many defeats, know best how to appreciate. Therefore I say, as I heard a rebel officer once say “God bless old Stonewall Jackson,” ‘God bless McClellan.” We have had enough of Halleck — and disgrace.

Mother, do not wonder that my loyalty is growing weak. I love the Nation too well to willingly pardon the “unfortunate Abraham Lincoln” as the London Times so aptly calls him. With resources enough to have long since ended the controversy, with resources enough to end it before the opening of Spring, sixty years will not end it if we are obliged to sustain the paltry policy of the administration. I am sick and tired of disaster, and the fools that bring disaster upon us. I believe Burnside to be brave and honest, a good soldier and worthy of honor, but I know that no one in this country has a heartier esteem for McClellan than he. No one bends more to McClellan than Gen. Burnside. The President I doubt not is honest, but “let the shoemaker stick to the last.” Let Lincoln turn his talents to splitting rails. I prefer George McClellan to Abraham Lincoln, as the Commander-in-Chief of the Army. The same energy, the same good-sense, the same foresight exhibited by us that the South has shown, and the rebellion is a dead letter. The same fatal disregard of common sense on our part, and the Southern independence is won. At least so I feel, and so I write strongly, who so earnestly pray for the triumph of our cause.

I have just received your letter, and feel truly thankful to learn you had heard of my safety previous to the arrival of my own letter written the day after we recrossed the Rappahannock. Day before yesterday I was on picket, and saw several officers of the rebel service who came to our lines under a flag of truce. One of them who came from near Atlanta, told me he knew Alfred Tyler; that it was a mistake that Alfred was on Gen. Lawton's staff; that, on the contrary, he still was employed on the Macon and Atlanta R. R., and was reputed to be one of the truest supporters of the Southern movement in his district. The same officer, Capt. McBride, appeared to know enough of Tyler's family and family affairs to make his statement worthy of credit. The same officer further told me that among the brave officers of his army that fell at Fredericksburg, was Henry Lord King, whom you will remember was an old admirer of Sarah Phelps. King fell, pierced by nine minie balls, in the attack made on our left (Franklin's Division). Morrison professes to be a strong supporter of mine now. He says that there had been so much intriguing in the Regiment, that he suspected me for some time, but my action with regard to More has fully satisfied him, and he professes himself anxious to serve me in any way. What the professions are worth I have yet to learn.

Give my best, my dearest love to my sisters. Tell Uncle Phelps that I leave my proposition to be settled according to his judgment, and with best love to him and all my friends, I remain,

Your affec. son,
W. T. Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 254-7

Saturday, March 17, 2018

John Brown at Harper's Ferry: The Fight at the Engine-House, as Seen By One of His Prisoners.*

As to John Brown and his appearance at Harper's Ferry, probably there is no one now living who can tell more of that affair than myself, as I then lived at Harper's Ferry, and was a prisoner of Brown's until rescued by General Robert E. Lee, then colonel in the United States Army. Prior to Brown's sudden appearance at the Ferry, there had been seen by the neighbors small squads of men with picks and spades moving about the mountain-sides, making small excavations here and there, pretending to be looking for gold, of which they declared the mountains were full.

They went repeatedly to the small property-owners, trying to buy land, until all the neighborhood was much excited, and they had succeeded in diverting the minds of the people from their real object.

These men had rented a house near the Ferry, where they were seen in small parties, but never in such large numbers as to excite suspicion.

Some of them often came to the Ferry, but they excited no suspicion, as strangers were always there viewing the scenery and Government works. Brown himself was said to have been seen there often, but I do not recollect meeting him, and feel sure his appearance would have made an impression on me. When his plans were matured, by the aid of one Cook, who was a citizen of the town, he determined to make his invasion to release the negroes of Virginia from servitude.

His descent upon the town was in this wise: On Sunday night, Oct. 16, 1859, about twelve or one o'clock, the gate-keeper of the bridge over the Potomac leading into Maryland was startled by the steady tramp of many men approaching the gate, having with them wagons, who, upon reaching the gate, ordered it to be opened to them. This the gate-keeper refused to do, saying they were strangers. They, however, while parleying with him, seized him and, presenting a pistol at his head, compelled him to be silent. They then wrenched off the locks and came over, he thinks about sixty strong, though he was evidently frightened and could not speak with accuracy.

Upon getting over, the first building taken possession of was the depot of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, then in charge of a very trusty negro, who slept in the building. Upon Brown's men demanding admittance, he refused to let them come in, saying he was in charge, and his instructions were to let no one in at night. He was then shot down, a negro faithful to his trust being the first victim of those whose mission it was to free the African race from bondage.

Brown's party next proceeded to the hotel, rapped up the landlord, put him under arrest, and placed guards at the doors, so that no one could go out or come in. All this was in perfect quiet at dead of night. They went next to place guards at the arsenal and armories, and fix their pickets at all the streets, so that no one could come or go who was not at once picked up and placed with an armed guard over him and compelled to be silent.

Next they divided their force, sending Cook with some men to seize Colonel Washington and other slaveholders. These gentlemen Brown's party waked from sleep and compelled to go with them as prisoners, at the same time taking all the slaves they could find, carriages, horses, etc.
With the prisoners and property they had collected, they returned to Harper's Ferry before daylight, and thence across the bridge into Maryland and Pennsylvania. The gentlemen arrested were left as prisoners with John Brown. This seems to have been the programme for the night; now as to my introduction to John Brown, and what occurred afterwards.

About daylight one of my servants came to my room door and told me “there was war in the street.” I, of course, got up at once, dressed, and went out, my dwelling being immediately on the street. Upon looking round I saw nothing exciting. The only person in view was a man from the country, who was riding rapidly, and I supposed he had lost some of his negroes, who had been stopped at the gate of the bridge and made fight.

I walked towards my office, then just within the armory inclosure, and not more than a hundred yards from my dwelling. As I proceeded I saw a man come out of an alley near me, then another, and another, all coming towards me. When they came up to me I inquired what all this meant; they said, nothing, only they had taken possession of the Government works.

I told them they talked like crazy men. They answered, “Not so crazy as you think, as you will soon see.” Up to this time I had not seen any arms; presently, however, the men threw back the short cloaks they wore, and displayed Sharpes's rifles, pistols, and knives. Seeing these, and fearing something serious was going on, I told the men I believed I would return to my quarters. They at once cocked their guns, and told me I was a prisoner. This surprised me, of course, but I could do nothing, being entirely unarmed. I talked with them some little time longer, and again essayed to return to my house; but one of the men stepped before me, presented his gun, and told me if I moved I would be shot down. I then asked them what they intended to do with me. They said I was in no personal danger; they only wanted to carry me to their captain, John Smith. I asked where Captain Smith was. They answered, “At the guard-house, inside of the armory inclosure.” I told them I would go there, as that was the point for which I first started. My office was at this place, and I felt uneasy lest the vault might have been broken open.

Upon reaching the gate I saw what, indeed, looked like war — negroes armed with pikes, and sentinels with muskets all around. When I reached the gate I was turned over to “Captain Smith.”
He called me by name, and asked if I knew Colonel Washington and others, mentioning familiar names. I said I did, and he then said, “Sir, you will find them there,” motioning me towards the engine-room.

We were not kept closely confined, but were allowed to converse with him. I asked him what his object was; he replied, “To free the negroes of Virginia.” He added that he was prepared to do it, and by twelve o'clock would have fifteen hundred men with him, ready armed.

Up to this time the citizens had hardly begun to move about, and knew nothing of the raid.

When they learned what was going on, some came out armed with old shot-guns, and were themselves shot by concealed men. All the stores, as well as the arsenal, were in the hands of Brown's men, and it was impossible to get either arms or ammunition, there being hardly any private arms owned by citizens. At last, however, a few weapons were obtained, and a body of citizens crossed the river and advanced from the Maryland side. They made a vigorous attack, and in a few minutes caused all the invaders who were not killed to retreat to Brown inside of the armory gate. Then he entered the engine-house, carrying his prisoners along, or rather part of them, as he made selections among them.

After getting into the engine-house with his men, he made this speech: “Gentlemen, perhaps you wonder why I have selected you from the others. It is because I believe you to be the most influential, and I have only to say now that you will have to share precisely the same fate that your friends extend to my men.” He began at once to bar the doors and windows, and to cut port-holes through the brick wall.

Then commenced a terrible firing from without, from every point from which the windows could be seen, and in a few minutes every window was shattered, and hundreds of balls came through the doors. These shots were answered from within whenever the attacking party could be seen. This was kept up most of the day, and, strange to say, no prisoner was hurt, though thousands of balls were imbedded in the walls, and holes shot in the doors almost large enough for a man to creep through.

At night the firing ceased, for we were in total darkness, and nothing could be seen in the engine-house.

During the day and night I talked much with John Brown, and found him as brave as a man could be, and sensible upon all subjects except slavery. Upon that question he was a religious fanatic, and believed it was his duty to free the slaves, even if in doing so he lost his own life.

During a sharp fight one of Brown's sons was killed. He fell; then trying to raise himself, he said, “It is all over with me,” and died instantly.

Brown did not leave his post at the porthole, but when the fighting ceased he walked to his son's body, straightened out his limbs, took off his trappings, then, turning to me, said, “This is the third son I have lost in this cause.” Another son had been shot in the morning and was then dying, having been brought in from the street. While Brown was a murderer, yet I was constrained to think that he was not a vicious man, but was crazed upon the subject of slavery. Often during the affair in the engine-house, when his men would want to fire upon some one who might be seen passing, Brown would stop them, saying, “Don't shoot; that man is unarmed.” The firing was kept up by our men all day and until late at night, and during this time several of his men were killed; but, as I said before, none of the prisoners were hurt, though in great danger.

During the day and night many propositions pro and con were made, looking to Brown's surrender and the release of the prisoners, but without result.

When Colonel Lee came with the Government troops, at one o'clock at night, he at once sent a flag of truce by his aide, J. E. B. Stuart, to notify Brown of his arrival, and in the name of the United States to demand his surrender, advising him to throw himself upon the clemency of the Government.

Brown declined to accept Colonel Lee's terms, and determined to await the attack.

When Stuart was admitted, and a light brought, he exclaimed, “Why, aren't you old Ossawatomie Brown, of Kansas, whom I once had there as my prisoner?” “Yes,” was the answer, “but you did not keep me.” This was the first intimation we had as to Brown's true name. He had been engaged in the Kansas border war, and had come from there to Harper's Ferry. When Colonel Lee advised Brown to trust to the clemency of the Government, he responded that he knew what that meant, — a rope for his men and himself, — adding, “I prefer to die just here.”

Stuart told him he would return at early morning for his final reply, and left him.

When he had gone, Brown at once proceeded to barricade the doors, windows, etc., endeavoring to make the place as strong as possible.

During all this time no one of Brown's men showed the slightest fear, but calmly awaited the attack, selecting the best situations to fire from upon the attacking party, and arranging their guns and pistols so that a fresh one could be taken up as soon as one was discharged. During the night I had a long talk with Brown, and told him that he and his men were committing treason against the State and the United States. Two of his men, hearing the conversation, said to their leader, “Are we committing treason against our country by being here?” Brown answered, “Certainly.” Both said, “If that is so, we don't want to fight any more. We thought we came to liberate the slaves, and did not know that was committing treason.”

Both of these men were killed in the attack on the engine-house when Brown was taken.

When Lieutenant Stuart came in the morning for the final reply to the demand to surrender, I got up and went to Brown's side to hear his answer.

Stuart asked, “Are you ready to surrender, and trust to the mercy of the Government?”

Brown answered promptly, “No ! I prefer to die here.”

His manner did not betray the least fear.

Stuart stepped aside and made the signal for the attack, which was instantly begun with sledge-hammers to break down the door.

Finding it would not yield, the soldiers seized a long ladder for a battering-ram, and commenced beating the door with that, the party within firing incessantly. I had assisted in the barricading, fixing the fastenings so that I could remove them upon the first effort to get in. But I was not at the door when the battering began, and could not get to the fastenings until the ladder was used. I then quickly removed the fastenings, and after two or three strokes of the ladder the engine rolled partially back, making a small aperture, through which Lieutenant Green of the marines forced himself, jumped on top of the engine, and stood a second in the midst of a shower of balls, looking for John Brown. When he saw Brown he sprang about twelve feet at him, and gave an under-thrust of his sword, striking him about midway the body and raising him completely from the ground. Brown fell forward with his head between his knees, and Green struck him several times over the head, and, as I then supposed, split his skull at every stroke.

I was not two feet from Brown at that time. Of course I got out of the building as soon as possible, and did not know till some time later that Brown was not killed. It seems that in making the thrust Green's sword struck Brown's belt and did not penetrate the body. The sword was bent double. The reason that Brown was not killed when struck on the head was that Green was holding his sword in the middle, striking with the hilt and making only scalp wounds.

When Governor Wise came and was examining Brown, I heard the questions and answers; and no lawyer could have used more careful reserve, while at the same time he showed no disrespect. Governor Wise was astonished at the answers he received from Brown.

After some controversy between the United States and the State of Virginia as to which had jurisdiction over the prisoners, Brown was carried to the Charlestown jail, and, after a fair trial, was hanged.

Of course I was a witness at the trial, and must say that I have never seen any man display more courage and fortitude than John Brown showed under the trying circumstances in which he was placed. I could not go to see him hanged. He had made me a prisoner, but had spared my life and that of other gentlemen in his power; and when his sons were shot down beside him, almost any other man similarly situated would at least have exacted life for life.

John E. P. Daingerfield.
_______________

* See “The John Brown Raid,” illustrated, in The Century for July, 1883. By Alexander R. Boteler and Frank B. Sanborn.— Mr. Daingerfield was Acting Paymaster at the time. He was afterwards in charge of Confederate Armory at Goldsboro, N. C, with rank of Captain.

SOURCE: The Century Magazine, Volume 30, No. 2, July 1883, p. 265-7  Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 556-60

Captain Gustavus V. Fox: Memorandum for the Relief of Fort Sumter, February 6, 1861

ST. GERMAIN HOTEL,
New York, February 6, 1861.

Since the repulse of the steamer Star of the West at Charleston it may be assumed that all the channels over the bar are obstructed, but as the bar is more than four miles in length the spaces between these channels are too extensive to be closed. Therefore at high water and smooth sea the bar is perfectly accessible to vessels drawing say seven feet of water. The U. S. has no steamers of this draft. The skillfull officers at Charleston, aware of this fact, will conclude that relief must go in at high water in boats or light draft steamers incapable of bearing a very offensive armament. They will be perfectly prepared for such attempts by arming, and heavily manning all the steamers they possess and at the critical moment will throw themselves alongside the relief vessels and thus jeopardise the movement by the very detention of the conflict. To elude their vigilance or attempt a strategem however ingenious I consider too liable to failure.

I propose to put the troops on board of a large, comfortable sea steamer and hire two powerful light draft New York tug boats, having the necessary stores on board. These to be convoyed by the U.S.S. Pawnee, now at Philadelphia, and the revenue cutter Harriet Lane. (The Pawnee is the only available steam vessel of war north of the Gulf of Mexico; draws twelve feet of water and has seven heavy guns. As a steamer she seems to be a failure, but may be got ready for this emergency — at least she is, unfortunately, our only resource.) The Harriet Lane I understand to be an excellent and efficient vessel, but either of these steamers alone may be liable to capture, by an overwhelming force.

Arriving off the bar, I propose to examine by day the naval preparations and obstructions. If their vessels determine to oppose our entrance, and a feint or flag of truce would ascertain this, the armed ships must approach the bar and destroy or drive them on shore. Major Anderson would do the same upon any vessels within the range of his guns and would also prevent any naval succor being sent down from the city.

Having dispersed this force, the only obstacles are the forts on Cummings point, and Fort Moultrie, and whatever adjacent batteries they may have, distant on either hand from mid channel about three-quarters of a mile. Two hours before high water, at night, with half the force on board of each tug, within relieving distance of each other, should run in to Fort Sumpter.


[Endorsement:]

Proposition of Relief of Fort Sumpter Accepted by the Govt. Mch, 1861.

SOURCES: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebellion, Series I, Volume 4, p. 223-4; Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 8-9

Friday, January 5, 2018

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 26, 1863

Jackson, Tenn., June 26, 1863.

Such splendid weather — nice, fresh breezes ruffling the leaves on the trees all the day long—and plenty of rain to keep the dust in order. I was up early this morning and the mocking birds were playing a reveille, from whose sweetness bees might make honey. There are hundreds of these birds living in a grove near our headquarters, and I can't find time and ease enough to enjoy their concerts as I want to.

A flag of truce came to our lines yesterday on the Holly Springs road. The general sent me out to receive it. A lieutenant and eight men, all rough, dirty fellows, made the party. They were not very communicative. They brought a small mail and a trifling communication about prisoners. They belonged to Colonel Morton's 2d Tennessee (Rebel) Cavalry, and were sent by General Ruggles. The general has promised to let me take a flag to Okolona. Don't know when I shall go. I do think that General Oglesby is the very ideal of a chivalric, honorable, gallant, modest, high-spirited, dignified, practical, common-sense, gentleman. Nobody can help loving him. He hates a particle of meanness as much as he does a bushel. If we were only doing something more active I should be perfectly happy. As it is, I think seriously of asking to be sent back to my regiment. The general will not be able for any more field work, and I hardly think it right manly in me to stay back here with a railroad guard, when there is so much to be done in front, and I am so strong and able to bear the field duty. You should hear the general talk. There is such a big rolling river of fun and humor in his conversation. Such a hearty honest laugh; I know his heart is big enough to hold a regiment. I believe he thinks as much of the old 8th as of his family. When he has been speaking of the gallant conduct of the 8th at Donaldson and Shiloh, I have seen his face flush up and it seemed as though his heart jumped up to his throat. I was over to the negro camps yesterday and have seen a good deal of them since I last wrote you. An honest confession is good for the soul. I never thought I would, but I am getting strongly in favor of arming them, and am becoming so blind that I can't see why they will not make soldiers. How queer. A year ago last January I didn't like to hear anything of emancipation. Last fall accepted confiscation of Rebel's negroes quietly. In January took to emancipation readily, and now believe in arming the negroes. The only objection I have to it is a matter of pride. I almost begin to think of applying for a position in a regiment myself. What would you think of it? We had quite an alarm two or three nights since. Nobody hurt, but some Tennesseans badly scared. I guess I will go to Memphis to-morrow to look for a spy who has been along our line, and whom we think is now in Memphis. Well, I must go and see the provost marshal about disposing of some prisoners. First, I'll tell you what three soldiers did the night we had the alarm here. Colonel Mizner, with 1,000 of our cavalry, had been on a scout nine days, and that night we heard that he was within 15 miles of here on his return. We heard of the enemy about 1 a. m. and immediately sent these three men (volunteers for the purpose) to notify Colonel Mizner and have him march all night. They reached the little town, Mt. Pleasant, without incident on the way. There was a lot of guerrillas camped in town that night, and their guard hailed the boys and fired. Our men, only three, charged with a yell and scared the whole party out of town. They couldn't find the colonel and started to return. When two miles on the way back, at a turn in the road, they met Mitchell's Rebel company (60 men). Our boys yelled, “here they are, come on boys,” and charged, firing their revolvers. They brought one man down, and made the next fall back some 200 yards where they commenced forming line. Our fellows then took to the woods, got around them and back to camp at 6:30 a. m.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 183-4

Saturday, October 7, 2017

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 2, 1863

We have warm, fair weather now; but the momentary gloom, hanging like the pall of death over our affairs, cannot be dispelled without a decisive victory somewhere, or news of speedy foreign intervention. The letters which I read at the department this morning, contain no news whatever. I have suggested to the government to prohibit the exchange of newspapers in the flag of truce boat; but I doubt if they will act upon it. It is a manifest injury to us.

The exchange of prisoners is practically resumed; the Federal boat delivering yesterday 750 of our sick and wounded; and we returned 600 of their sick and wounded.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 4

Sunday, September 24, 2017

Simon Cameron to Major-General John E. Wool, September 20, 1861

WAR DEPARTMENT,
Washington, September 20, 1861.
 Maj. Gen. JOHN E. WOOL, Commanding, Fort Monroe, Va.:

GENERAL: Your communications of the 17th* and 18th are received. In regard to the letters sent or received by flags of truce, I would suggest that for the present they be examined by volunteer officers whom you might detail for that purpose. I would much prefer that this examination should be made under the direction of the Post-Office Department, and will endeavor to effect some arrangement that will relieve you from this labor.

I am also informed by the Adjutant-General that he has already sent you two aides-de-camp. Ordnance officers are much needed, and for this reason I cannot consent to the appointment of Lieutenant Harris as your aide, unless it is absolutely necessary that you should have his services in that capacity. I send herewith the appointment of William P. Jones as an aide, in accordance with your recommendation. Captain Whipple has been assigned to you as assistant adjutant-general.

The state prisoners now in your custody should be sent at once to Fort Lafayette, New York Harbor. You will, as early as practicable, send to General McClellan at this place all negro men capable of performing labor, accompanied by their families. They can be usefully employed on the military works in this vicinity.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
 SIMON CAMERON,
 Secretary of War.
____________________

* Not Found.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 4 (Serial No. 4), p. 615

Friday, September 8, 2017

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: September 24, 1863

2nd Tennessee and 9th Mich. made a reconnoissance towards Zollicoffer's Brigade. Maj. Nettleton went along as guide. Found the rebel pickets on the same ground as yesterday. After some skirmishing the boys returned. Forage parties recalled on account of some exciting reports that a citizen brought in. Nothing unusual. Moved camp. Most of forces retreated. Report that Rosencrans had been whipped by Bragg. Flag of truce.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 90

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Luman Harris Tenney: September 25, 1863

Quite a cold day. More exciting stories about flank movements by the enemy. Several scouting parties sent out. Saddled up all night. Maj. N. and Dr. S. went with body of Reb. Lieut. under flag of truce to rebel lines. Many reports. Raising new regiment of Tenn.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 90