Showing posts with label The South. Show all posts
Showing posts with label The South. Show all posts

Sunday, March 12, 2023

Major General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, February 28, 1866

[February 28, 1866]

Dear Brother: Of course I agree substantially with the President. If we do not design to make a complete revolution in our form of Government, but rather to preserve it, you must, sooner or later, allow representation from the South, and the longer it is deferred the worse will be its effect.

Any seeming purpose to restrict them from retaining. political power with your party will react against you.

The case is very different when a native conquers an adversary, but even in that case we have always incorporated new conquests as a part of the whole, as in Louisiana, Texas, and California. If the people of the South are to be punished, it must be done by trials and convictions of individuals.

Affectionately,
W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 265

Thursday, January 19, 2023

Speech of Lord John Russell, Saturday, October 12, 1861

Gentlemen, it is with feelings of the deepest gratitude that I rise to acknowledge the toast which has now been drunk. It has been my fate to have taken part in many political measures, and during a tolerably long political life, I take this approbation of a set of men so enlightened as a testimony that I have not dishonored my principles; that I have done nothing to impair the honour, and so injure the interests of my county. (Loud cheers.) Gentlemen, If I have been successful in any of the measures that have been proposed, it has been that I have proposed, in more fortunate times, measures which had the approbation of great men, who have gone before me. I have endeavoured to follow in the footsteps of Lord Grey, Lord Holland, Sir Samuel Romilly, and Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) My noble friend near me has justly and correctly alluded to that which happened in 1830. Lord Grey at that time being in the councils of his sovereign, resolved to introduce a measure founded on those principles of reform of which he had through life been the advocate;  and let me say that there can be no more gratifying—no more noble aspect in the history of the public life of a statesman, than to see Lord Grey, who, in adverse times, had been content to give his opinion, and had then allowed rivals of far less well-founded principles than himself—to carry on the government of the country and enjoy power without envy on his part. It was a great spectacle to see this man, when the opinions of the people came round to him, resume, without passion and without resentment, those plans for the benefit of his country of which he had always been the distinguished advocate. (Applause.) Lord Grey, as my Noble Friend has said, called to his assistance his Noble Brother, Lord Durham. (Loud cheers.) It was my happiness to be associated in that work with Lord Durham. We labored together to the same end in perfect harmony and agreement as to measures that we though necessary for the reform of the representations. (Cheers) With us was joined a person whose absence I deeply deplore to-day, who would have been here to-day if his health had allowed him, and whose talents have been the greatest service to this country. I mean Sir J. Graham. (Cheers.) With these two was associated Lord Dungannon, who was specially acquainted with many parts of our representative system. We framed the plan of reform—(cheers)—and that reform, as you all know, was not only carried, but has now been nearly thirty years in operation. (Cheers.) That it has operated beneficially I cannot doubt—(cheers)—and that it has led the way to many other great measures which never could have been carried in an unreformed Parliament. (Cheers.) And, Gentlemen, let me say, when I embarked in public life I embarked with the view of carrying great measures into effect and having great public objects before me. It appears to me that public life is only honourable when it is directed to such measures—(applause)—and that the pedlar who sells his pins and pincushions  for sixpence has a better, because an honester, trade, than the man who devotes his talents to public life, only for the sake of seeking his own emolument. (Applause.) Gentlemen, many of the measures which I have noticed have been successful. We need not now refer to them all; but there is one point which, perhaps, I may refer to, because it respects a principle which I think runs through many of our measures of late times, and shows an improvement in the general principles of government. What I mean is this—that in favour of religious liberty; first, the Protestant Dissenters, then the Roman Catholics, and lastly and recently the Jews,—and all our measures with regard to free-trade have been measures not introducing new plans, not formed upon skillfully devised schemes, but have been merely unloosing the fetters which statutes and laws had placed on the dear liberty of the subject. It is the business of the government to maintain internal peace, to settle the civil relations which should prevail among the community, to defend the independence of the country abroad; but governments had sought to do more than this—they had sought to lay down rules of faith, to which they have asked men, under pain and penalty of punishment, to adhere, quite ignorant that they, the government, were utterly unable to frame rules of faith which should better the conscience. (Applause.) To take the other instance to which I am alluding, namely, that of free trade, what struggles we have had now going on for nearly forty years, in order to enable men to do that which is perfectly innocent in itself, namely, to exchange the products of their industry against the products of the industry of others, which were objects of use, of comfort, or of enjoyment. (Applause.) I remember the beginning of these contests, when certainly the principles of free trade were not understood as they now are, a petition being presented to the House of Commons, setting forth that your petitioners made gloves, which were inferior to the gloves of France, and therefore they prayed, what do you suppose, not that people might be allowed to wear the gloves of France, which were cheaper and better, but the gloves of France might be utterly excluded, in order that they might furnish bad and dear gloves. (Laughter and cheers.) Why, gentleman, this is the whole history of protection and free trade. (Hear, hear, and cheers.) Parliaments and legislatures have presumed they should direct the industry of their fellow subjects into the channels that should be profitable to the country at large, not seeing that if you leave men their freedom they would find out themselves what were the occupations which would be most profitable, and what were the goods which they could produce to the best advantage. It is, therefore, not only that we have passed some very excellent measures, but that we have enlarged and enlightened the whole machinery of government. We say there are certain things in which government ought not to interfere, upon which the man himself—the subject—is the best judge, and to him must be left the choice of his occupation. (Cheers.) Above all, I am happy to say we have it not in this country; but in many countries people consider that it is a part of the duty of a government to fetter and bind the talents and abilities of men, and that upon no subject of politics, upon no subject of morals, upon no subject of literature even should men use the talents with which God had endowed them, without the control and permission of the officers of Government. (Cheers.) Such, gentlemen, then, have been the general principles upon which these measures to which general principles upon these measures to which I allude have been passed. They have been sound principles; and, as I have said, I trust they will be applied in future times in any other cases of a similar kind. (Cheers.) Now, Gentlemen, I will state in a few words what has been my course since I have been entrusted with the seals of the foreign department. That course has been to respect the independence of foreign nations, and to endeavour to induce others to do the same. (Hear, hear, and applause.) There is one of those countries with which we have had much to do, and of which we have heard much of late years. I mean Italy. We have all seen with pleasure—I see that a very distinguished man (Mr. Henley) says there is no one in the country who has not seen with pleasure the Italians casting off their old chains, and exercising the powers of government for themselves, in that way gaining there distinction distinction which in old times belonged to them only. We all rejoice to see them assert that independence, and we shall all rejoice if they establish a free government, and thus effect the happiness, the self-respect, and the elevation of one of the finest countries and one of the most talented nations of the globe. (Great applause.) But, gentlemen, of late a difficulty has arisen, to which great attention has been given. Italians say, and they say with great apparent justice, that the independence of Italy cannot be fully consummated unless Rome, the capital, is in their hands. (Loud cheers.) I may say that the people of Naples will be willing to found in that city an Italian government, as that is a part of Italy associated with ancient institutions; but as Italy has not Rome, they cannot regard it as a kingdom. Well, on the other hand, the Roman Catholics of Europe say that they require that the independence of the Pope should be respected, and many say that it cannot be respected without territorial government. That it is a discussion which has been going on for some time; and I observed in what I was reading this morning—an essay by one of the most learned ecclesiastics of Italy, that the opinion is now gaining ground that whether the temporal power ought to become the right of the King of Italy or not, the spiritual power will be more felt, it will be more respected, and will be exercised more fairly, if it is separated from the temporal. In the conclusion of the discourse to which I have alluded, the author says that is what is wished by the people of Italy, and that is what is wished by the people of Italy, and that is in the world. (Applause.) This, as I have said, is not a question upon which we can take the initiative; but this I will say, that I think that what that learned ecclesiastic has proposed, and which is in accordance which the opinions given has proposed, and which is in accordance which the opinions given by that great man now so much regretted—Count Cavour, will furnish a solution to the Italian difficulty, and that it will be a great means of securing the independence and happiness of Italy. Gentlemen, let us look for a moment at another part of the world—at another country which, for my part, I have always observed with the greatest interest—the United States of America. It appears to me that it would be a great misfortune to the world if that experiment in free government which, though not carried on in exactly the same principles as our own—principles which had been devised with great wisdom—it would be a very great misfortune if anything were to happen to divide that state. (Cheers.) I am very sorry to say that those events have happened, and we now see two parties contending together—not upon the question of slavery, though that I believe is the original cause of the conflict—not contending with the respect to free trade and protection, but contending as so may States of the old world have contended—the one side for empire and the other for power. Far be it from us to set ourselves up as judges in this matter, but I cannot help asking myself, as affairs progress in the contest, to what good end can it lead? Supposing the contest ended by the re-union of its different part, that the South should agree to enter again with all the rights of the constitution, should we not again have that fatal subject of slavery brought in along with them—(Cheers)—that subject of slavery which caused, no doubt, the disruption, we all agree must, sooner or later, cease from the face of the earth? (Cheers.) Well, then, gentlemen, as you will see, if this quarrel could be made up, should we not have those who differed with Mr. Lincoln at the last election carried; and that the quarrel would recommence, and perhaps a long civil war follow? On the other hand, supposing the United States completely to conquer and subdue the Southern States—supposing that should be the result of a long military conflict—supposing that should be the result of some years of civil war, should we not have the material property of that country in a great degree destroyed? Should we see that respect for liberty which as so long distinguished our North American brethren? (Cheers.) Should we not see those Southern men yielding to a force, and would not the north be necessitated to keep  in subjection those who had been conquered, and would not that very materially interfere with the freedom of the nation? (Cheers.) If that should be the unhappy result to which we at present look forward, if by means such as this the reunion of the States should be brought about, is it not the duty of those men who have embraced the precepts of Christianity, to see whether this conflict cannot be avoided? Gentlemen, I have made these observations to you upon matters, as I have said, deeply affecting us all, but not upon matters upon which the Government of this country has any immediate power or interest. Had they been cases of that kind, it would not have been consistent with my duty as Foreign Secretary to have spoken to you in detail upon the subject. In these cases, it is the duty of the head of the Government of this country to watch closely as to what happens with respect the independence of all foreign nations, but not to let go any part of that caution and vigilance which becomes ministers of England at this time, not to impair any part of the influence of this country, because that influence may be used in the cause of freedom and of humanity—(Hear, Hear, and cheers)—not to lower in any respect the power of this country, because that power may be absolutely necessary to preserve the freedom of Europe, to vindicate the independence of nations, and to guard our own dignity and freedom. (Cheers.) Much has been said on the continent of Europe in disparagement of my Noble Friend who is now at the head of the Government, but on examining those strictures, I have never been able to make out more than this, that he was believed to be too susceptible with regard to the interests of this country. (Cheers.) I shall be at little pains to vindicate him from such an attack. (Hear, hear.) On the contrary, I own that my Noble Friend constantly devotes his attention to keep clear and unsullied the honour of England—(Applause)—to keep uninjured and unimpaired the interests to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) It is my privilege to help him in that great task. (Cheers.) I do not feel that to be entrusted with such a task by the people of so great and so free a country as this, is something that makes public life worth having—(cheers)—that lightens its labour—that lightens its anxiety—(cheers)—and, I may add, that while that task is thus rendered honourable, while it is one which a man may be proud to undertake, it is no small addition to feel that he has acted upon the whole for the benefit of his country; and that whatever errors and mistakes he may have made at times, he will meet from such an assembly as the present the king and indulgent acceptance of his efforts, and that, at all events, they will give him credit for the firm intention to do for “old England” all that he could.

SOURCE: “The Banquet,” Sheffield and Rotherham Independent, Sheffield, Yorkshire, England, Tuesday, October 15, 1861, p. 5

Tuesday, December 6, 2022

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, August 3, 1865

Affairs at the South do not improve. The Secession element is becoming vicious and bad in some quarters, and I fear it may be general. At the North there is about as much folly in the other extreme. The President continues ill. Captain Drayton is quite indisposed this evening.

Governor Dennison called upon me this evening. He is very much dissatisfied with the military announcements of some eighteen different departments and a vast concourse of generals put forth by the War Department, or by Grant. It is a singular announcement, and the army should be immediately reduced to one third and even less.

We had some conversation in regard to the position taken by General Cox, the candidate for Governor in Ohio, who goes for colonizing the blacks in South Carolina and Georgia. His suggestions are the conclusions of one mind. But there is an unsettled and uncertain public sentiment. The attempt to force the South into a recognition of negro and white equality will make trouble. Cox's proposition will not relieve us of the trouble.

I am anxious and concerned about Drayton. He is reported to me to be quite ill. The President is better but continues indisposed. I went this P.M. to the Navy Yard. Mr. Faxon accompanied me. The cost and waste of war and the consequent demoralization make me sad.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 352

Monday, January 4, 2021

Emory Upton to his Sister, December 21, 1860

WEST POINT, December 21, 1860

DEAR SISTER:  We are on general review in mineralogy and geology preparatory to our last January examination, and, possibly, our very last.  These are delightful studies, and the method of instruction here renders us very familiar with minerals.  Each rock has now its story for us. . . . The political horizon is very black.  Today’s papers inform us that South Carolina has seceded.  The veil behind which Webster sought not to penetrate has been “rent in twain,” and secession, with its evils, is now a reality.  Let her go.  She has been a pest, an eye-sore, an abomination ever since she entered the Union.  Were it not that her example may become contagious, few would regret her course; but, in the present excited state of feeling at the South, there is imminent danger that the whole South will drift into the terrible gulf which secession opens before them.  I believe in Union, but South Carolina has taken the initiative, and she is responsible for whatever follows, and posterity will hold her Every friend of freedom will execrate her course. War, I believe, must speedily follow, and by her act. The papers say, “Buchanan has ordered the commandant of Fort Moultrie to surrender if attacked”; if true, what a traitor! Floyd has sent twenty-five thousand stand of arms to different Southern posts within the past year, and for what? Certainly not for the use of soldiers garrisoning them. What, then, is the inference? That they shall be convenient for secession. The Administration must be deeply implicated in this plot to destroy the government. Its conduct can not be explained otherwise. I heartily rejoice that Abraham Lincoln is elected, and that we have such a noble set of Republicans at Washington to meet this critical emergency. As for myself, I am ambitious, and desire fame, but I will stand by the right; for what is the worth of fame when purchased by dishonor? God orders or suffers all things.

SOURCE: Peter Smith Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton, p. 29-30

Emory Upton to his Sister, January 12, 1861

 WEST POINT, January 12, 1861.

MY DEAR SISTER: This is examination-week. My reports have not been quite so good as you may have desired, but I shall be quite satisfied with the results of the examinations. .. Truly troublous times are upon us. We are at sea, with no chart to guide us. What the end will be, our wisest statesmen can not foresee. The South is gone, and the question is, Will the Government coerce her back? The attempt, I think, will be made, but we can not predict the result. Southern men are brave, and will fight well, but their means for prosecuting a long war wanting.  Four States are now out of the Union, and South Carolina has fired the first gun.  She has resisted the entrance of the Star of the West to Fort Sumter, and, no doubt, there will be bloodshed before you  receive this, since the Brooklyn (man-of-war) is on the way to Charleston, and is bound to re-enforce that fort. . . . Members of my class continue to resign.  The corps is already sensibly reduced in numbers, and, from present Prospects we will almost be reduced to a moiety.  Should the United States officers from the seceding States resign, there will be many vacancies, and, very probably, they would be filled by graduating us soon. . . . In my next letter I will try to say nothing upon secession, but it is the absorbing topic of thought at present.

SOURCE: Peter Smith Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton, p. 30-1

Emory Upton to his Brother, February 2, 1861

 WEST POINT, February 2, 1861.

 MY DEAR BROTHER: I have not heard from you in a long time.  I want to ascertain your views on the subject of secession.  It has assumed immense importance.  The crisis has come.  How is it to be met?  The Union is in extreme peril.  Must it be dissolved?  No!  I say, let it be preserved, if it costs years of civil war.  What do you think of compromise?  I am opposed to it, as a dangerous precedent.  If the Union could be preserved without compromise, even at the expense of a war, I think it would be preferable to a compromise, since it would demonstrate that a republican government is adequate to any emergency.  But, rather than see the country forever disrupted, I would prefer an honorable adjustment.  These views I take on the supposition that the South feels herself aggrieved, and that she desires to perpetuate the Union, if possible. Northern aggression is the alleged, not the real, cause of secession. The Legislature of South Carolina declares she will not remain in the Union under any circumstances. They are wild on the subject of a Southern confederacy, and they have resolved to establish it at the price of a revolution. If this is the real cause of secession, the door to compromise should forever be closed, and the South should be completely subjugated. In the Union, their property is and ought to be protected; out of the Union, slavery is overthrown. I hope some day to see it abolished peaceably; but, if they go out, they of themselves overthrow it in blood. It is a great evil, but we are not responsible. Let them answer for and settle it themselves. I believe that an all-wise Providence is directing the storm, and that he will overrule everything for good. . . . Several Southern cadets left to-day, and many more will follow soon. Promotion will be rapid in the army about the time we graduate, and if there is a war we will not lack employment. Probably an assault will be made on Fort Sumter; they will meet with a warm reception. We are on our last term. Our studies-military engineering, law, ordnance, etc.—are very interesting and we look forward with great pleasure to our graduation.

SOURCE: Peter Smith Michie, The Life and Letters of Emory Upton, p. 31-2

Friday, December 20, 2019

Diary of 5th Sergeant Osborn H. Oldroyd: May 7, 1863

Our company detailed and reported this morning at headquarters for picket duty, but not being needed, returned to camp. Were somewhat disappointed, for we preferred a day on picket by way of change.

Pickets are the eyes of the army and the terror of those who live in close proximity to their line. Twenty-four hours on picket is hardly ever passed without some good foraging.

We broke camp at ten o'clock A. M., and very glad of it. After a pleasant tramp of ten miles we reached Rocky Springs. Here we have good, cold spring water, fresh from the bosom of the hills.

We have met several of the men of this section who have expressed surprise at the great number of troops passing. They think there must be a million of "you'ns" coming down here. We have assured them they have not seen half of our army. To our faces these citizens seem good Union men, but behind our backs, no doubt their sentiments undergo a change. Probably they were among those who fired at us, and will do it again as soon as they dare. I have not seen a regular acknowledged rebel since we crossed the river, except those we have seen in their army. They may well be surprised at the size of our force, for this. Vicksburg expedition is indeed a big thing, and I am afraid the people who were instrumental in plunging this country headlong into this war have not yet realized what evils they have waked up. They are just beginning to open their eyes to war's career of devastation. They must not complain when they go out to the barnyard in the morning and find a hog or two missing at roll-call, or a few chickens less to pick corn and be picked in turn for the pot. I think these southern people will be benefited by the general diffusion of information which our army is introducing; and after the war new enterprise and better arts will follow—the steel plow, for instance, in place of the bull-tongue or old root that has been in use here so long to scratch the soil. The South must suffer, but out of that suffering will come wisdom.

SOURCE: Osborn Hamiline Oldroyd, A Soldier's Story of the Siege of Vicksburg, p. 9-10

Friday, November 15, 2019

Joseph Green Cogswell to George Ticknor, April 29, 1861

NEW YORK, April 29, 1861.

. . . The humiliating condition to which Southern insolence and ruffianism have reduced us has preyed upon me greatly. I never wished to be young again until now, and, old as I am, I would have volunteered with any adequate number to go down and force a way through Baltimore, by laying it in ruins, if it could have been done in no other way. It was no disgrace to have the lawful authority of the country fallen upon by a mob, for that might happen under the strongest government. It is an indelible one to have allowed the mob to keep up the obstruction for days, between every part of the country and the capital of it. If it is not soon wiped out I shall be ashamed to own that I am an American.

The course which has been pursued by the South has changed all my feelings towards them. If they had taken the ground, that they had a right to secede if such was the clear and express will of the people, and maintained the right like honest men, I, for one, would have said, “Go, you shall have what fairly belongs to you”— but to buccaneers I would give no answer except from the mouth of the cannon.1

Out of all this evil great good will come. The Northern States will be more united, the principle of unlicensed democracy will be checked, our vainglorious boasting will be silenced, and the practical acknowledgment that Cotton is King will no more be heard. I firmly believe that the substantial and permanent prosperity of the North was secured by the first gun that was fired at Fort Sumpter, and the rapid decline of the South will date from the same event. I rejoice to find that Massachusetts has come up so nobly to the rescue.
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1 In connection with this strong expression of feeling it is pleasant to be allowed to present the testimony of a lady whose relations with different parts of the country, as well as her high standing in society, and refined estimate of the demands of good breeding, entitle her words to be accepted and highly valued.  In a note written after Mr. Cogswell’s death, Mrs. Gilpin of Philadelphia speaks of “His information on all subjects of conversation so correct and extended, and his manners so mild and unobtrusive, with great delicacy of feelings for others. This,” she goes on to say, “I particularly observed during the war, as he was often my guest during that unfortunate period, when, from the peculiarity of my own position, Southern ladies and gentlemen were often with us.  No word ever escaped his lips to wound the feelings of any, and at the same time he was known to be firm in his own opinion.  He avoided argument or heated discussion on the merits of the war question, and gave to all around him a beautiful example of forbearance, with the most kindly feeling for those whom I knew he thought in the wrong.”

SOURCE: Anna Eliot Ticknor, Editor, Life of Joseph Green Cogswell as Sketched in His Letters, p. 286-7

Friday, August 9, 2019

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: October 26, 1860

A panic at the South about Lincoln's election. There is no cause for alarm from Mr. Lincoln, even if he had not against him both houses of Congress. The effort at the South for secession may produce anxiety, and they will not cease immediately after the election, if Lincoln should be chosen.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 156

Friday, April 26, 2019

William T. Sherman to John Sherman, January & February, 1860

[January and February, 1860].

Dear Brother: I received your letter explaining how you happened to sign for that Helper book. Of course it was an unfortunate accident, which will be a good reason for your refusing hereafter your signature to unfinished books. After Clark's resolution, you were right, of course, to remain silent. I hope you will still succeed, as then you will have ample opportunity to show a fair independence.

The rampant southern feeling is not so strong in Louisiana as in Mississippi and Carolina. Still, holding many slaves, they naturally feel the intense anxiety all must whose property and existence depend on the safety of their property and labor. I do hope that Congress may organize and that all things may move along smoothly. It would be the height of folly to drive the South to desperation, and I hope, after the fact is admitted that the North has the majority and right to control national matters and interests, that they will so use their power as to reassure the South that there is no intention to disturb the actual existence of slavery.

. . . The excitement attending the speakership has died away here, and Louisiana will not make any disunion moves. Indeed, she is very prosperous, and the Mississippi is a strong link, which she cannot sever. Besides, the price of negroes is higher than ever before, indicating a secure feeling. . .

I have seen all your debates thus far, and no southern or other gentleman will question their fairness and dignity, and I believe, unless you are unduly provoked, they will ever continue so. I see you are suffering some of the penalties of greatness, having an awful likeness paraded in Harper's, to decorate the walls of country inns. I have seen that of Harper, and as the name is below, I recognize it. Some here say they see a likeness to me, but I don't.

. . . I don't like the looks of the times. This political turmoil, the sending commissions from state to state, the organization of military schools and establishments, and universal belief in the South that disunion is not only possible but certain, are bad signs. If our country falls into anarchy, it will be Mexico, only worse. I was in hopes the crisis would have been deferred till the states of the northwest became so populous as to hold both extremes in check. Disunion would be Civil War, and you politicians would lose all charm. Military men would then step on the tapis, and you would have to retire. Though you think such a thing absurd, yet it is not so, and there would be vast numbers who would think the change for the better.

I have been well sustained here, and the legislature proposes further to endow us well and place us in the strongest possible financial position. If they do, and this danger of disunion blow over, I shall stay here; but in case of a breach, I would go north. . .

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 118-20

Monday, March 18, 2019

Gerrit Smith to Dr. George C. Beckwith, Secretary of the American Peace Society

Let us thank God that anything, even though it had to be the insanity of the whole south, has brought slavery to its dying hour. Never more will the American Peace Society witness the need of raising armies to put down a treasonable onslaught upon our government. For the one cause of so formidable an onslaught will be gone when slavery is gone. Besides, when slavery is gone from the whole world, the whole world will then be freed, not only from a source of war, but from the most cruel and horrid form of war. For slavery is war as well as the source of war. Thus has the Peace Society as well as the Abolition Society, much to hope for from this grand uprising of the north. For while the whole north rejoices in the direct and immediate object of the uprising—the maintenance of government; and while the abolitionists do, in addition to this object, cherish the further one of the abolition of slavery, the Peace men are happy to know that the abolition of slavery will be the abolition of one form of war, the drying up of one source of war, and of one source of occasions for raising armies.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 256-7

Wednesday, August 15, 2018

Isaac E. Holmes* to Howell Cobb, August 21, 1847

Charleston [S. C.], Aug. 21st, ’47.

Dear Sir,  *  *  *  I wish the Southern Representatives would consent to act together without regard to Whig or Democrat. The Wilmot Proviso is paramount to all Party. We are in great danger. The North is resolved to crush Slavery — are we equally in the South resolved at all hazards to defend it? What say you for Benton's proposal to have a Northern President, without regard to the Wilmot Proviso?
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* Congressman from South Carolina, 1839-1851.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 88

Wednesday, May 16, 2018

William T. Sherman to John Sherman, October 1859

October, 1859.

Each State has a perfect right to have its own local policy, and a majority in Congress has an absolute right to govern the whole country; but the North, being so strong in every sense of the term, can well afford to be generous, even to making reasonable concessions to the weakness and prejudices of the South. If southern representatives will thrust slavery into every local question, they must expect the consequences and be outvoted; but the union of states and general union of sentiment throughout all our nation are so important to the honor and glory of the confederacy that I would like to see your position yet more moderate.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, Editor, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 39-40

Wednesday, March 7, 2018

Montgomery Blair to Gustavus V. Fox, January 31, 1861

Wash. 31 Jany 61
Dear Fox:

I recd yours about the Tug of War yesterday and laid it before Genl Scott, who upon reading it said it had been reported by Blount and your qualifications extolled to the highest degree and that he knew no man in whose judgment of a Sailor he had more implicit confidence than in Blount. I gave him a short sketch of your personal history myself and left the letter. I rather suspect, from what appears in the papers, that there may have been already attempts and perhaps powerful attempts made to relieve Fort Sumpter upon your scheme substantially, that is, by boats from heavier vessels lying out at night. I have some doubt whether in fact the authorities would not connive at reenforcement made in a manner not to subject them to suspicion of complicity. I cannot think the Gov. of S.C. is at all anxious to drive the Gnl Gov't to an expedition against Charleston involving a great battle between the forces of the North and South to relieve this garrison. It must come to that, if relief is not furnished in the manner you suggest. In a controversy of the sort I refer to, there must be immense destruction of life, and no one can doubt what the ultimate result must be. I can therefore well see that men of forecaste should seek to avoid bringing it to their own doors. I am not sure however that it will not come to that, and it may not in the end be the worst course. The real cause of our trouble arises from the notion generally entertained at the South that the men of the North are inferiors and the rebellion springs altogether from pride which revolts against submission to supposed inferiors. You hear these blusterers say every where that one Southern man is equal to half a dozen Yankees, and that feeling has impelled them to appeal from the Constitutional mode of determining who shall govern, to arms. They will not submit, they say, to mere numbers made up of the Mudsills, the factory people and shop keepers of the North. They swell just like the grandiloquent Mexicans. And I really fear that nothing short of the lesson we had to give Mexico to teach the Spanish don better manners, will ever satisfy the Southern Gascons that the people of the North are their equals even upon the field upon which they have now chosen to test the questions. And it is my deliberate opinion that nothing will do so much to secure real and permanent fraternity between the Sections as a decisive defeat on this field. It will show the Southern people that they wholly mistake the quality of the men they are taught by demagogues to despise. Having taught them to respect the North, conciliatory language wd be listened to as proceeding from kindness of feeling and not from fear and in a short time a better state of feeling wd grow up than has ever existed between the two Sections.

I do not at all believe in the dissolution of the Union, or that the application of force involving the destruction of life to preserve the Union will so exasperate the Sections as to render reconciliation impossible. On the contrary, I believe that it is necessary to enforce the laws to prevent a deeper contempt falling upon the North than is now entertained by the South, and that having vindicated the laws and secured respect even at the cost of blood, the real good feeling which the people of the North have for the South will work off all bitterness in a short time. In other words, in this, as in all cases, I believe it is wisest and most politic to do exactly right. It is not right to suffer this noble fabric of freedom to be overthrown by demagoguery. It needs but determination in the rulers of the people to maintain and to save it from all its enemies, and with less of blood and treasure than any alarmist will believe. I am for the Union, now and forever, and against all its enemies, whether fire-eaters or abolitionists.

Love to Gin and believe me,
Yrs truly,
M. BLAIR

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 3-5

Thursday, September 7, 2017

Diary of William Howard Russell: June 21, 1861

Verily I would be sooner in the Coptic Cairo, narrow streeted, dark bazaared, many flied, much vexed by donkeys and by overland route passengers, than the horrid tongue of land which licks the muddy margin of the Ohio and the Mississippi. The thermometer at 100° in the shade before noon indicates nowhere else such an amount of heat and suffering, and yet prostrate as I was, it was my fate to argue that England was justified in conceding belligerent, rights to the South, and that the attitude of neutrality we had assumed in this terrible quarrel is not in effect an aggression on the United States; and here is a difference to be perceived between the North and the South.

The people of the seceding States, aware in their consciences that they have been most active in their hostility to Great Britain, and whilst they were in power were mainly responsible for the defiant, irritating, and insulting tone commonly used to us by American statesmen, are anxious at the present moment when so much depends on the action of foreign countries, to remove all unfavorable impressions from our minds by declarations of good will, respect, and admiration, not quite compatible with the language of their leaders in times not long gone by. The North, as yet unconscious of the loss of power, and reared in a school of menace and violent assertion of their rights, regarding themselves as the whole of the United States, and animated by their own feeling of commercial and political opposition to Great Britain, maintain the high tone of a people who have never known let or hindrance in their passions, and consider it an outrage that
the whole world does not join in active sympathy for a government which in its brief career has contrived to affront every nation in Europe with which it had any dealings.

If the United States have astonished France by their ingratitude, they have certainly accustomed England to their petulance, and one can fancy the satisfaction with which the Austrian Statesmen who remember Mr. Webster's despatch to Mr. Hulsemann, contemplate the present condition of the United States in the face of an insurrection of these sovereign and independent States which the Cabinet at Washington stigmatizes as an outbreak of rebels and traitors to the royalty of the Union.

During my short sojourn in this country I have never yet met any person who could show me where the sovereignty of the Union resides. General Prentiss, however, and his Illinois volunteers, are quite ready to fight for it.

In the afternoon the General drove me round the camps in company with Mr. Washburne, Member of Congress, from Illinois, his staff and a party of officers, among whom was Mr. Oglesby, colonel of a regiment of State Volunteers, who struck me by his shrewdness, simple honesty, and zeal,* He told me that he had begun life in the utmost obscurity, but that somehow or other he got into a lawyer's office and there, by hard drudgery, by mother wit, and industry, notwithstanding a defective education, he had raised himself not only to independence, but to such a position that 1000 men had gathered at his call and selected one who had never led a company in his life to be their colonel; in fact, he is an excellent orator of the western school, and made good homely, telling speeches to his men.

“I'm not as good as your Frenchmen of the schools of Paris, nor am I equal to the Russian colonels I met at St. Petersburg, who sketched me out how they had beaten you Britishers at Sebastopol,” said he; “but I know I can do good straight fighting with my boys when I get a chance. There is a good deal in training, to be sure, but nature tells too. Why I believe I would make a good artillery officer if I was put to it. General, you heard how I laid one of them guns the other day and touched her off with my own hand and sent the ball right into a tree half-a-mile away.” The Colonel evidently thought he had by that feat proved his fitness for the command of a field battery. One of the German officers who was listening to the lively old man's talk, whispered to me, “Dere is a good many of tese colonels in dis camp.”

At each station the officers came out of their tents, shook hands all round, and gave an unfailing invitation to get down and take a drink, and the guns on the General's approach fired salutes, as though it was a time of profoundest peace. Powder was certainly more plentiful than in the Confederate camps, where salutes are not permitted unless by special order on great occasions.

The General remained for some time in the camp of the Chicago light artillery, which was commanded by a fine young Scotchman of the Saxon genus Smith, who told me that the privates of his company represented a million and a half of dollars in property. Their guns, horses, carriages, and accoutrements were all in the most creditable order, and there was an air about the men and about their camp which showed they did not belong to the same class as the better disciplined Hungarians of Milotzky close at hand.

Whilst we were seated in Captain Smith's tent, a number of the privates came forward, and sang the “Star-spangled banner,” and a patriotic song, to the air of “God save the Queen!” and the rest of the artillery-men, and a number of stragglers from the other camps, assembled and then formed line behind the singers. When the chorus was over there arose a great shout for Washburne, and the honorable congressman was fain to come forward and make a speech, in which he assured his hearers of a very speedy victory and the advent of liberty all over the land. Then “General Prentiss” was called for; and as citizen soldiers command their Generals on such occasions, he too was obliged to speak, and to tell his audience "the world had never seen any men more devoted, gallant, or patriotic than themselves.” “Oglesby” was next summoned, and the tall, portly, good-humored old man stepped to the front, and with excellent tact and good sense, dished up in the Buncombe style, told them the time for making speeches had passed, indeed it had lasted too long; and although it was said there was very little fighting when there was much talking, he believed too much talking was likely to lead to a great deal more fighting than any one desired to see between citizens of the United States of America, except their enemies, who, no doubt, were much better pleased to see Americans fighting each other than to find them engaged in any other employment. Great as the mischief of too much talking had been, too much writing had far more of the mischief to answer for. The pen was keener than the tongue, hit harder, and left a more incurable wound; but the pen was better than the tongue, because it was able to cure the mischief it had inflicted,” And so by a series of sentences the Colonel got round to me, and to my consternation, remembering how I had fared with my speech at the little private dinner on St. Patrick's Day in New York, I was called upon by stentorian lungs, and hustled to the stump by a friendly circle, till I escaped by uttering a few sentences as to “mighty struggle,” “Europe gazing,” “the world anxious,” “the virtues of discipline,” “the admirable lessons of a soldier's life,” and the “aspiration that in a quarrel wherein a British subject was ordered, by an authority he was bound to respect, to remain neutral, God might preserve the right.”

Colonel, General, and all addressed the soldiers as “gentlemen,” and their auditory did not on their part refrain from expressing their sentiments in the most unmistakable manner. “Bully for you, General!” “Bravo, Washburne!” “That's so, Colonel!” and the like, interrupted the harangues; and when the oratorical exercises were over the men crowded round the staff, cheered and hurrahed, and tossed up their caps in the greatest delight.

With the exception of the foreign officers, and some of the Staff, there are very few of the colonels, majors, captains, or lieutenants who know anything of their business. The men do not care for them, and never think of saluting them. A regiment of Germans was sent across from Bird's Point this evening for plundering and robbing the houses in the district in which they were quartered.

It may be readily imagined that the scoundrels who had to fly from every city in Europe before the face of the police will not stay their hands when they find themselves masters of the situation in the so-called country of an enemy. In such matters the officers have little or no control, and discipline is exceedingly lax, and punishments but sparingly inflicted, the use of the lash being forbidden altogether. Fine as the men are, incomparably better armed, clad — and doubtless better fed — than the Southern troops, they will scarcely meet them man to man in the field with any chance of success. Among the officers are bar-room keepers, persons little above the position of potmen in England, grocers' apprentices, and such like — often inferior socially, and in every other respect, to the men whom they are supposed to command. General Prentiss has seen service, I believe, in Mexico; but he appears to me to be rather an ardent politician, embittered against slaveholders and the South, than a judicious or skilful military leader.

The principles on which these isolated commanders carry on the war are eminently defective. They apply their whole minds to petty expeditions, which go out from the camps, attack some Secessionist gathering, and then return, plundering, as they go and come, exasperating enemies, converting neutrals into opponents, disgusting friends, and leaving it to the Secessionists to boast that they have repulsed them. Instead of encouraging the men and improving their discipline these ill-conducted expeditions have an opposite result.
_______________

* Since died of wounds received in action.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 337-41

Thursday, August 17, 2017

South Carolina Legislature.

The South Carolina Legislature, in pursuance of the Proclamation of the Governor, assembled in Columbia on Monday last.

In the Senate, the Hon. F. J. MOSES was called to the Chair, certificates of election read, and members duly qualified.  The Hon. W. D. PORTER was unanimously elected President, and upon assuming the Chair, addressed the body in a short impressive speech.

Gen. W. E. MARTIN was then elected Clerk, A. D. GOODWYN Reading Clerk, and —— GAILLARD Door-keeper.

In the House of Representatives, Mr. BOYLSTON, of Fairfield, upon motion of Mr. BUIST, of Charleston, was called to the Chair, for the purpose of organization.  The certificates of election were read, and the members elected duly sworn in.  A ballot was ordered for the election of Speaker, and Gen. SIMONS having received 110 votes – all the votes cast – was declared unanimously elected.  Upon being conducted to the Chair, the Speaker returned his thanks in feeling and appropriate terms.

The following message was received from His Excellency the Governor, and read by his Private Secretary, Col. Watts.  It commanded the earnest attention of the house.

EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,}
COLUMBIA, S. C., Nov. 5, 1860.}
Gentlemen of the Senate and the House of Representatives:

The Act of Congress passed in the year 1846, enacts that “the Electors of President and Vice President shall be appointed on Tuesday next after the first Monday of the month of November of the year in which they are to be appointed.”  The annual meeting of the Legislature of South Carolina, by a constitutional provision, will not take place until the fourth Monday in November instant, and I have considered it my duty, under the authority conferred upon me to convene the Legislature on extraordinary occasions, to convene you, that you may on tomorrow appoint the number of Electors of President and Vice President to which this state is entitled.

Under ordinary circumstances, your duty could soon be discharged, by the election of Electors, representing the choice of the people of the State; but in view of the threatening aspect of affairs, and the strong probability of the election to the Presidency of a sectional candidate, by a party committed to the support of measures which, if carried out, inevitably destroy our equality in the Union, and ultimately reduce the Southern States to mere provinces of a consolidated despotism, to be governed by a fixed majority in Congress, hostile to our institutions, and fatally bent upon our ruin, I would respectfully suggest that the Legislature remain in session, and take such action as well prepare the State for any emergency that may arise.

That an expression of the will of the people may be obtained on a question involving such momentous consequences, I would earnestly recommend, that in the event of the election of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, a Convention of the people of this state be immediately called to determine “the mode and measure of redress.”

My own opinions of what the Convention should do are of little moment; but believing that the time has arrived when every one, however humble he may be, should express his opinions in the unmistakable language, I am constrained to say, that the only alternative left in my judgment, is the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union.  The indications from many of the Southern States justify the conclusion that the secession of South Carolina will be immediately followed, if not adopted simultaneoulsy by them, and ultimately by the entire South.  The long desired co operation of the other States, having similar institutions, for which the State has been waiting, seems to be nearer at hand, and, if we are true to ourselves, will soon be realized.  The State has, with great unanimity, declared that she has the right [peaceably] to secede, and no power on earth can rightfully prevent it.  If, in the exercise of arbitrary power, and forgetful of the lessons of history, the Government of the United States should attempt coercion, it will become our solemn duty to meet force by force; and whatever may be the decision of the Convention representing the sovereignty of the State – and amenable to no earthly tribunal – shall, during the remainder of my administration, be carried out to the letter, regardless of any hazards that may surround its execution.  I would also respectfully recommend a thorough reorganization of the Militia, so as to place the whole military force of the State in a position to be sued at the shortest notice, and with the greatest efficiency.  Every man in the State, between the ages of eighteen and forty five, should be well armed with the most effective weapons of modern warfare, and all available means of the State used for that purpose.

In addition to this general preparation, I would also recommend that the service of ten thousand volunteers be immediately accepted; that they be organized and drilled by officers chosen by themselves, and hold themselves in readiness to be called on upon by the shortest notice.

With this preparation for defence – and with all the hallowed memories of past achievements – and with our love of liberty and hatred of tyranny – and with the knowledge that we are contending for the safety of our homes and firesides – we confidently appeal to the Disposer of all human events, and safely trust our cause in His keeping.

WM. H. GIST.

In the House Mr. Cunningham (of Charleston) offered a resolution authorizing the Governor to use the appropriation of $100,000 ordered by the Acts of 1859, for any proper purpose of common defence and peace requirements.

The recommendations of the Governors message were made the special order for Thursday at 1 o’clock in the Senate and House.  In the House W. C. INGLIS has been elected Reading Clerk; A. P. NICHOLSON messenger, and C. M. GRAY Door-keeper.

— Published in The Abbeville Press, Abbeville, South Carolina, Friday Morning, November 9, 1860, p. 2

Sunday, April 30, 2017

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 12, 1863

Gen. Van Dorn, it is reported, has captured or destroyed another gun-boat in the West.

Night before last another riot was looked for in this city by the mayor, and two battalions of Gen. Elzey's troops were ordered into the city. If the President could only see the necessity of placing this city under the command of a native Southern general, he might avoid much obloquy. The Smiths, Winders, and Elzeys, who are really foreigners, since the men from their States are not liable to conscription (vide Judge Campbell's decision), are very obnoxious to the people. Virginians can never be reconciled to the presence of a mercenary Swiss guard, and will not submit to imported masters.

Notwithstanding the Enquirer urges it, and Mr. Barksdale, of Mississippi, persistently advocates it, Congress still refuses to confer additional powers on the President. Twice, within the last week, Congress has voted down the proposition to clothe the President with power to suspend the writ of habeas corpus. Congress has likewise refused to reconsider the vote postponing the consideration of the bill to create a Court of Claims Judge S— was here, working for it; but was doomed to disappointment.

A few nights since a full Federal band came within a hundred yards of our men, the Rappahannock only separating them, and played “Dixie.” Our men cheered them lustily. Then they played “Yankee Doodle,” when the Yankees cheered. After this they played “Home, sweet Home!” and all parties cheered them. There may be something significant in this. The pickets have orders not to fire on each other, when no demonstration is in progress.

Our members of Congress get salaries of $2750. A cobbler (free negro), who mends shoes for my family, told me yesterday that he earned $10 per day, or $3000 per annum.

A pair of pantaloons now costs $40; boots, $60; and so on.

We have warm weather at last, and dry. Armies will soon be in motion.

Our government and people seem now to despair of European intervention. But the President says our armies are more numerous, and better armed and disciplined than at any period during the war. Hence the contest will be maintained indefinitely for independence. With these feelings the third year of the war opens. May God have mercy on the guilty men who determine more blood shall be shed. The South would willingly cease the sanguinary strife, if the invader would retire from our territory; but just as willingly will she fight hereafter as heretofore, so long as a foeman sets foot upon her soil. It must soon be seen with what alacrity our people will rush to the battle-field!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 290-1

Friday, November 25, 2016

Diary of John Hay: May 10, 1861

Carl Schurz loafed into my room this morning, and we spoke of the slaves and their ominous discontent. He agreed with me that the Commandants at Pickens and Monroe were unnecessarily squeamish in imprisoning and returning to their masters the fugitives who came to their gates begging to be employed. . . . Schurz says that thousands of Democrats are declaring that now is the time to remove the cause of all our woes. What we could not have done in many life-times the madness and folly of the South had accomplished for us. Slavery offers itself more vulnerable to our attack than at any point in any century, and the wild malignity of the South is excusing us before God and the world.

So we talked in the morning.

But to-night I saw a letter from Mrs. Whitman stating that Thomas Earl , T. W. Higginson, the essayist of Boston, and young John Brown, were “going to free the slaves.” What we were dreaming of came over my mind with horrible distinctness, but I shrank from the apparition. This is not the time nor are these the men to do it. They should wait till the government gives some kind of sanction to the work. . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 33; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letters of John Hay, p. 22-3.

Sunday, September 18, 2016

John Stuart Mill to John L. Motley, September 17, 1862


Saint-Virain, Avignon,
September 17, 1862.

My Dear Sir: I value the permission you gave me to correspond with you much too highly not to avail myself of it thus early, although I have very little to say that will be new, and at the same time interesting, to one whose thoughts are engrossed as yours must be. If you see “Macmillan's Magazine,” which has from the beginning been steadily on the right side in American affairs, you must have remarked the “Notes of a Journey in America,” which have been in the course of publication for some months, ending with a general summing up in the September number. This last paper especially appears to me excellent, and likely to do much good in England. The whole series has been reprinted in a volume, with the name of the writer, Mr. Edward Dicey, author of a recent book on Italy and Rome. You will probably see the “Westminster Review” of next month, which will contain an article of mine on the American question, apropos of Mr. Cairnes’s book. It is hastily written, and slight, for such a subject, but “every little helps,” as the nursery proverb says. I am not at all uneasy about public opinion here, if only the North is successful. The great number of well-meaning people and sincere enemies of slavery, who have been led into disapproving of your resistance to the South when carried to the length of war, have been chiefly influenced by thinking the reconquest of the South impossible. If you prove it to be possible, if you bring the slave States under your power, if you make use of that power to reconstitute Southern society on the basis of freedom, and if finally you wind up the financial results without breaking faith with any of the national creditors (among whom must be reckoned the holders of depreciated currency), you will have all our public with you, except the Tories, who will be mortified that what they absurdly think an example of the failure of democracy should be exchanged for a splendid example of its success. If you come well and honorably through one of the severest trials which a nation has ever undergone, the whole futurity of mankind will assume a brighter aspect. If not, it will for some time to come be very much darkened.

I have read lately two writings of Northern Americans on the subject of England, which show a very liberal appreciation of the misdirection of English opinion and feeling respecting the contest. One is Mr. Thurlow Weed's letter, which was published in the newspapers, and in which those just and generous allowances are made for us which many of us have not made for you. The other is the Rev. Dr. Thompson's “England during our War,” reprinted from the “New Englander,” which is even over-indulgent to our people, but too severe on our government. I believe that our government has felt more rightly all through than a majority of the public.

We shall be at this address until the end of November; afterward at Blackheath Park, Kent. I need hardly say that if your occupations would allow of your writing to me it would not only give me great pleasure, but would make me better able to be of use to a cause which I have as much at heart as even yourself.

I am, my dear sir,
Very truly yours,
J. S. Mill.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 281-3

Wednesday, August 31, 2016

Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, November 30, 1860

Bloomington
Nov 30, 1860
Dear Lincoln

I received, yesterday the enclosed letter from Sanderson I suppose it was intended for your eyes, more than mine, and therefore I forward it to you. I am annoyed, a little, that these applications of Cameron's friends are made so prominently through Judge Davis & myself. Yet, on the whole, from what occured at Chicago I think they have a right to do it. My objection is that it seemingly puts us in the advocacy of Cameron and leaves the inference of our interest to do so This is not the truth about it The truth is, at Chicago we thought the Cameron influence was the controlling element & tried to procure that rather than the factions The negotiations we had with them, so far as I can judge was one of the reasons, which induced the Cameron leaders to throw the bulk of that force to you. That having been done and a correspondence having been kept up by us with them, during the summer, they naturally seek the same channel to get back to you. This is all the only reason I know of, why they write to us.

While I arrogate to myself no might to my opinion, yet if they want it, opinions are cheap & in this instance certainly wont do harm.

This flurry at the South it seems to me can be got along with, but I dont think it ought to be helped with. The Country wants firmness & justice Cameron has the negative merit of not being offensive to them the South.

If it is conceded Penn. should have a Cabinet officer the weight of party there, all other things equal, should, I think, indicate him. Cameron would seem to satisfy the majority Reed, or any other man, only a minority A reason for this may be, that in adition to Cameron's real strength the politicians can heal their local differences by having two vacancies in the Senate to fill.

My belief is that no man, other that C. can be selected there without considerable dissatisfaction There is also the argument too that the Cameron influence, as much as any thing nominated you, while the other influences there did & could do you no considerable good The arguments against him I dont fully know, for my intercourse has been with his fends The only exception to this is Joseph Lewis of West Chester & I think he is a fussy old fellow who doesn't amount to much

Is not the fact that Seward may be satisfied with a mission to England worthy of consideration Tis true he undertands the foreign relations of the Gov & would be of great service but the domestic relation are the ones most complicated—

I understand that Cassius Clay is anxious to get into the Cabinet Does not this complicate matters It seems to me, he would be more odious to the South than any man but Seward[.] Putnam has written me two very long letters. He wants a second class foreign mission & has asked me at a proper time to name it to you

Yours Truly
Leonard Swett