Diary of Private Richard R. Hancock: Monday, January 20, 1862

Some of our boys went down the river that morning before day to assist in bringing the wounded, on horses, back to a point out of range of the Federal guns. A few of the severely wounded had to be left on the north side of the river.

Surgeon D. B. Cliff was allowed by General Thomas to accompany the remains of General Zollicoffer and Lieutenant Bailie Peyton to Louisville, Kentucky, and from there, if General Buell would consent, to Nashville, Tennessee.¹

Having been sent with a dispatch to General Zollicoffer's headquarters, a few days previous to his death, he invited me, though but a "high private," into his tent, offered me a drink of wine, and treated me with as much respect and politeness as if I had been his equal in rank.

His men did not only have confidence in him as a commander, but he had been so good and so kind to them that they had learned to love him almost with filial affection. Hence the fall of our gallant leader was a desperate blow to the followers. And, unfortunately, General Crittenden had been with the command only sixteen days and General Carroll only four previous to this unfortunate event.

To add to the demoralization of our little army, such rumors as the following were now afloat in camps: "Crittenden is drunk a good portion of the time. He has a brother in the Federal army." "He is in sympathy with the North." "He will surrender us all to the Federals if he has a good opportunity," etc. It was thought by some that the Fifteenth Mississippi were so desperately mad that they would have shot him if they had had a good opportunity. It was said that he ordered the brigades to halt and fortify at Monticello, Kentucky, and that the colonels refused to obey orders. I give the above as rumors, allowing each reader to have his own opinion about them. But, whether true or untrue, they had a demoralizing effect upon the command.

On January 27th the Hon. Landon C. Haynes wrote from Knoxville to President Davis thus:

The Army of the Cumberland is utterly routed and demoralized. The result is regarded with the profoundest solicitude. Confidence is gone in the ranks and among the people. It must be restored. I am confident it cannot be done under Generals Crittenden and Carroll. . . I do not propose to inquire whether the loss of public confidence in Generals Crittenden and Carroll is ill or well founded. It is sufficient that all is lost.

I must think, as everybody else does, that there has been a great mistake made. . Cannot you, Mr. President, right the wrong by the immediate presence of a new and able man?²

On the same date (27th) Governor Isham G. Harris dispatched thus to Hon. J. D. C. Atkins:

Crittenden can never rally troops in East Tennessee. Some other general must be sent there.³

We fell back to Monticello, nine miles from the river, unmolested by the Federals. The infantry and foot cavalry had quite a disagreeable march on account of so much mud. The command halted for the night about one mile south of Monticello-that is to say, a part of the command, for a good many besides our battalion kept moving homeward.

There was nothing to have hindered us from bringing off all the camp equipage belonging to our battalion, as we were camping on the south side of the river, but in place of doing that we lost all, leaving our tents in flames. I suppose it was thought that the Federals would cross the river and follow us, but they did not.

Col. McNairy being absent, the captains of our battalion held a consultation at Monticello, and after taking all things into consideration-no rations, camp equipage, etc. they decided to disband, allow the men to go home for a few days, get a better supply of clothing and return to our command again.

We had only gone about one mile from Monticello when Captain Parrish (Company C) halted, saying, "I am not willing to take so much responsibility upon myself. I am going back to the command." So that caused a confusion, and the battalion began to scatter. Captain Parrish, fourteen of his company and one of our company (J. R. Dougherty) remained. The rest of the battalion went home, being instructed to meet the command again at Gainesboro, on the Cumberland River, in Jackson County, Tennessee. We now traveled in small squads, on different roads. Lieutenant George Alexander, brother Ben (B. A. Hancock) and I, going in the direction of Jamestown, Tennessee, put up for the night within four miles of Wolf River.

_______________

¹ Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 565.

² Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 849.

³ Rebellion Records, Vol. VII., p. 849.

SOURCE: Richard R. Hancock, Hancock's Diary: Or, A History of the Second Tennessee Confederate Cavalry, p. 125-8

A. A. G. George E. Flynt, to Surgeon D. B. Cliff, January 24, 1862

HDQRS. FIRST DIVISION, DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO,        

Somerset, Ky., January 24, 1862.

Surg. D. B. CLIFF:

The general commanding the division grants you permission to accompany the remains of General Zollicoffer and Lieut. Bailie Peyton to Louisville, Ky. Transportation for this purpose will be furnished you from the quartermaster's department. An escort of 1 sergeant and 6 men will be detailed to accompany you as far as Lebanon, Ky., and a transportation pass over the railroad to Louisville.

Upon your arrival at Louisville you will at once report in person to General D. C. Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, and, with his consent, can proceed to Nashville with the remains.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,.

GEO. E. FLYNT,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 565

Landon C. Haynes to Jefferson Davis, January 27, 1862

KNOXVILLE, TENN., January 27, 1862.

His Excellency JEFFERSON DAVIS,
        President Confederate States of America:

SIR: The Army of the Cumberland is utterly routed and demoralized. The result is regarded with the profoundest solicitude. Confidence is gone in the ranks and among the people. It must be restored. I am confident it cannot be done under Generals Crittenden and Carroll. There is now no impediment whatever but bad roads and natural obstacles to prevent the enemy from entering East Tennessee and destroying the railroads and putting East Tennessee in a flame of revolution.

Nothing but the appointment to the command of a brave, skillful, and able general, who has the popular confidence, will restore tone and discipline to the army, and confidence to the people. I do not propose to inquire whether the loss of public confidence in Generals Crittenden and Carroll is ill or well founded. It is sufficient that all is lost.

General Humphrey Marshall, General Floyd, General Pillow, General Smith, or General Loring would restore tone to the army and rein-spire the public confidence. I must think, as everybody else does, that there has been a great mistake made. Every movement is important. Can not you, Mr. President, right the wrong by the immediate presence of a new and able man?

Yours, truly,

LANDON C. HAYNES.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 849

Isham G. Harris to John D. C. Atkins, January 27, 1862

NASHVILLE, January 27, 1862.

J. D. C. ATKINS, Member Congress:

Crittenden can never rally troops [in] East Tennessee. Some other general must be sent there. Federals advanced from Murray on Fort Henry. Before reaching Henry they retreated back to Paducah. All safe in that country.

ISHAM G. HARRIS.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 849

Senator John Sherman to Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman, December 6, 1868

WASHINGTON, D.C., Dec. 6, 1868.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I never expected to be appointed Secretary of the Treasury, as you suggest he might, for if he thought of it I could not accept by reason of the political complication of the Ohio Legislature. I should be gratified with the offer and opportunity to decline, but I suppose in this matter he will not choose to deal in compliments.

Affectionately,

JOHN SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 324

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, December 20, 1868

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI,        

ST. LOUIS, Mo., Dec. 20, 1868.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Grant and I at Chicago had one or two stolen interviews in which he said he would leave me, as I wished, at St. Louis till the last minute, viz., March 4, and he assured me that he would oppose, if it came to him, any change as to the law in the matter of the office of General, or the diminution of salary. The only trouble is in my successor. Halleck is out of the question. Meade comes next on the list, but is not a favorite. Sheridan comes next in order and is Grant's preference, I think. Thomas could not be passed over if by the accidents of war Sheridan had not already got over him.

Thomas is universally esteemed, but was not made a regular Major General till his battle of Nashville. Whereas Sheridan, at least 13 years younger in service, was made a Major General for his Winchester battle the summer previous. So I think Sheridan will be chosen by Grant as Lt. Genl. Say not a word of this, as Grant will not wish to act till the last minute of time.

We had the most enthusiastic meeting at Chicago possible, and on the whole it was the best meeting we ever had or ever will have again. All persons, Grant included, volunteered the most fulsome eulogies of my short address of welcome, which is badly reported in the telegraphic despatches, but it was carefully written out and will be correctly printed when the whole proceedings are booked.

Yours,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 324-5

Senator John Sherman to Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman, December 24, 1868

UNITED STATES SENATE CHAMBER,        

WASHINGTON, Dec. 24, 1868.

Dear Brother: . . . Your reception speech was universally approved. I saw Grant after his return here, and he was quite exultant over the whole affair. He takes all things tranquilly. . . .

I am in real embarrassment about questions that I must now act upon. My conviction is that specie payments must be resumed, and I have my own theories as to the mode of resumption, but the process is a very hard one, and will endanger the popularity of any man or administration that is compelled to adopt it. Our party has no policy, and any proposition will combine all other plans in opposition to it. . . .

Affectionately,

JOHN SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 325

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, December 28, 1868

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI,        

ST. LOUIS, Dec. 28, 1868.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Of course I don't profess to understand either your bill or Mr. Morton's. I should like to see a consolidated 5 per cent bond gradually substituted to replace the present bonds, to the extent of 2000 millions, requiring 100 millions annually for interest, and a greenback for the balance of debt, say five hundred millions, and all other paper money withdrawn and prohibited. I think Grant won't commit himself to more than the general idea that the debt is sacred, and leave Congress to devise the ways and means. He will of course try all means of practical economy. I agree with him perfectly that no more money subsidies on land grants should be made now or until the debt is in good shape. . .

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 326

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, January 6, 1869

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSOURI,        

ST. LOUIS, MO., Jan. 6, 1869.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I doubt if you can do much this session in the way of financial legislation, and I hope Congress, on reorganizing after March 4, will follow the old custom of not doing anything till winter. I doubt if as much good will result from debates, as from observing the working of the present system of finance and reconstruction. Next winter you will have the advantage of the experience meanwhile, and Grant will be there, fairly installed, and better prepared to execute what is found to be best. If ever a country was too much governed, ours is. Congress ought to set the example of short sessions.

Yours affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 326-7

Lieutenant-General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, end of February 1869

[ST. LOUIS, MO.]

My visit South was in every sense agreeable. My old friends in Alexandria did all they could to make us welcome, and I was not allowed to pay a cent on steamboat, at the hotel, or anywhere. I visited several plantations and saw negroes at work for wages, and seemingly as free and as conscious of their freedom as the blacks of Ohio. Boyd was perfectly grateful for the books you sent him, which were in the library and marked with your name. I found my own portrait, in full uniform, in the main hall, and in the library many books on our side of the war. Boyd asked me for army and navy registers, post surveys, and railroad surveys, and other national books that I have and will send him. Of course they have their old prejudices, and labor to prevent their cause from sinking into one of pure malignity, but as to the future, he promised me to teach his pupils to love and honor the whole country. He preserves all my old letters, and we looked over many, in every one of which I took the highest national grounds and predicted the ruin of their country.

The marble tablet which was built over the main door on which was cut the inscription "By the liberality of the general government. The Union - esto perpetua," was taken out and was found broken in pieces. I saw the deposition to that effect in Boyd's possession, but he could not say if Vallas did it of himself, or on the order of the board of supervisors.

You remember attention was called to that inscription by my original letter of resignation, and it is probable the rebels made Vallas take it out; anyhow Boyd has ordered an iron casting of same size and same inscription, and promised me to place it over the door in lieu of the marble, too much broken up to be replaced.

In New Orleans I was cautioned against going to Alexandria, which was burned down at the time of the Banks expedition, but I never received more marked attention by all classes, and not a word or look reached me but what was most respectful and gratifying. In like manner I had the most pressing invitations to stop at Jackson and Canton, Miss., both of which places were destroyed by me. I do think some political power might be given to the young men who served in the rebel army for they are a better class than the adventurers who have gone South purely for office.

Affectionately,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 327-8

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, September 12, 1869

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES.        

WASHINGTON, D.C., Sept. 12, 1869.

Dear Brother:

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I now do both duties, Commander-in-Chief and Secretary of War. The truth is, the offices both united, are easier of execution than either separate; because the Statutes do not clearly define the spheres of each, and a natural conflict or suspicion arises. United in one person settles all disputes. In the present attitude of things, it would be a good thing to dispense with a Secretary of War, and unite Army and Navy in one representative in the Cabinet, and let the Internal Revenue go into the Cabinet. . . .

Yours,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 328-9

Senator John Sherman to General William T. Sherman, October 10, 1869

MANSFIELD, OHIO, Oct. 10, 1869.

Dear Brother: The panic in New York, though disastrous to a few, will do good. It will prove the absolute necessity of getting upon a specie basis. This process is a hard one and will affect the popularity of Grant's administration, but it must be gone through with. . . .

Affectionately,

JOHN SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 329

Senator John Sherman to General William T. Sherman, October 21, 1870

MANSFIELD, OHIO, Oct. 21, 1870.

Dear Brother: I have kept the general run of you during your trip, and therefore know what a fine reception you had on the coast.

It is a fatiguing trip, and no wonder that Lizzie¹ is worn out by it. I have spent the summer very quietly and pleasantly, most of the time at home. I did my share of the work in the canvas at Ohio and Indiana, but it was a languid one. I am getting tired of the ceaseless struggle of political life, and above all dread the contest next summer, when, if I am a candidate, I shall have to encounter the combined opposition of every Democrat and of every Federal office-holder in Ohio. . . .

Affectionately,

JOHN SHERMAN.

_______________

¹ The General's second daughter.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 329-30

General William T. Sherman to Senator John Sherman, March 21, 1871

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE UNITED STATES,        

WASHINGTON, D.C., March 21, 1871.

Dear Brother: A few days ago at the request of a mutual friend, I sent to General J. E. Johnston at Savannah, the eight volumes of the report of the committee on the conduct of the war.

In writing him I called his attention to the recent feeling here on the subject of the Ku Klux, and that I did not believe he or the Confederate officers were either the instigators, or passive aiders of these disgraceful acts. . .

Affectionately, etc.,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 330

Diary of Gideon Welles: February 1, 1866

Colonel Bolles and Eames have prepared an order for the President to sign for a mixed commission to try Semmes. I took it to the President this P.M. He expressed himself strongly against a military trial or military control. Wished the Navy to keep the case in its own hands. Said he wished to put no more in Holt's control than was absolutely necessary; that Holt was cruel and remorseless, made so perhaps by his employment and investigations; that his tendencies and conclusions were very bloody. The President said he had a large number of Holt's decisions now—pointing to the desk—which he disliked to take up; that all which came from that quarter partook of the traits of Nero and Draco. I have never heard him express himself so decidedly in regard to Holt, but have on one or two previous occasions perceived that his confidence in the Judge Advocate-General was shaken.

I long since was aware that Holt was severe and unrelenting, and am further compelled to think that, with a good deal of mental vigor and strength as a writer, he has strange weaknesses. He is credulous and often the dupe of his own imaginings. Believes men guilty on shadowy suspicions, and is ready to condemn them without trial.

Stanton has sometimes brought forward singular papers relating to conspiracies, and dark and murderous designs in which he had evident faith, and Holt has assured him in his suspicions.

I am glad that the President does not consider him infallible, and that he is guarded against the worst traits; the others will develop themselves, if they have not already.

I stated to the President that I would not advise a military, naval, or mixed commission to try Semmes for treason or piracy, for the civil tribunals had cognizance of those offenses. But if he had violated the laws of war for which he could not be arraigned in court, there was perhaps a necessity that we should act through a commission. He realized the distinction and the propriety of acting and wished me to bring the subject before the full Cabinet.

One of my troubles in the matter of the charges and specifications has been to limit our action to violations of the law of war. The lawyers who have it in charge, especially Colonel Bolles, are for embracing a wider range. He wishes to figure in the case.

Senator Dixon gave me to-day a slip from the New Haven Courier, written by Babcock, the Collector, taking issue with Deming in his late speech. Babcock sustains the policy of the President, and his article is very creditable. Dixon wished me to write him and says McCulloch will do so. I wish some of our more reliable friends would have the sagacity and determination to do this subject justice.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 423-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 2, 1866

I think the President, though calm and reticent, exhibits indications of not being fully satisfied in some respects with the conduct and course of some in whom he has confided; yet he carefully abstains from remarks respecting persons. There can be no doubt that Stanton has given certain of the leading Radicals to understand that his views correspond with theirs, but I do not know that the President is fully aware of that fact. Seward, while he says nothing very decisively, leaves no doubt that he coincides in the general policy of the President. Harlan made a singular speech to the Iowa Radicals a week ago, but has written an explanatory letter which is no explanation. I have no doubt that Dennison is sincerely with the President and means to sustain his measures, yet he makes visible, without intending it, his apprehension that by this policy the Democrats may get a controlling influence. In this he is not singular, for many of the leading Radicals, especially those of Whig antecedents, have similar apprehensions and are afraid to trust the people. Having power, they do not scruple at means to retain it.

The truth is the Radical leaders in Congress openly and secretly have labored to defeat the President, and their hostility has engendered a distrust in their own minds, and caused fairer men, like Dennison, to have fears that the President might identify himself with the Democrats. This subject gives me no uneasiness whatever. I shall not be surprised if the extreme men become alienated, but their abandonment of the President will, under the working of our system of intelligent free thought and action, make room for the more reasonable and calculating of the opposition, if met with intelligent candor and determination. He will naturally feel kindly disposed towards those who sustain him and his measures, and will not be likely to give his confidence to those who oppose both.¹

_______________

¹ The President was at this time greatly embarrassed by the advice and suggestions of Mr. Seward, who, though personally friendly to the President and the Administration, was himself so much of a party man, and so much under the influence of extreme partisans, as to be governed rather by party than by country. It was the aim and object of his New York friends to keep alive party distinctions created by Secession and the War, and to throw the power of the Administration into the Republican, or, in other words, Radical, hands. New York is a great State and has local controversies of its own, independent of the Federal Government, but the centralists could not secure and hold the ascendancy there except by the aid of the Federal Government. The New York politicians had, therefore, a double part to play, and Mr. Seward was their agent to effect their purpose. Whilst Thad Stevens and the extreme Radicals were making war on the Executive, it was important for the New Yorkers, and indeed for men of similar views in other States not to break immediately with the President, but to use the power and patronage of the Executive to promote their own ends. He had been elected by them, and Mr. Seward urged that he should not neglect them, even if they disagreed with him, for he insisted that the Democrats, although their views were with him on present questions, were opposed to him and his Administration. Party before country was inculcated by both Radicals and Democrats. The President had in the past as in the present placed country above party, and was consequently not a favorite with either.

Almost all the members of the Cabinet were strict party men and were subjected to severe discipline in those days. Without an exception they approved the principles and assented to the opinions and purposes of the President, but it was soon given out that they must conform to the theory and doctrines of Thad Stevens if they designed to preserve their Republican Party identity. Congress was the supreme department of the Government and must be recognized as the supreme power. Members of Congress must be permitted to exercise executive duties. The legislative department must control the action of the Government, prescribe its policy, its measures, and dictate appointments to the executive, or subordinate, department. Most of the members of the Cabinet acquiesced or submitted to the usurpation. No appointments or nominations to office made by the Executive, who was bound to see the laws executed, were confirmed by the Senate, except the nominees were first recommended or indorsed by Radical Members of Congress. Some of the Cabinet under these circumstances surrendered and made terms.

Mr. Seward advised that there should be compromise and concession. The President, unwilling to break with those who elected him, yielded and failed to make a stand and appeal to his countrymen for support. As a consequence, the unscrupulous Radicals wielded the government in all its departments.—G. W.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 424-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 5, 1866

I wrote Calvin Day a general letter on the condition of affairs. What are his views and opinions I know not. His usual good sense leads me to hope he is correct, yet his feelings are very decided, perhaps, like others, unrelenting, against the Rebels. He can, I think, have no confidence in, or respect for, Stevens, but his sentiments in regard to Dixon are not more favorable. The papers in Connecticut have most of them launched off with the Radicals, especially those with which he is associated. I did not wish to intermeddle or even to express an opinion on the eve of the nominating convention or the elections, but there seemed a duty to counsel an old friend whose prejudices are strong. Whether he will heed what I have written remains to be seen.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 426

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 6, 1866

Seward read a letter in regard to the Shenandoah, expressing my views and adopting my suggestions and almost my language. The city is full of visitors, and Washington is gay with parties. Attended reception at the Executive Mansion and afterward called on Sir Frederick Bruce and his niece Lady Elma Thurlow. Met at each [place] Madame La Verte (and daughter), of Mobile, who is making demonstration here and writing, I am told, a South-side view of the Rebellion. I met her here nearly forty years ago, then Miss Wharton, a gay and intelligent young lady.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 427

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, February 7, 1866

The Democratic Party, as it calls itself, held yesterday its convention in Connecticut, and the nomination of Governor as well as the resolutions adopted exhibit more sense and patriotism than has been shown for years. Mr. English, the candidate for Governor, was a useful Member of Congress of enlarged and liberal views, who was not in his votes controlled strictly by party, herein differing widely from a class of narrow and pig-headed party leaders who have been a discredit to the State. In no State has mere partyism shown itself during the War to greater disadvantage than in Connecticut. Party and party organizations rose above country, or duty. In fact, party was a substitute for country. Adversity has taught them wisdom, yet the leaders are most of them short-sighted and narrow-minded, incapable of comprehending the true principles of government or of foreseeing results. Instead of considering how questions will affect the country, free institutions, or the cause of human rights and justice, the whole aim, study, and purpose have been to get a party ascendancy, power, and the patronage of office. With them party is the end, not the means.

The organization of the Democratic Party of Connecticut has been, perhaps, the most efficient and effectual of any party in any State. Whatever of good or evil it may have had, I, probably beyond any other person, am responsible for. When in 1826 I took charge of the Times and advocated Jackson's election, there was no systematic party organization nor much interest manifested in political principles on national subjects, nor much concerted political action in the State. Few, comparatively, attended the polls. There were, it is true, the more intelligent and at the same time the old contending partisans in the State. Disagreeing and contending among themselves, they nevertheless each hated Jackson. Embittered local controversies affecting the State had for several years absorbed general questions.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 427-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: February 8, 1866

Neither of the feeble organizations discussed or professed much regard for any of those fundamental principles which had created and previously influenced parties, or which were then again just looming up above the horizon. The Federalists had been beaten in 1818 and felt that they deserved it, but they had always until then been in the ascendant and wielded the power of the State, and still desired most earnestly to do so. The Republicans of those days were held in subjection and had great deference for the Federal dignitaries. Scarcely one of the leaders possessed independence and strength of character sufficient to firmly resist the well-organized dominant party and form and avow individual opinion. The mass or body of the people were patriotic, but, under ecclesiastical as much as political ruling, had little zeal or devotion for parties or leaders. This was the condition of things when I came upon the stage of action, full of enthusiasm and earnest work, and commenced the labor of bringing together the minds which sympathized and agreed with me. Very few of the prominent men came into the fold, and such as did were most of them disappointed and disaffected men. Some aspiring individuals whispered encouragement, but kept out of sight. By letters, by private correspondence and personal interviews with the people, by ascertaining names of men in different towns and localities, urging and inviting them to come forward, I laid the foundation of what was and is known as the Democratic Party of Connecticut. John M. Niles aided, and as he was the elder man by some years, he was more openly recognized as the leader. But Niles had not perseverance and was often and easily discouraged. Circumstances favored, and though abused, hated, insulted, and at first despised, the organization thus commenced, after many trials and reverses, obtained an ascendancy in the State.

When this became established, the vicious, the corrupt, the time-serving, and the unprincipled flocked to us. The Seymours, the Ingersolls, the Phelpses, etc., became Democrats. The organization was thorough, and the discipline rigid and severe. Trimmers and mere office-hunters became jealous and dissatisfied, made secret and sometimes open war upon me, were whipped and returned. The drill and discipline of twenty years made the organization compact, and when the Democratic Party of the country in 1848 became unfaithful in a measure to their principles, the discipline of party carried many into a false position. I declined to follow the nullifiers, compromisers, and secessionists, but the organization which I had instituted held to party and became perverted. New men who "knew not Joseph" controlled the organization. For a time they retained the ascendancy, but ultimately they broke down, and for ten or twelve years they have been in a minority. Through the War the leaders have been almost all of them hostile to the Administration and malignant against the cause of the Union. Some, like English, have risen above the trammels of party.

The ticket, with the exception of English, has not much strength, and some bad men are on it. I am apprehensive that the Republicans will not be as judicious in their movement, will not nominate a better man for Governor nor give as hearty an indorsement to the President and his policy.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 428-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 9, 1866

Mr. Seward read a very elaborate paper on French affairs, which was under discussion over two hours and seemed then not entirely satisfactory. The old story as to what Louis Napoleon is going to do was repeated. He has signified that he will, on receiving an assurance from us of non-intervention in Mexico, inform us what his arrangements are for withdrawing his troops. I thought Seward a little too ready to give an assurance, and that he was very little trusted and got very little in return.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 430

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, February 10, 1866

Was last night at a loud-heralded and large party given by Marquis Montholon, the French Minister. Am inclined to believe there was something political as well as social in the demonstration. No similar party has been given by the French Minister for five years.

The Naval Appropriation Bill has been before the House this week, when demagogues of small pattern exhibited their eminent incapacity and unfitness for legislation. It is a misfortune that such persons as Washburne and Ingersoll of Illinois and others are intrusted with important duties. Important and essential appropriations for the navy yards at Norfolk and Pensacola were stricken out, because they are in the South; in Boston because it is a wealthy community. Without knowledge, general or specific, the petty demagogues manifest their regard for the public interest and their economical views, by making no appropriations, or as few as possible for the Navy, regardless of what is essential. "We have now Navy enough to thrash England and France," said one of these small Representatives in his ignorance; therefore [they] vote no more money for navy yards, especially none in the Southern States.

Sumner made me his usual weekly visit this P.M. He is as earnest and confident as ever, probably not without reason. Says they are solidifying in Congress and will set aside the President's policy. I inquired if he really thought Massachusetts could govern Georgia better than Georgia could govern herself, for that was the kernel of the question: Can the people govern themselves? He could not otherwise than say Massachusetts could do better for them than they had done for themselves. When I said every State and people must form its own laws and government; that the whole social, industrial, political, and civil structure was to be reconstructed in the Slave States; that the elements there must work out their own condition, and that Massachusetts could not do this for them, he did not controvert farther than to say we can instruct them and ought to do it, that he had letters showing a dreadful state of things South, that the colored people were suffering beyond anything they had ever endured in the days of slavery. I told him I had little doubt of it; I had expected this as the first result of emancipation. Both whites and blacks in the Slave States were to pass through a terrible ordeal, and it was a most grievous and melancholy thing to me to witness the spirit manifested towards the whites of the South who were thus afflicted. Left to themselves, they have great suffering and hardship, without having their troubles increased by any oppressive acts from abroad.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 430-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 12, 1866

Mr. Bancroft has to-day delivered his oration on the death of Lincoln. It is the anniversary of his birth, and hence the occasion. The orator, or historian, acquitted himself very well. Some things were said which would hardly have been expected at such a time, particularly some sharp points against England and Lord John Russell, which I was not sorry to hear. Both the Minister and the Government were bad enemies of ours in our troubles; they added to these trials; they made them formidable; they intended our ruin.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 431

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 13, 1866

McCulloch asked me yesterday, in the President's room in the Capitol, if I had examined the Freedmen's Bureau Bill, and when I told him I had not, that I had never been partial to the measure, had doubted its expediency, even during the War, but as Congress, the Administration, and the country had adopted it, and as I had no connection with it, I had little inclination to interest myself in the matter, he said he wished I would examine the bill, and I told him I would, though opposed to that system of legislation, and to Government's taking upon itself the care and support of communities. To-day the President inquired of me my opinions, or rather said he thought there were some extraordinary features in the bill, and asked what I thought of them, or of the bill. My reply was similar to that I gave McCulloch yesterday. He expressed a wish that I would give the bill consideration, for he apprehended he should experience difficulty in signing it. The bill has not yet reached him.

Showed the President the finding of the court in the case of Meade, who had obtained a new trial and had a little severer punishment than in the former case. The President thought it would be well not to hurry Semmes's case. Told him there were reasons why delay would be acceptable and I should prefer it, only I wished it off my hands. But as he desired delay we would not hurry the matter. He alluded with some feeling to the extraordinary intrigue which he understood was going on in Congress, having nothing short of a subversion or change in the structure of the government in view. The unmistakable design of Thad Stevens and his associates was to take the government into their own hands, the President said, and to get rid of him by declaring Tennessee out of the Union. A sort of French Directory was to be established by these spirits in Congress, the Constitution was to be remodeled by them, etc.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 431-2

Diary of Welles: Wednesday, February 14, 1866

Have examined the bill for the Freedmen's Bureau, which is a terrific engine and reads more like a decree emanating from despotic power than a legislative enactment by republican representatives. I do not see how the President can sign it. Certainly I shall not advise it. Yet something is necessary for the wretched people who have been emancipated, and who have neither intelligence nor means to provide for themselves. In time and briefly, if let alone, society will adapt itself to circumstances and make circumstances conform to existing necessities, but in the mean time there will be suffering, misery, wretchedness, nor will it be entirely confined to the blacks.

I am apprehensive that the efforts of our Northern philanthropists to govern the Southern States will be productive of evil, that they will generate hatred rather than love between the races. This Freedmen's Bureau scheme is a governmental enormity. There is a despotic tendency in the legislation of this Congress, an evident disposition to promote these notions of freedom by despotic and tyrannical means.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 432-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, February 15, 1866

The State Convention yesterday appears to have got along better in Connecticut than I apprehended, yet there is obviously Radical animosity lurking and fermenting there which will be likely to show itself soon. Among the leaders, most of whom have been impregnated with Radical views, there is no love for the President nor any intention to support his policy. In Hartford they detest Dixon and Cleveland, who support the Administration, and they like Hawley, who is much given to the negro, but is really well-intentioned and as fair-minded as one can be who has been a zealous Abolitionist, and is hopeful of political honors.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 433

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 16, 1866

After Cabinet-meeting I had an interview and pretty free interchange of opinion with the President on the Freedmen's Bureau Bill and other subjects. I expressed myself without reserve, as did the President, who acquiesced fully in my views. This being the case, I conclude he will place upon it his veto. Indeed, he intimated as much. Desired, he said, to have my ideas because they might add to his own, etc.

There is an apparent rupturing among the Radicals, or a portion of them. They wish to make terms. Will admit the representation from Tennessee if the President will yield. But the President cannot yield and sacrifice his honest convictions by way of compromise.

Truman Smith came to see me yesterday. Says the House wants to get on good terms with the President, and ought to; that the President is right, but it will be well to let Congress decide when and how the States shall be represented. Says Deming is a fool, politically speaking, and that our Representatives, all of them, are weak and stupid. I have an impression that Truman called at the suggestion of Seward, and that this matter of conceding to Congress emanates from the Secretary of State, and from good but mistaken motives.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 433-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, February 17, 1866

Governor Morgan called this morning on matters of business. Had some talk on current matters. He says Tennessee Representatives will be admitted before the close of next week; that he so told Wilson and Sumner yesterday, whereat Sumner seemed greatly disturbed. From some givings-out by Morgan, intimations from Truman Smith, and what the President himself has heard, I think there is a scheme to try and induce him to surrender his principles in order to secure seats to the Tennessee delegation. But they will not influence him to do wrong in order to secure right.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 434

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 19, 1866

Attended special Cabinet-meeting this morning, at ten, and remained in session until about 1 P.M. The President submitted a message which he had prepared, returning the Freedmen's Bureau Bill to the Senate with his veto. The message and positions were fully discussed. Seward, McCulloch, and Dennison agreed with the President, as did I, and each so expressed himself. Stanton, Harlan, and Speed, while they did not absolutely dissent, evidently regretted that the President had not signed the bill. Stanton was disappointed. Speed was disturbed. Harlan was apprehensive. The President was emphatic and unequivocal in his remarks, earnest to eloquence in some portion of a speech of about twenty minutes, in which he reviewed the intrigues of certain Radical leaders in Congress, without calling them by name, their council of fifteen which in secret prescribed legislative action and assumed to dictate the policy of the Administration. The effect of this veto will probably be an open rupture between the President and a portion of the Republican Members of Congress. How many will go with him, and how many with the Radical leaders, will soon be known. Until a vote is taken, the master spirits will have time to intrigue with the Members and get them committed. They will be active as well as cunning.

Senator Trumbull, who is the father of this bill, has not been classed among the Radicals and did not intend to be drawn in with them when he drew up this law. But he is freaky and opinionated, though able and generally sensible. I shall be sorry to have him enter into associations that will identify him with extremists, and yet it will not surprise me should such be the case. He will be the champion of his bill and, stimulated and courted by those with whom he does not sympathize, will strive to impair the effect of the impregnable arguments and reasoning of the message.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 434-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 20, 1866

The Cabinet was pleasant and harmonious on the matters before it to-day, though outside rumors make them divided. Much excitement exists in   and out of it on the subject of the veto. The dark, revolutionary, reckless intrigues of Stevens manifest themselves. In the House, the bigoted partisans are ready to follow him in his vindictive and passionate schemes for Radical supremacy. Radicalism having been prevalent during the War, they think it still popular.

On the vote which was taken to-day in the Senate, the veto was sustained and the bill defeated, there not being the requisite two thirds in its favor. Morgan, Dixon, Doolittle, and four or five others with the Democrats, eighteen in all against thirty. Violent and factious speeches were made in the Senate, and also in the House. Stevens, as I expected he would, presented his schemes to oppress the South and exclude the States from their constitutional right of representation. Such men would plunge the country into a more wicked rebellion, one more destructive of our system of government, a more dangerous condition than that from which we have emerged, could they prevail. As an exhibition of the enlightened legislation of the House, Stevens, the Radical leader, Chairman of the Reconstruction Committee,—the committee which shapes and directs the action of Congress, and assumes executive as well as legislative control,—announced that his committee, or directory it may be called, was about to report in favor of admitting the Tennessee Members, but the President having put his veto on the Freedmen's Bill, they would not now consent, and he introduced his resolution declaring, virtually, that the Union is divided, that the States which were in rebellion should not have their constitutional right of representation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 435-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, February 21, 1866

Took the President the executive order for the trial of Semmes. Found that he hesitated. Told him I had no feeling whatever in regard to it. That I was not willing nor did I believe we could legally try him for treason or piracy by a military commission, for those crimes were cognizable by the civil courts, but a violation of the laws of war required, perhaps, a commission and could be reached in no other way. He assented to these views, but thought it would be better to get an opinion from the Attorney-General. Moreover, he thought delay rather advisable at this time. I told him I thought it a good opportunity to show that he was ready to bring criminals to trial when the duty devolved on him.

Senators Doolittle and Cowan were with the President when I called on him this morning. Doolittle had the rough plan of a bill to modify and terminate the Freedmen's Bureau Bill. I prefer non-action. So does Cowan, and I think the President also. Doolittle thinks something will be advisable to satisfy the public, whose sympathies have been excited by cunning appeals. This is Seward.

Whiting, Solicitor, or late Solicitor, of the War Department, came to see me. It was amusing to see how self-satisfied he was in weaving a pleasant web on the subject of negro suffrage and the questions at issue. He is writing and publishing a series of numbers in the Republican, which, he says, were penned at my suggestion some months since, doubtless in part at least for my benefit. In the midst of our talk Montgomery Blair came in, and Whiting left with great speed. Blair is gratified with the stirring-up of the waters of controversy, and anticipates, I doubt not, that Stanton, who still occupies an ambiguous attitude, may be brought to a plain development of his true position. He insists that Stanton is playing false to the President. No doubt of it in my mind, yet he and Seward are in accord, but Seward is not treacherous.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 436-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, February 22, 1866

Washington's Birthday. Advantage is taken of it by those who sustain the late veto to assemble and give expression to their feelings, for there is quite as much of feeling, partisan feeling, as of honest opinion in what is done and said on this subject. The leading Radicals, on the other hand, are precipitating themselves into monstrous error and showing their incapacity to govern or even organize a permanent party. Only want of sagacity on the part of their opponents, the Democrats, prevents them from slipping into the shoes which the Radicals are abandoning. It is complained that the President treats the Rebels and the Copperheads kindly. It is not strange that he does so, for kindness begets kindness. They treat him respectfully, while the Radical leaders are arrogant, presuming, and dictatorial. They assume that the legislative branch of the Government is absolute, that the other departments, and especially the executive, are subordinate. Stevens and his secret joint committee or directory have taken into their hands the government and the administration of affairs. It is an incipient conspiracy. Congress, in both branches, or the majority of Congress, are but puppets in the hands of the Directory and do little but sanction and obey the orders of that committee.

To-day both branches of Congress have adjourned and there are funeral solemnities at the Capitol in memoriam of the late Henry Winter Davis, a private citizen, who died in Baltimore two or three months since, but who had been a conspicuous actor among the Radicals. He possessed genius, a graceful elocution, and erratic ability of a certain kind, but was an uneasy spirit, an unsafe and undesirable man, without useful talents for his country or mankind. Having figured as a leader with Thad Stevens, Wade, and others, in their intrigues, extraordinary honors are now paid him. A programme, copied almost literally from that of the 12th in memory of Mr. Lincoln, is sent out. Orders to commemorate this distinguished "Plug Ugly" and "Dead Rabbit" are issued. President and Cabinet, judges, foreign ministers, and other officials have seats assigned them in the Hall of the Representatives for the occasion. The whole is a burlesque, which partakes of the ridiculous more than the solemn, intended to belittle the memory of Lincoln and his policy as much as to exalt Davis, who opposed it. I would not go, could not go without a feeling of degradation. I yesterday suggested to the President my view of the whole proceedings, that they were in derogation of the late President and the Administration. The Radicals wished Davis to be considered the equal or superior of Lincoln.

There was a large gathering of the citizens to-day at the theatre to approve the veto, and they subsequently went to the Executive Mansion, where the President addressed them in quite a long speech for the occasion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 437-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 23, 1866

The papers of this morning contain the reported speech of President Johnson yesterday. It is longer than the President should have delivered,—if he were right in addressing such a crowd. His remarks were earnest, honest, and strong. One or two interruptions which called out names I wish were omitted.

The Chronicle, Forney's paper, is scandalously abusive and personally indecent, false, and vindictive. An attempt is made, by innuendo, to give the impression that the President was excited by liquor. Count Gurowski, the grumbler, is around repeating the dirty scandal. Says the President had drunk too much bad whiskey to make a good speech. Eames tells me that Gurowski, who now lives with him, says that Stanton declared to him that he was opposed to the veto. Well, he did suggest that there might, he thought, be an improvement by one or two alterations, but as a whole he was understood to acquiesce and assent to the message. I doubted if he was sincere, for there was an ambiguity in what he said, yet, having said something, he could to his Radical friends aver he was opposed.

I told the President I was sorry he had permitted himself to be drawn into answering impertinent questions to a promiscuous crowd and that he should have given names of those whose course he disapproved. Not that his remarks were not true, but the President should not be catechized into declarations. Yet it is the manner and custom in the Southwest, and especially in Tennessee, to do this on the stump. Stanton patronizes Forney's Chronicle and proscribes the Intelligencer. Conversing with the President, I told him I thought this improper. He said he would bring the subject before us at the next meeting.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 439

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, February 24, 1866

The extremists are angry and violent because the President follows his own convictions, and their operations through the press are prolific in manufacturing scandal against him. No harm will come of it, if he is prudent and firm. The leaders had flattered themselves that they had more than two thirds of each house, and could, therefore, carry all their measures over any veto. The President says there has been a design to attempt impeachment if he did not yield to them. I am inclined to believe this has been talked of among the leaders, but they would not press a majority of their own number into the movement.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 439-40

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 26, 1866

Senator Doolittle called to have a conversation with me on existing topics and consult as to the propriety of his attending a public meeting and speaking at Baltimore. Governor Dennison came in with Governor Cox of Ohio while we were conversing, and spent the evening with us. The great questions before the country were canvassed freely, and Governor Cox displayed intelligence and decision that pleased me. He has quick perception and a right appreciation of what is taking place, and a pretty correct estimate of the actors.

In the Senate, Sherman has been speaking against the declaratory resolution, which passed the House under the lash of Stevens from the Directory Committee, asserting that eleven States are out of the Union and must not be represented until Congress shall permit them. This resolution is fulminated in spite, because the President put his veto on the Freedmen's Bill. Such legislation is characteristic of Stevens and his colaborers.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 440

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to William Henry Smith, May 23, 1867

CINCINNATI, May 23, 1867.

DEAR SIR: Yours of 21st came to hand this morning. My chief personal objection to being a candidate for governor was removed when the Legislature squarely stood up to the suffrage issue. My supporters in the Second District are not as willing as I would wish to let me off. I am therefore waiting. Will General Schenck be a candidate? I do not wish to run against him.

Keep this letter to yourself and write me what you know of General Schenck's intentions.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

WILLIAM HENRY SMITH,
        Secretary Of State.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 42-3

William Henry Smith to Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes, between May 23 & 5, 1867

For several weeks prior to the adjournment of the General Assembly, the question of a candidate for governor was generally discussed, and it was the opinion of all of the best men that you were the only one who could carry us safely and triumphantly through the campaign. It was unanimously conceded that if you would consent to be a candidate you would be nominated without opposition, and so anxious were our Western Reserve friends to bring this about, they announced in nearly all their papers that you would receive their support. A few of your friends, and among them myself, deprecated this movement because we could not think of sparing you from Congress, and so through this influence, the thing was checked. However, these men have waited on us to produce the candidate, and they are becoming quite uneasy, especially as Washington schemers are involving the gubernatorial question with that of a candidate for President. Only in this way, on account of the uncertainty about yourself, has General Schenck's name been mentioned. Therefore I feel justified in stating that, if it is known that you will consent to be a candidate, General Schenck will not be.

I shall go down to Cincinnati Monday night or Tuesday morning. This question must be settled by the middle of next week, or we shall be inevitably lost.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 43

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to William Henry Smith, May 25, 1867

Confidential.

CINCINNATI, May 25, 1867.

DEAR SIR:—I intended to be out of town the first three days of next week, but will remain to meet you and talk over the aforesaid.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

WILLIAM HENRY SMITH,
        Columbus, Ohio.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 44

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, June 2, 1867

FREMONT, June 2, 1867.

MY DARLING:—I reached the depot here about six P. M. yesterday, the boys with Rock met me and had me up to the house in a "jiffy," as Mother used to say. Both the boys laughing and talking as tanned as Indians and jolly as porpoises. Birch chops and hauls dirt for the road and Webb rows boat and fishes on the river. School of course but secondary. Their talk was of chickens.

The flower garden has more plants in it, and will some day amount to something. Your verbenas (is that right?) will go into a star-shaped bed tomorrow. The rains have brought up the grass everywhere. It is a beautiful place. Birch calls me "Dad" with great complacency and lays his hand on my shoulder familiarly. Have had a pleasant day with the boys. Very happy little (or big) fellows they are, and very happy it is to be with them. Good night. Love to all.

Sincerely your

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 44

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, June 12, 1867

CINCINNATI, June 12, 1867.

DEAR UNCLE:—The papers in the different counties, ties, and the delegate elections are regarded here as settling my nomination. Cox is not getting much support and will, I presume, adhere to his withdrawal.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 44

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, June 20, 1867

CINCINNATTI, June 20, 1867.

DEAR UNCLE:—I shall probably go to Columbus about the middle of next week and get around to Fremont from there Friday or Saturday, and will leave with Buckland for Washington Sunday night or Monday morning. I want to suggest the propriety of taking Birch and Webb with me to Washington. I shall stay but a short time. The expense will be a hundred dollars or so, but as this is probably my last of public life, I would particularly like to take the boys. Do not speak of it to them unless you approve.

I do not regret the new step [candidacy for governor]. It gets me out of worries that I shall be glad to be rid of. All agreeable here. Love to the boys.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 45

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, July 2, 1867

WASHINGTON, July 2, 1867.

MY DARLING:—We got here at five this afternoon; had a good trip. The boys looked and behaved well. At first both a little subdued, but before we got here Webb recovered and was on good terms with the Members of Congress on board; in fact, I am afraid that in another day he would have pulled Senator Chandler's nose and punched Senator Howard in the stomach! Birch took to the guidebook and is up on geography, distances, places, etc., etc.

Affectionately,

R. B. HAYES.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 45

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, July 11, 1867

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 11, 1867.

DARLING:—The boys very happy and very good. Webb and Birch both crowd up to Mr. Stevens when he speaks. They had a chance to hear Bingham's best piece of declamation the other day. Birch, however, likes Stevens the most. Webb is very modest in the House. Birch is bolder. Birch learns everything. Webb is delighted with books he gets from the library.

I have some notion of returning by New York. The only objection is, it will add another week to absence from you. And you know how affectionately

I am ever your

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 45-6

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, July 14, 1867

WASHINGTON, D. C., July 14, 1867.

MY DARLING:—Nothing but good things to say about the boys. I asked Birch whether he wouldn't prefer going to New York and Niagara to going direct to Cincinnati. "No," says he, "you see I haven't seen Mama for a long time, not since April, and I want to see where she is living." It looks as if we could start home the last of this or the first of next week. Much love to you, dearest.

Affectionately ever,

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 46

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, July 25, 1867

WALNUT HILLS, July 25, 1867.

DEAR UNCLE:—We got home safely yesterday. Find Lucy and all well. I think I will return the two boys about the middle of next week, or last, not certain yet. If I come up, as I think I will, I can stay only a couple of days. Politics will be my business the rest of the time until election. I feel well about it, and expect to enjoy it.

Sincerely,

R. B. HAYES.

S. BIRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 46

General Robert E. Lee to James A. Seddon, December 10, 1864—11 o’clock

PETERSBURG, December 10, 1864—11 o'clock.

Hampton, after driving enemy's cavalry upon his infantry, on afternoon of 8th recrossed the Nottoway and reached Belfield at daylight yesterday. In the afternoon enemy attacked the position, but were successfully resisted. This morning enemy is reported retiring and Hampton following. The bridge over the Meherrin was saved. Our loss, as far as known, small. The garrison, under Garnett, and the reserves behaved well.

R. E. LEE.

Hon. J. A. SEDDON,
        Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 1 (Serial No. 87), p. 855

General Robert E. Lee to James A. Seddon, December 10, 1864

PETERSBURG, December 10, 1864.

About noon yesterday the First Division of Second Corps of enemy, supporting their cavalry, forced back our cavalry pickets on the Vaughan road south of the Appomattox and advanced toward Dinwiddie Court-House. To-day our cavalry, re-enforced by infantry, drove them back across Hatcher's Run, capturing a few prisoners, and re-established our lines. General Longstreet made a reconnaissance of enemy's lines to-day on north side of James River as far as New Market Heights, driving in their pickets, and found them fortified along the whole distance.

R. E. LEE.

Hon. J. A. SEDDON,
        Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 1 (Serial No. 87), p. 855

General Braxton Bragg to Colonel John B. Sale, December 12, 1864

AUGUSTA, December 12, 1864.

Col. JOHN B. SALE:

The telegraph having been cut we get nothing from Savannah. A dispatch from Wheeler gives copy of enemy's order for the line of investment around Savannah. It is about eight miles from the city, and was to have been reached on 9th.

BRAXTON BRAGG.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 951

General Braxton Bragg to Colonel John B. Sale, December 13, 1864

AUGUSTA, December 13, 1864.

Col. JOHN B. SALE:

I go to Charleston to-morrow to see General Beauregard, at his request. He has assigned me to duty.

BRAXTON BRAGG.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 954

General Braxton Bragg to Colonel John B. Sale, December 15, 1864

CHARLESTON, December 15, 1864.

Col. JOHN B. SALE,
        Military Secretary, Richmond:

My services not being longer needed in this department I shall leave this evening for Wilmington and resume my command. Sherman has opened communication with his new base by the Ogeechee. The means to meet him do not exceed one-half the estimate in yours of the 7th instant. Notify Mrs. B. of my return, and wish for her and Major Cuthbert to join me in Wilmington, the latter temporarily.

BRAXTON BRAGG.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 958

Lieutenant-General William J. Hardee to Jefferson Davis, December 15, 1864

SAVANNAH, December 15, 1864.        

(Via Hardeeville 16th.)

His Excellency President DAVIS:

Sherman has secured a water base, and Foster, who is already nearly on my communications, can be safely and expeditiously re-enforced. Unless assured that force sufficient to keep open my communications can be sent me, I shall be compelled to evacuate Savannah.

W. J. HARDEE,        

Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 960

General Braxton Bragg to Colonel John B. Sale, December 20, 1864—10 a.m.

WILMINGTON, December 20, 1864—10 a.m.

Col. JOHN B. SALE,
        Richmond, Va.:

The head of the enemy's fleet arrived off this point last night. Over thirty steamers are now assembling and more are following.

B. BRAGG.

(Copies sent to the President, Secretary of War, and Adjutant-General.)

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 3 (Serial No. 89), p. 1283

General Braxton Bragg to Colonel John B. Sale, December 23, 1864

WILMINGTON, December 23, 1864.

Col. JOHN B. SALE,

        Richmond, Va.:

The fleet which drew off in the rough weather is again assembled; seventy vessels now in sight on the coast. The advance of the troops only reached here to-night.

BRAXTON BRAGG.

(Copies sent to the President, Secretary of War, and the Adjutant-General.)

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 3 (Serial No. 89), p. 1296

Alexander H. Stevens to James A. Seddon, December 23, 1864

RICHMOND, VA, December 23d, 1864.

Hon. Jas. A. Seddon, Secretary of War:

Will you please send me, through the post-office, a passport to leave the city? I wish to depart in a few days.

Yours respectfully,

ALEX. H. STEPHENS.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 364

General Robert E. Lee to James A. Seddon, December 23, 1864

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF NORTHERN VIRGINIA,        

December 23, 1864.

On the 20th General Early reported one division of enemy's cavalry, under General Custer, coming up the Valley, and two divisions, under General Totbert, moving through Chester Gap, with four pieces artillery and thirty wagons. On the 22d Rosser attacked Custer's division, nine miles from Harrisonburg, and drove [him] back, capturing forty prisoners. This morning Torbert attacked Lomax near Gordonsville, and was repulsed and severely punished. He is retiring and Lomax preparing to follow.

R. E. LEE.

Hon. J. A. SEDDON.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 1 (Serial No. 90), p. 679-80

General Pierre G. T. Beauregard to Samuel Cooper, December 22, 1864

CHARLESTON, December 22, 1864.        

(Received 23d.)

On the 16th instant enemy, 800 strong, occupied Pollard. After burning Government and railroad buildings, retreated in the direction they came. They were pursued thirty miles, losing a portion of their transportation, baggage, and supplies, leaving many dead negro troops on the road. Our forces, commanded by General Liddell, acted with spirit and gallantry.

G. T. BEAUREGARD,        

General.

General COOPER.

(Same to President, Secretary of War, and General Bragg.)

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 44 (Serial No. 92), p. 449; Richmond Daily Dispatch, Richmond, Virginia, Saturday Morning, December 24, 1864, p. 3

Our Indian Troops, published December 24, 1864

General Stand Watie, commanding our Indian troops in the trans-Mississippi Department, has fully clothed and armed all his men, and is in the vicinity of Fort Smith, attacking and destroying Yankee wagon trains.

SOURCES: Richmond Daily Dispatch, Richmond, Virginia, Saturday Morning, December 24, 1864, p. 3; John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 365-6